DOCSLIB.ORG

Country Report Iraq at a Glance: 2003-04

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Country Report Iraq at a Glance: 2003-04 Country Report December 2002 Iraq Iraq at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW A military invasion by US and UK forces, leading to the demise of the regime of President Saddam Hussein, is highly likely to begin before the end of 2003, and probably before May. The US’s desire to maintain international support for such an operation, and the time required to be able to move sufficient military assets in theatre, are likely to ensure that the inspection process continues through to next year. However, Iraq’s ability to conceal some weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capability, and given the exacting standards of co-operation required by the latest UN resolution, make it likely that the process will be interrupted. This will probably occur within the first few months of 2003, when the UN, or failing this the US and the UK, will conclude that Iraq is in material breach of its commitments and that military action is needed. Until the regime is replaced and complete WMD disarmament secured, sanctions will continue to constrain the economy. The UN’s retroactive oil pricing policy and war fears are likely to ensure that oil production, and therefore real GDP, will be down in 2003 compared with 2002. However, by the second half of 2004 the likely end of sanctions and strengthening oil production should lift real GDP growth to around 15%. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Iraq is likely to make a declaration of its WMD capabilities under UN Security Council Resolution 1441, but is unlikely to fully co-operate with the first UN weapons inspections for four years. Economic policy outlook • Iraq continues to try to maximise its legal oil exports under the UN’s oil-for- food scheme and will continue to oppose the UN’s retrospective pricing scheme, which deters some oil lifters. Iraq’s illicit oil trade continues, despite fluctuations in sales in the Gulf owing to successful maritime interdiction. Economic forecast • The Economist Intelligence Unit has amended its forecast for real GDP growth in 2003, and now expects it to contract by 1.5%, as war fears on the part of lifters and the war itself are likely to reduce production from 2002 levels. By 2004 an end to sanctions and the beginning of renewed invest- ment should see growth recover to around 15%. December 2002 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The Economist Intelligence Unit delivers its information in four ways: through its digital portfolio, where the latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising seminars and presentations. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 60/F, Central Plaza London 111 West 57th Street 18 Harbour Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1007 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2585 3888 Fax: (44.20) 7830 1023 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.eiu.com Electronic delivery This publication can be viewed by subscribing online at www.store.eiu.com Reports are also available in various other electronic formats, such as CD-ROM, Lotus Notes, online databases and as direct feeds to corporate intranets. For further information, please contact your nearest Economist Intelligence Unit office Copyright © 2002 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All information in this report is verified to the best of the author's and the publisher's ability. However, the Economist Intelligence Unit does not accept responsibility for any loss arising from reliance on it. ISSN 0269-5502 Symbols for tables “n/a” means not available; “–” means not applicable Printed and distributed by Patersons Dartford, Questor Trade Park, 151 Avery Way, Dartford, Kent DA1 1JS, UK. Iraq 1 Contents 3 Summary 4 Political structure 5 Economic structure 5 Annual indicators 5 Quarterly indicators 6 Outlook for 2003-04 6 Political outlook 7 Economic policy outlook 8 Economic forecast 11 The political scene 26 Economic policy 28 The domestic economy 28 Economic trends 31 Oil and gas 33 Foreign trade and payments List of tables 8 International assumptions summary 11 Forecast summary 32 Oil production Country Report December 2002 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2002 Iraq 3 Summary December 2002 Outlook for 2003-04 There is a strong chance that the regime of President Saddam Hussein will be overthrown in a US-led military campaign by end-2003. Once the regime of Mr Hussein has been removed it is likely that UN sanctions will be lifted quite quickly, and Iraq can look forward to substantial aid and investment once a new regime is installed. However, the military campaign may not happen until the second half of next year, and it will take a number of months for foreign investment to invigorate the economy. Therefore, the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast for real GDP in 2003 is a contraction of 1.5%, following the estimated fall of 3% this year. In both instances this reflects falls in expected oil production. However, we expect a substantial recovery in 2004 as reconstruction, foreign investment and aid flows start to revive the economy. The political scene The passing of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1441 has begun both the process of UN weapons inspections in Iraq and, if their work is frustrated, the countdown to war. Iraq is expected to make some declaration of residual weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities to forestall any imminent prospect of invasion by US-led forces. However, the thoroughness of the in- spection process demanded by the UN resolution, and the expected impatience of the US with any prevarication on the part of the Iraqi authorities, is likely to lead to war. Iraq will continue to hope that the discomfort of the US’s Arab allies will complicate the military and