Update Indonesia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Update Indonesia THE EMBASSY OF REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia www.kemlu.go.id/bangkok ISSUE : January – March 2011 Update Indonesia 2 16 December 2010 – H.E. Dr. R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa, Minister of Foreign Affairs, attended an official dinner hosted by His Excellency Kasit Piromya, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand, on the occasion of the 3rd Asia-Middle East Dialogue (AMED III). The dinner was held at The Royal Thai Navy Convention Hall in Bangkok last night. THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia 3 KEDUTAAN BESAR REPUBLC INDONESIA THE EMBASSY OF REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK BANGKOK Update Indonesia Honorary Advisor H.E.Mr.Mohammad Hatta Deputy Honorary Advisor M.Primanto Hendrasmoro Coordinator Bob Felix Tobing The Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia Secretary 600‐602 Petchburi Road Suargana Pringganu Phyathai, Rajchatewee, Bangkok 10400 Thailand Editorial Staff Phone: (+662) 252 3135‐40 Suargana Pringganu Fax: (+662) 255 1267 www.kemlu.go.id/bangkok Namon Patisang E‐mail : [email protected] Andri Basapaskana Design Namon Patisang THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia 4 CONTENTS ISSUE : January – March 2011 5 FOCUS : ASEAN 2011 8 Multibiliteral : AMEN III Page 5 ASEAN 2011 12 ECONOMIC : Economic in 2011 14 EDUCATION : International education 16 TOURISM : Wonderful Indonesia 18 CULTURE : IMLEK Page 8 : AMED III Thailand 2010 20 TAKE A TOUR : Lake Toba 22 SECRET RECIPE : Obama’s favorite 25 BAHASA INDONESIA Page 12 : Economic Forecast Page 16 : Tourism 2011 THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia 5 FOCUS A new direction for ASEAN under Indonesian 'leadership' The Nation -Today the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) is recognised as one of the most successful regional groupings in the world after the European Union (EU). Asean members have never engaged in interstate wars against each other since the Association's inception. For many people this is palpable evidence that Asean has become a winning peacekeeping organisation. Asean may be seen as an important stage for global powers, but it is not yet a powerful actor that can influence global policies. The Asean Regional Forum (ARF), Asean Plus Three (APT) and the East Asian Summit (EAS) forums are most likely to be used as platforms for the major powers to discuss issues of mutual concern. But this month we are hearing a new tone from Asean, led by this year's chair, Indonesia, which aims to alter this equation. But is Indonesia powerful enough to bring institutional change to this equation? Indonesia is the biggest country and economy in Southeast Asia. At the international level, Indonesia is the regional representative at the G-20. It is the largest Muslim country in the world, and a US partner against terrorism. A study by John Hawksworth at PricewaterhouseCoopers, an accounting and financial advisory firm, suggests that Indonesia will become one of most significant emerging seven economies, or the E-7, composed of Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia and Turkey. The E-7 is expected to take over the economic power of the G-7 by 2020. THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia 6 Indonesia has set forth a master plan and new direction for Asean, announced by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa. The aim is to change Asean from a passive to proactive regional grouping on two levels: by integrating the Asean economic community by 2015; and strengthening Asean's position on global politics. Indonesia has emphasised a two-level relationship: regional and global. This is not new to Asean. But this time is different. Indonesia represents Asean's new desire to develop a more reciprocal relationship with major powers and to gain more leverage and influence on global issues. Asean now wants to be more than just a follower. Recently Indonesia tried to transform the Declaration of Conduct agreed at the ARF into a Code of Conduct in order to solve the territorial conflicts in the South China Sea - or in other words, attempt to manage Chinese power in Southeast Asia. Indonesia has also indicated its interest in engaging in the reconciliation talks on the Korean Peninsula. Recently Asean called off international trade and investment sanctions against Burma. Although the anti- sanctions movement has recently gained more attention from the US government and some international NGOs, Asean has taken the further step of officially opposing the current EU and US trade sanctions against Burma. This action apparently reflects the new confidence of Asean in challenging the western powers. Asean knows that without global participation, the Burmese economy will never liberalise and develop. The prolonged western sanctions policy has become a thorny issue in the creation of the Asean economic community. Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya adds that this new direction will help Asean to accomplish economic integration by 2015. Asean pragmatically cannot demand change in its members' domestic affairs, or create political influence over national governments. Members adhere to the well-known principle of non-interference. On the Burmese issue, Asean has decided to reject the global rhetoric against Burma. In other words, Asean attempts to manage its own environment, which means turning to global politics instead of managing Burma only. Of course, this new direction is in the common interest of every Asean member that wants to liberate the market of 50 million people in Burma. But without a strong rising power like Indonesia, this new direction would be in doubt. The further question to be asked is how Asean will cope with the divergent interests of rising powers like Indonesia and smaller nations in Asean that aren't ready to take a risk in becoming involved in high security- related issues like the Korean Peninsula and South China Sea. So far some members have not supported the Indonesian idea of creating a Code of Conduct to deal with Chinese aggression in the South China Sea. Also, although Asean members are not disinterested in the Korean Peninsula, as Indonesian Foreign Minister Natalegawa says, the question is whether the smaller states have a real interest in engaging in the six-party talks. The benefits of being involved in high security-related issues may not be so clear for small states that have limited military, economic and political leverage. In addition, Indonesia plans to increase military spending from around 1 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) to 1.5 per cent of GDP by 2014. The expansion of Indonesian leadership together with the rise in military budgets may be very sensitive to the balance of power in Asean and could ignite fears of a self-proclaimed regional leader. In fact Asean has never endorsed the creation of a de facto regional "leader" like Germany in the EU and the US in Nato. To lead Asean, which has long enhanced the value of diversity not convergence, is thus not an easy job. Indonesia needs to demonstrate its power to develop Asean internally, represent Asean as a powerful organisation at the international level, and at the same time assure other Asean members that Indonesia's increasing power in the region and beyond is cooperative and reciprocal, not competitive and unilateral. THE EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA BANGKOK Update Indonesia 7 Indonesia’s Vision as the 2011 ASEAN’s Chair As of January 1, 2011 until the end of the year, Indonesia took on the mantle of ASEAN’s Chair. President Yudhoyono of Indonesia officially announced Indonesia’s Chairmanship at the Closing Ceremony of the 17th ASEAN Summit in Hanoi, Vietnam (30/10/2010). On that occasion, the Indonesian President also delivered the vision and mission to be carried out during Indonesia’s tenure as the next ASEAN’s Chair. In 2011, Indonesia is determined to bring once again concrete and useful contributions through ‘ASEAN Beyond 2015’ initiatives. While maintaining the continuity of the process to establish the ASEAN Community 2015, Indonesia will also push its vision forward to go beyond ASEAN Community. The ASEAN Community will be the foci in the development of regional architecture. It will take on the form of a regional order with the emphasis on ‘dynamic equilibrium’ as reflected in the latest East Asia Summit (EAS) with the strategic inclusion of the United States and the Russian Federation into the fold. Throughout 2011, Indonesia will continue its effort to create a People-Oriented and People-Centered ASEAN. All the results and benefits obtained by ASEAN must be perceived as real by the ASEAN community at large. The above statement was quoted from the press release issued last night (4/1/2011) by the Directorate of Politics and ASEAN Security. During its tenure, Indonesia will host the 18th ASEAN Summit, the 19th ASEAN Summit and EAS and a series of meetings, including the ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC) Council, ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Council, ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) Council, ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ (AMM) Meeting, ASEAN Economic Ministers’ Meeting, ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting and ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Transnational Crimes. The theme of Indonesia’s Chair is ‘ASEAN Community in a Global Community of Nations’. This particular theme is selected to support the success of ASEAN Community 2015. The establishment of ASEAN Community in 2015 will create a bigger responsibility for ASEAN. The Association will be required to boost its collective contribution in managing various global issues and challenges. This will act as positive contribution to the global community of nations. The basic shape of the logo during Indonesia’s term as ASEAN Chair is a gunungan wayang (a triangular shape) which represents the three pillars of ASEAN Community with the hope that it will encourage a mutually beneficial cooperation.