political preparations by the US and the UK. However, Iraq has few regional cards left to play, especially now that Syria, the only Arab member of the UN Security Council, has effectively delivered the Arab governments’ acquiescence in war if inspections fail by voting for UNSCR 1441. While wanting to retain some residual WMD capability in the event of war, Iraq will also hope that the maintenance of loyalty among its elite military forces will undermine the US/UK war effort, and that the deception of its elite intelligence agencies will complicate the work of the inspectors without precipitating armed conflict. Economic policy Iraq’s legal oil earnings continue to fluctuate as the UN’s retroactive pricing policy deters some lifters. The Central Bank has introduced a ID10,000 note. The illegal surcharge previously extracted by the regime from oil lifters has ended. The domestic economy Despite the recovery in official oil earnings, the oil-for-food escrow account has a US$3bn shortfall to fund key purchases. Significant boosts to oil production are unlikely until at least the second half of 2004 owing to the shortage of spare parts. Foreign trade and payments Saudi Arabia continues to prevaricate over prospects of strengthening trade with Iraq via a planned trading post, while Iran’s poor trading relations with Iraq have not prevented a showpiece agreement being forged. Editors: Neil Partrick (editor); Hania Farhan (consulting editor) Editorial closing date: November 21st 2002 All queries: Tel: (44.20) 7830 1007 E-mail: [email protected] Next report: Full schedule on www.eiu.com/schedule Country Report December 2002 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2002 4 Iraq Political structure Official name Republic of Iraq Form of state Arab socialist republic based on provisional constitution of 1968 Legislature National Assembly of 250 members, elected from 56 constituencies; last election March 27th 2000 Head of state President, currently Saddam Hussein, elected by the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), the highest national authority. The vice-president is Taha Yasin Ramadan Executive Cabinet chosen by the president, who regularly replaces individual ministers. Last reshuffle: April 18th 2001 Main political parties Arab Baath Socialist Party; Democratic Party of Kurdistan; Kurdistan Revolutionary Party. Opposition parties (illegal): Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), comprising six Shia parties; seven Kurdish parties, including the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK); Iraqi Communist Party; Democratic Gathering; Iraqi Socialist Party; independent nationals Prime minister Saddam Hussein Deputy prime ministers Tari q Aziz Mohammed Hamza al-Zubaidi Hikmat al-Azzawi Ministers Agriculture Abdullah Mohammed Saleh Culture Hamed Yousif Hammadi
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Saddam Hussein, Saddam Hussein Was the President of Iraq
    Animal Farm Research Chapter.3 By: Zion and Caeleb The world leader we picked was Saddam Hussein, Saddam Hussein was the president of Iraq. He was born on April 28, 1937, in Al-Awja Iraq. Hussein was raised by his mother, her second husband Ibrahim al­Hassan and her brother Khairallah Talfah.Hussein's first wife, Sajida, was his first cousin, the daughter of his maternal uncle Khairallah Talfah. Many of Hussein's family members were part of his regime. Brother­in­law Brig. General Adnan Khairallah was Minister of Defense. Sons­in­law General Hussein Kamel, husband to Raghad Hussein, led Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons program and his brother, Colonel Saddam Kamel, husband to Rana Hussein, was in charge of the presidential security forces. Eldest son Uday was head of the Iraqi Olympic Committee and younger son Qusay was head of the Internal Security Forces. And half­brother Busho Ibrahim was the Deputy Minister of Justice. 1956 ­ Takes part in an unsuccessful coup to overthrow King Faisal II and Prime Minister Nuri as­Said.1957 ­ Hussein formally joins the Baath Socialist Party.July 14, 1958 ­ King Faisal is killed in a coup led by Abdul Karim Kassem.October 1959 ­ Hussein and others attack the motorcade of Abdul Karim Kassem. The assassination attempt fails and most of the attackers are killed. Hussein escapes and flees to Syria. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser hears of Hussein's exploits and arranges for him to travel to Cairo.February 8, 1963 ­ Kassem is overthrown and executed, and the Baath Party takes over.
    [Show full text]
  • The Failures of Intelligence Reform
    Coastal Carolina University CCU Digital Commons Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Honors Theses Studies Fall 12-15-2012 The aiF lures of Intelligence Reform Amber Ciemniewski Coastal Carolina University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Ciemniewski, Amber, "The aiF lures of Intelligence Reform" (2012). Honors Theses. 52. https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses/52 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Studies at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 were a devastating shock to the United States. They alerted Americans to the new threat of non-state actors. National Security had been severely damaged, and the new threat provoked the U.S. to enter into a problematic war in the Middle East region. Immediately after the attacks, the “blame game” began. Though there are seventeen organizations in the United States intelligence community, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) suffered the worst criticism for their roles in failing to prevent the attacks. The Bush administration established the 9/11 Commission in order to investigate what went wrong and to determine how to fix it. Based on the recommendations provided by the Commission, various organizations were changed and/or created in the intelligence community. Out of many changes, two were the most significant.