Recommended publications
  • The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute
    International Journal of East Asian Studies, 23(1) (2019), 58-83. Dynamic Roles and Perceptions: The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute Ornthicha Duangratana1 1 Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand This article is part of the author’s doctoral dissertation, entitled “The Roles and Perceptions of the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Governmental Politics in the Temple Dispute.” Corresponding Author: Ornthicha Duangratana, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330, Thailand E-mail: [email protected] Received: 11 Feb 19 Revised: 16 Apr 19 Accepted: 15 May 19 58 Abstract Thailand and Cambodia have long experienced swings between discordant and agreeable relations. Importantly, contemporary tensions between Thailand and Cambodia largely revolve around the disputed area surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple, or Phra Vi- harn Temple (in Thai). The dispute over the area flared after the independence of Cambodia. This situation resulted in the International Court of Justice adjudicating the dispute in 1962. Then, as proactive cooperation with regards to the Thai-Cambodian border were underway in the 2000s, the dispute erupted again and became salient between the years 2008 to 2013. This paper explores the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MFA) perceptions towards the overlapping border claim since the Cold War and concentrates on the changes in perceptions in the period from 2008 to 2013 when the Preah Vihear temple dispute rekindled. Moreover, to study their implications on the Thai-Cambodian relations, those perceptions are analyzed in connection to the roles of the MFA in the concurrent Thai foreign-policy apparatus. Under the aforementioned approach, the paper makes the case that the internation- al environment as well as the precedent organizational standpoint significantly compels the MFA’s perceptions.
    [Show full text]
  • Tuesday, 2 March 2010
    Human Rights Council Sixteenth session Geneva, 28 February -25 March 2011 Order of the Day* Plenary Meetings – Room XX** Monday, 28 February 2011 MORNING 10.00 – 14.00 Opening of the session 1st meeting H.E. Mr. Joseph Deiss, President, Sixty-fifth session of the General Assembly H.E. Ms. Micheline Calmy-Rey, President of the Swiss Confederation Item 1 Organizational and procedural matters A/HRC/16/1, A/HRC/16/1/Add.1 High-Level Segment*** 10.30 H.E. Mr. Angelino Garzón, Vice-President, Colombia 10.40 H.E. Mr. Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation 10.50 H.E. Mr. Kevin Rudd, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Australia 11.00 H.E. Mr. Ahmed Naseem, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Maldives 11.10 H.E. Mr. Ramón Jáuregui, Minister of the Presidency, Spain 11.20 H.E. Ms. Patricia Espinosa Cantellano, Secretary (Minister) for Foreign Affairs, Mexico * The information contained in this document was compiled and is correct as of 6 p.m. of the previous day. In the event that the consideration of a specific item or sub-item does not take up the whole meeting, the Council will move to the consideration of the next item or sub-item scheduled for the following meeting, with the exception of the High Level Segment and Panels. The Secretariat will communicate any changes or updates by SMS, HRC Extranet and Twitter (http://www.twitter.com/un_hrc). Any comments should be notified to the Secretariat, Room E-3060. ** Conference room XXI with live webcast from room XX will be made available as a spill-over room due to the expected high number of participants.
    [Show full text]
  • Southeast Asia from the Corner of 18Th & K Streets
    Southeast Asia Program Southeast Asia from the Corner of 18th & K Streets Volume I | Issue No. 25 | August 10, 2010 Should the United States Combine the Missions of U.S. Ambassador to ASEAN and Special Envoy for Burma? Inside This Issue ernest bower the week that was Ernest Z. Bower is the senior adviser and director of the Southeast • United States and Vietnam Asia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies engage in nuclear talks in Washington, D.C. • MCC approves $434 million to Philippines August 10, 2010 • Kurt Campbell’s Australia-NZ- U.S. Trilateral meeting The White House has not yet released a name for its choice as U.S. the week ahead ambassador to ASEAN. Before it does, it might consider combining that mission with the position of U.S. Special Envoy for Burma. • Philippine secretaries of finance and trade advance President Aquino visit • Indonesia’s 65th Independence Day The administration has stepped up its focus on Southeast Asia with both Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Defense Robert • Australia will elect members of the Gates having visited the region last month with related missions to set 43rd Parliament of Australia the table for the United States’ entrance into the East Asian Summit (EAS) and for investing in strengthening bilateral ties with friendly countries around the region. To effectively drive an enduring and effective Asian regional security and trade architecture, the United States has determined, correctly, that it must have a strong partnership with ASEAN. Further, it recognizes that if ASEAN is to be at the core of such structures, it needs to develop stronger institutions and capabilities.