    [Show full text]
  • Report of Investigation United Nations Administration, Part II
    THE MANAGEMENT OF THE UNITED NATIONS OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAMME Volume IV - Report of Investigation United Nations Administration, Part II The Cost of Administering the Programme Assessment of Programme Oversight Management of Programme Funds Performance of the UN-Related Agencies Programme Financial Statistics Major Recommendations with Proposals for Implementation Glossary Paul A. Volcker, Chairman Richard J. Goldstone, Member Mark Pieth, Member September 7, 2005 www.iic-offp.org INDEPENDENT INQUIRY COMMITTEE INTO THE UNITED NATIONS OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAMME MANAGEMENT OF THE OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAMME VOLUME IV - TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 – THE COST OF ADMINISTERING THE PROGRAMME ...............1 I. INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.................................................................... 1 II. METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................. 4 III. BUDGETING FOR PROGRAMME ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS.................. 5 A. PROGRAMME BUDGETING PROCESS...................................................................... 5 B. THE ROLE OF ACABQ.......................................................................................... 6 IV. PROGRAMME ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS..................................................... 9 A. ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS RELATING TO RESOLUTION 986 .................................... 9 B. ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS RELATING TO RESOLUTIONS 1472 AND 1476 ............. 17 C. ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS RELATING TO RESOLUTION 1483 ................................ 20 D. SUMMARY OF
    [Show full text]
  • A Matter.Pdf
    A MATTER OF PRINCIPLE A Matter of Principle Humanitarian Arguments for War in Iraq EDITED BY Thomas Cushman UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2005 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A matter of principle : humanitarian arguments for war in Iraq / edited by Thomas Cushman. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-520-24486-9 (cloth : alk. paper)— isbn 0-520-24555-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Iraq War, 2003—Moral and ethical aspects. I. Cushman, Thomas, 1959– ds79.76.m38 2005 956.7044'31—dc22 2004027416 Manufactured in the United States of America 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 10987654321 Printed on Ecobook 50 containing a minimum 50% post-consumer waste, processed chlorine free. The balance contains virgin pulp, including 25% Forest Stewardship Council Certified for no old growth tree cutting, processed either tcf or ecf. The sheet is acid-free and meets the minimum requirements of ansi/niso z39.48-1992 (R 1997) (Permanence of Paper).' This book is dedicated to all of those who have lost their lives in Iraq in the struggle against tyranny and for the human rights of the Iraqi people. Contents Acknowledgments / xi Introduction: The Liberal-Humanitarian Case for War in Iraq thomas cushman / 1 PART ONE RECONSIDERING REGIME CHANGE 1 The Case for Regime Change christopher hitchens / 29 2 Liberal Legacies, Europe’s Totalitarian
    [Show full text]
  • IMG/Pdf/The Pentagon International Media Development .Pdf
    City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Hadhum, Haider S. (2012). The media in transition: The rise of an "independent" press in Post-Invasion Iraq and the American role in shaping the Iraqi press 2003 - 2005. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City University London) This is the unspecified version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/1730/ Link to published version: Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] City University - London Department of Journalism School of Arts The Media in Transition: The Rise of An ‘Independent’ Press in Post-Invasion Iraq and the American role in Shaping the Iraqi Press 2003 – 2005. Research Conducted by Haider S. Kadhum October 2012 Submitted in partial fulfilment of requirements for degree of Doctor of Journalism i Contents
    [Show full text]
  • S/2003/419 Security Council
    United Nations S/2003/419 Security Council Distr.: General 11 April 2003 Original: English Eleventh report of the Secretary-General pursuant to paragraph 14 of resolution 1284 (1999) I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to paragraph 14 of Security Council resolution 1284 (1999), in which the Council requested me to report every four months on the compliance by Iraq with its obligations regarding the repatriation or return of all Kuwaiti and third-country nationals or their remains. The present report provides a brief account of the relevant developments since my last report (S/2002/1349). II. Background 2. On 11 December 2002, the First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kuwait, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, sent a message to the Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Abdel Rahmen Al-Atiah, in which it was noted that there had been no cooperation by Iraq on the subject of the repatriation or return of all Kuwaiti and third-country nationals or their remains. 3. On 15 December, the Kuwaiti Council of Ministers, under the chairmanship of the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, Sheikh Saad Al-Abdullah Al-Salem Al-Sabah, urged the international community to ensure full Iraqi implementation of relevant Security Council resolutions, including the release of the Kuwaiti prisoners of war. He also stressed that an apology by Iraq must include a disclosure of the fate of the missing Kuwaiti nationals. 4. On 18 December, the High-level Coordinator briefed the Security Council on my tenth report pursuant to paragraph 14 of resolution 1284 (1999) (S/2002/1349).
    [Show full text]
  • IRAQ – WHERE THINGS STAND EMBARGOED for RELEASE AFTER 6:30 P.M., Monday, March 15, 2004
    ABC NEWS POLL: IRAQ – WHERE THINGS STAND EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE AFTER 6:30 P.M., Monday, March 15, 2004 While Ambivalent About the War, Most Iraqis Report a Better Life A year after the bombs began to fall, Iraqis express ambivalence about the U.S.-led invasion of their country, but not about its effect: Most say their lives are going well and have improved since before the war, and expectations for the future are very high. Worries exist – locally about joblessness, nationally about security – boosting desire for a “single strong leader,” at least in the short-term. Yet the first media-sponsored national public opinion poll in Iraq also finds a strikingly optimistic people, expressing growing interest in politics, broad rejection of political violence, rising trust in the Iraqi police and army and preference for an inclusive and ultimately a democratic government. More Iraqis say the United States was right than say it was wrong to lead the invasion, but by just 48 to 39 percent, with 13 percent expressing no opinion – hardly the unreserved welcome some U.S. policymakers had anticipated. 60% Iraqis' Views of the U.S.-Led Invasion ABC News poll 50% 48% 42% 41% 40% 39% 30% 20% 10% 0% Was right Was wrong Liberated Iraq Humiliated Iraq As many Iraqis say the war “humiliated” Iraq as say it “liberated” the country; more oppose than support the presence of coalition forces there now (although most also say they should stay for the time being); and relatively few express confidence in those forces, in the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority, or in the Iraqi Governing Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronic Misperception and International Conºict Chronic Misperception Charles A
    Chronic Misperception and International Conºict Chronic Misperception Charles A. Duelfer and and International Stephen Benedict Conºict Dyson The U.S.-Iraq Experience Why did the United States and Iraq ªnd themselves in full-scale conºict with each other in 1990–91 and 2003, and in almost constant low-level hostilities during the years in- between? We suggest that the situation was neither inevitable nor one that ei- ther side, in full possession of all the relevant information about the other, would have purposely engineered: in short, a classic instance of chronic mis- perception. Combining the psychological literature on perception and its pathologies with the almost unique ªrsthand access of one of the authors— Charles Duelfer—to the decisionmakers on both sides, we isolate the percep- tions that the United States and Iraq held of each other, as well as the biases, mistakes, and intelligence failures of which these images were, at different points in time, both cause and effect. First, we consider the basic concept of misperception, and explain why core features of international politics combined with the limited cognitive resources of decisionmakers inevitably produce some degree of error. This informs the central task of the article: isolating and explaining the images and beliefs that the United States and Iraq held about themselves and about each other. On the Iraqi side, we ªnd evidence that President Saddam Hussein underes- timated U.S. hostility prior to the wars of 1990–91 and 2003. He failed to appre- ciate the increased U.S. freedom of action after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the earlier war, and the decreased U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Non-Intervention Policy Meets International Military Intervention In
    China’s Non-intervention Policy Meets International Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: Focusing on Cases of Illegal Intervention China’s Non-intervention Policy Meets International Military Intervention in the Post-Cold War Era: Focusing on Cases of Illegal Intervention Mu REN ※ Abstract China has long taken the principle of non-intervention as its diplomatic dogma and major rhetorical instrument. However, its non-intervention policy is flexible in facing certain international interventions. This article attempts to explain why the behavior of China’s foreign policy varies in its degree of consistency with the principle of non-intervention by examining China’s attitude and behavior toward different cases of illegal intervention. China’s response to a specific intervention is prudent decision making intertwined with strategic considerations at the international level and with national interests at the domestic level. A theoretical framework based on the IR theory of neo-classical realism is developed to explore the causal mechanism underlying China’s non-intervention policy. Three cases, namely, NATO’s bombing of the FRY regarding Kosovo, the Iraq War, and the Russian intervention in Ukraine over Crimea, are examined to test the arguments. Introduction The principle of non-intervention in the domestic or territorial jurisdiction of other states has been taken as an international norm enshrined in international statements and declarations. However, interventionist activities are hardly uncommon in world politics as intervention is an endemic feature of contemporary international arrangements (Bull, 1986, p.181). Experts have concluded that intervention is the “modern social practice” in the history of international relations (IR).1 Military intervention is the most extreme and most coercive form ※ Doctoral Program in International Relations, Graduate School of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University.