    [Show full text]
  • Progress on New Ait Charter
    Board of Trustees Meeting 20 January 2011 Paper 2.2 (tabled) PROGRESS ON NEW AIT CHARTER Adoption and Signing Ceremony of the new AIT Charter On Wednesday, 25 August 2010, H.E. Mr. Kasit Piromya, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand, presided over the Adoption and Signing Ceremony of the new Charter of the Asian Institute of Technology (AIT) at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ceremony was held to adopt the new AIT Charter which was open for signature from states and international organizations. As witnessed by over 50 representatives from interested states and international organizations and those from the diplomatic corps in Thailand, the Minister of Foreign Affairs declared the adoption of the new AIT Charter, and signed the Charter on behalf of the Royal Thai Government as authorized by the Thai Cabinet’s decision on 4 May 2010. The Foreign Minister mentioned in his remarks during the ceremony that the AIT was established over 50 years ago in Thailand as a leading Graduate School in the fields of engineering, science, technology, and management, including research and training in support of economic and social development in the region. The Institute is a non-profit, independent, and non-political organization. Due to the continuous support and contributions from its members, the AIT is well recognized today as a centre of excellence in research and knowledge in Southeast Asia. By virtue of the provisions of the new Charter, the AIT will gain the status of an international organization. With this new status, the Institute will be able to operate more effectively and to better serve the needs of its partners, as well as of its students.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Crisis in Thailand and Its Effects on Foreign Relations
    IDSA Issue Brief IDSIDSAA ISSUEISSUE BRIEFBRIEF1 Political crisis in Thailand and its effects on foreign relations Sasiwan Chingchit Sasiwan Chingchit is Visiting Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi. January 22, 2014 Summary While the main purpose of the protest movement is to end Thaksin Shinawatra’s influence and expose corruption, the sense of animosity and mistrust towards other countries among the Yellow Shirts and Democrat Party supporters is the by product that is severely affecting Thailand’s external relations with the US, other key partners, and its overall position in Southeast Asia. Disclaimer: Views expressed in IDSA’s publications and on its website are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDSA or the Government of India. Political crisis in Thailand and its effects on foreign relations 2 There is still no end in sight for Thailand’s political crisis that has lasted for more than seven years since the government of Thaksin Shinawatra was toppled by a military coup in September 2006. Without the intervention by the Thai military, the judiciary or other decision-making forces, Suthep Tuagsuban’s “Shut down Bangkok, Restart Thailand” campaign, which started on January 13, will merely prolong the present political deadlock. Indeed,e it may last even after the February election as the Democrat Party and its anti- government supporters boycott the national poll. But the side-effects of the years-long attempt to root out Thaksin’s influence from Thai politics goes beyond domestic political instability and polarization. On the international front, Thailand’s relations with foreign countries are being jeopardized by political scams aiming to discredit Thaksin and his party-led government.
    [Show full text]
  • Thai Security Outlook in the Great Game of Mainland Southeast Asia
    CHAPTER 7 Thai Security Outlook in the Great Game of Mainland Southeast Asia Thitinan Pongsudhirak Introduction The intensification of ongoing geopolitical and regional trends, underpinned by a growing rivalry between China and the United States on the one hand and exacerbating maritime tension between China and several ASEAN states on the other, continues to shape the contours and directions of Thailand’s security outlook. Immediate neighbours along the borders are still foremost among Thai security concerns. In addition, the virulent conflict between the Thai state and the Malay- Muslim ethno-nationalist insurgency in the country’s deep south persists as one of the deadliest internal conflicts in the world. Equally intractable but more consequential, is Thailand’s other internal conflict—its national crisis and confrontation revolving around the contested aftermath of a long and successful royal reign. Border concerns and internal conflicts notwithstanding, Bangkok’s security outlook has increasingly adjusted to the geopolitical tussle in the South China Sea, the growing divergence of interests and positions between maritime and mainland ASEAN states, and the superpower manoeuvres between China’s rise and the United States’ “pivot” to Asia. This essay takes stock of the emerging geopolitical realities and imperatives in Thai security, foreign policy outlook, and direction in the context of overarching dynamics in mainland Southeast Asia. The relative and uneasy calm and stability under the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra present a timely occasion to reassess Thai security concerns. Unsurprisingly, the Yingluck government has maintained Thailand’s traditional focus on concentric circles of foreign relations, first and foremost on immediate neighbours next door and the broader Southeast Asian orbit, to the major powers and the wider regional context.