    [Show full text]
  • Qatar Stresses Need to Maintain Iraq's Independence
    05 MAR 2003 OIC-Qatar QATAR STRESSES NEED TO MAINTAIN IRAQ'S INDEPENDENCE By: Ahmad Zukiman Zain DOHA, March 5 (Bernama) -- The Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) formally opened an extraordinary meeting here today to discuss the threat of war on Iraq with its chairman Qatar reaffirming the need to maintain Iraq's independence. Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani also stressed the need to maintain Iraq's unity, territorial integrity and non-interference in its internal affairs. Making the remarks when opening the one-day meeting, he welcomed Iraq's acceptance of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1441 and its cooperation in implementing the resolution aimed at disarming Baghdad of any weapons of mass destruction. "We hope such cooperation continues as it is an important step towards the solution of this problem peacefully," said Sheikh Hamad, whose country is a key United States ally in the Persian Gulf. Qatari's neighbour United Arab Emirates (UAE) has proposed that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein step down and go into exile to avoid a US-led attack on his country. The proposal was made at an Arab Leaque summit in the Egyptian Red Sea Resort of Sharm el-Sheikh and reiterated at the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Foreign Ministers meeting here on Monday. Sheikh Hamad said that the choice in respect of Iraq was not between siding with a peaceful political solution or confronting the repercussions of the developments of events. "It is based on what we can do so that Iraq can get out of this crisis in such a way that spare it and spare us a costly price and irremediable grave damage," he said.
    [Show full text]
  • THE NEAREST and DEAREST ENEMY: IRAN AFTER the IRAQ WAR by Abbas William Samii*1
    THE NEAREST AND DEAREST ENEMY: IRAN AFTER THE IRAQ WAR By Abbas William Samii*1 Tehran's stand towards events in Iraq developed chronologically and against a backdrop of continuing hostility to the United States. From 2001 until the beginning of Operation Iraq Freedom in March 2003, Iran called for resolution of the issue through international organizations, while simultaneously interacting with Washington, Baghdad, and the Iraqi opposition. The next stage was marked by allegations of Iranian support for Iraqi insurgents. These allegations continued in the third stage, from July 2003 to the present, as did a warming of Tehran-Baghdad relations. With the end of the war in Iraq, Iran found itself surrounded on all sides by what it perceives as its greatest enemy -- the United States. It was also faced with the possibility of Kurdish autonomy and being surpassed by Iraq as the center of Shi'a Islam. This article was originally written for a project and conference on "After the Iraq War: Strategic and Political Changes in Europe and the Middle East," co-sponsored by the GLORIA Center and The Military Centre for Strategic Studies (CeMiSS) of Italy. One would expect Tehran to welcome the Nevertheless, the conclusion of Operation ouster of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. He Iraqi Freedom has placed Iran in an was a man responsible for an eight-year war uncomfortable political and strategic position (1980-1988) against Iran that cost hundreds in which it is surrounded on all sides by what of thousands of lives, who forced thousands it perceives as a greater enemy than Saddam of Iraqis to become refugees in Iran, used Hussein-- the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Council Distr.: General 26 January 2003 English
    United Nations S/2003/94 Security Council Distr.: General 26 January 2003 English Original: Arabic Identical letters dated 24 January 2003 from the Permanent Representative of Iraq to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and to the President of the Security Council On instructions from my Government, I have the honour to transmit to you herewith a letter dated 24 January 2003 from Mr. Naji Sabri, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Iraq, concerning cooperation with the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) (see annex). I should be grateful if you would have this letter circulated as a document of the Security Council. (Signed) Mohammed A. Aldouri Ambassador Permanent Representative 03-22421 (E) 280103 280103 *0322421* S/2003/94 Annex to the identical letters dated 24 January 2003 from the Permanent Representative of Iraq to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and to the President of the Security Council On the occasion of the submission by Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei of their report to the Security Council under paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution 1441 (2002), we should like to put before you the following facts. I. The question of so-called “outstanding issues” 1. Iraq has performed in full all its obligations under section C of resolution 687 (1991) and has agreed to the monitoring regime established pursuant to resolution 715 (1991), and this regime has been operating actively since 1994. From 1992 up to the present, the United Nations Special Commission and IAEA have not discovered any proscribed weapon or activity anywhere in Iraq.
    [Show full text]