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations Economic and Social Council
    UNITED NATIONS LIMITED ECONOMIC E/ESCAP/65/L.3 AND 28 April 2009 SOCIAL COUNCIL ORIGINAL: ENGLISH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Sixty-fifth session 23-29 April 2009 Bangkok SIXTY-FIFTH SESSION OF THE COMMISSION (Agenda item 1) Draft report A. Attendance and organization of work* 1. The sixty-fifth session of the Commission was held at the United Nations Conference Centre, Bangkok, from 23 to 29 April 2009. The session comprised two segments. The senior officials segment was held from 23 to 25 April 2009 and the ministerial segment from 27 to 29 April 2009. 2. The session was attended by representatives of the following members and associate members: Afghanistan Nauru Armenia Nepal Australia New Zealand Bangladesh Pakistan Bhutan Palau Brunei Darussalam Papua New Guinea Cambodia Philippines China Republic of Korea Democratic People's Republic of Korea Russian Federation Fiji Samoa France Singapore Georgia Solomon Islands India Sri Lanka Indonesia Thailand Iran (Islamic Republic of) Timor-Leste Japan Tonga Kazakhstan Turkey Kiribati Tuvalu Lao People’s Democratic Republic United States of America * Note: List of countries/organizations attending the session in the present report is tentative and is subject to final updating on 29 April 2009. E65_L3E. doc E/ESCAP/65/L.3 Page 2 Malaysia Uzbekistan Maldives Vanuatu Marshall Islands Viet Nam Mongolia Hong Kong, China Myanmar Macao, China 3. By virtue of rule 3 of the Commission's rules of procedure, representatives of Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Mexico, Romania and Switzerland attended. Representatives of the Holy See also attended. 4. The session was attended by representatives of the following offices of the United Nations Secretariat: Office of the High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States, Regional Commissions New York Office, Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, Economic Commission for Africa and Economic Commission for Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Asean and the Thai-Cambodian Border Conflict
    WAGING PEACE: ASEAN AND THE THAI-CAMBODIAN BORDER CONFLICT Asia Report N°215 – 6 December 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE ORIGINS OF A SMALL WAR .............................................................................. 2 A. OWNERSHIP AND RESENTMENT OVER PREAH VIHEAR .................................................................. 2 B. WORLD HERITAGE LISTING FOR PREAH VIHEAR .......................................................................... 3 III. VIOLENCE AND TENSIONS ON THE BORDER ...................................................... 5 A. FROM DIPLOMATIC TO ARMED CONFLICT .................................................................................... 5 B. FRUSTRATING NEGOTIATIONS; STALLED PROGRESS .................................................................... 7 IV. THE ROLE OF THAI POLITICAL VOLATILITY .................................................... 9 A. THE WORLD HERITAGE LISTING, LEGAL BATTLES AND DOMESTIC POLITICS .............................. 9 B. POLITICAL TURMOIL AND TURNOVER ........................................................................................ 11 C. CAMBODIA INTERVENES: THAKSIN AS ADVISER ........................................................................ 12 V. ASEAN’S PASSIVITY IN A “BILATERAL” DISPUTE ..........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand and Cambodia
    Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics Image-Formation at a Nation’s Edge: Thai Perceptions of its Border Dispute with Cambodia - Implications for South Asia by Paul W. Chambers and Siegfried O. Wolf Working Paper No. 52 February 2010 South Asia Institute Department of Political Science Heidelberg University HEIDELBERG PAPERS IN SOUTH ASIAN AND COMPARATIVE POLITICS ISSN: 1617-5069 About HPSACP This occasional paper series is run by the Department of Political Science of the South Asia Institute at the University of Heidelberg. The main objective of the series is to publicise ongoing research on South Asian politics in the form of research papers, made accessible to the international community, policy makers and the general public. HPSACP is published only on the Internet. The papers are available in the electronic pdf-format and are designed to be downloaded at no cost to the user. The series draws on the research projects being conducted at the South Asia Institute in Heidelberg, senior seminars by visiting scholars and the world-wide network of South Asia scholarship. The opinions expressed in the series are those of the authors, and do not represent the views of the University of Heidelberg or the Editorial Staff. Potential authors should consult the style sheet and list of already published papers at the end of this article before making a submission. Editor Subrata K. Mitra Deputy Editors Clemens Spiess Malte Pehl Jivanta Schöttli Siegfried O. Wolf Anja Kluge Managing Editor Florian Britsch Editorial Assistant Sergio Mukherjee Editorial Advisory Board Mohammed Badrul Alam Barnita Bagchi Dan Banik Harihar Bhattacharyya Mike Enskat Alexander Fischer Karsten Frey Partha S.
    [Show full text]
  • 8Th ACD Ministerial Retreat, Colombo Delegation List
    8th ACD Ministerial Retreat, Colombo Delegation List Country Name Designation & Organization 01 Bahrain Ambassador Karim Ibrahim Al- Under-Secretary Shakar Department of International Cooperation (Head of MM and SOM) Ministry of Foreign Affairs Bahrain 02 Bangladesh H. E. Dr. [Ms] Dipu Moni Minister of Foreign Affairs ( Head of MM) Bangladesh Mr. Mohamed Mijarul Quayes Foreign Secretary (Head of SOM) Bangladesh 03 Bhutan H. E. Mr. Tshering Dorji Ambassador of Bhutan to Thailand (Head of MM) Royal Bhutanese Embassy Bangkok Ms. Tshering Lhadn First Secretary (Head of SOM) Royal Bhutanese Embassy Bangkok 04 Brunei H. E. Pehin Dato Suyoi Osman Minister of Health (Head of MM) Brunei Darussalam Mr. Sheikh Fadilah Ahmad Director (Head of SOM) Political I Department Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade Brunei Darussalam 05 Cambodia H. E. Mr. Ouch Borith Secretary of State (Head of MM) Ministry of Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation Royal Government of Cambodia [Secretary of State is equal to the rank of Deputy Minister] Mr. Bun Sokhen Assistant Director/ACD (Head of SOM) Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cambodia 06 China, PR H. E. Mr. Hu Zhengyue Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, PR (Head of MM) China Ms. Ma Jia Director (Head of SOM) Asian Department [SOM] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PR China 07 India H. E. Mrs. Preneet Kaur Minister of State for External Affairs (Head of MM) Mr. Ajay Bisaria Joint Secretary [MER] (Head of SOM) Ministry of External Affairs New Delhi 08 Indonesia H. E. Mr. Triyono Wibowo Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs Head of (MM) Republic of Indonesia [Leader] Mr. T.
    [Show full text]
  • ASEAN Chairman's Statement on the ASEAN Post Ministerial Conferences
    ASEAN Chairman’s Statement on the ASEAN Post Ministerial Conferences (PMCs) + 1 Sessions (Ha Noi, 22 July 2010) 1. ASEAN-Australia 1.1. The ASEAN PMC+1 with Australia was co-chaired by Mr. Peter Ho, Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Singapore and Ms. Gillian Bird, Australia’s Ambassador to ASEAN and Deputy Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Australia. 1.2. The Meeting was pleased with the speedy implementation of the Plan of Action to Implement the ASEAN-Australia Comprehensive Partnership. The Meeting highly appreciated Australia’s assistance and contributions within the framework of the Second Phase of the ASEAN-Australia Development Cooperation Programme for the period 2008-2015, to support the ASEAN Community building process, narrowing the development gap in the region, accelerating economic integration, and strengthening the ASEAN Secretariat’s institutional capacity. 1.3. The Meeting welcomed the entry into force of the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTA (AANZFTA), noting that the FTA represents an important milestone towards a more integrated regional economy. ASEAN highly appreciated Australia’s technical assistance given to ASEAN and in particular its assistance through the “AANZFTA Economic Support Programme (AECSP)” to assist ASEAN in fulfilling the obligations and commitments under the AANZFTA. 1.4. The Meeting agreed that future cooperation should focus on areas under the Plan of Action, including trade and investment promotion and facilitation, transport, promoting efficient and sustainable use of natural resources, best practices in sustainable water management, mitigating global and regional environmental problems such as climate change, disaster management, education, culture, human resource development, transnational crime, people smuggling and human trafficking, people-to-people contact, interaction and networking between the business communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear Threat Initiative
    Asia-Pacific former leaders encourage U.S. to adopt “No First Use” nuclear policy The Obama administration is reportedly considering how to re-energize the nuclear arms control agenda in the endgame of his presidency. One significant initiative that has been flagged is a No First Use policy whereby the U.S. would commit itself not to be the first to use nuclear weapons in any circumstances. We would welcome this significant change in the longstanding US nuclear strategy as President Obama’s vision of a nuclear-weapon-free world has made little visible progress. President Obama entered office with a strong commitment to the nuclear policy agenda. His first major foreign policy speech in Prague in 2009 articulated a powerful vision of a world free of the threat of nuclear weapons. His achievements as president include the New START treaty with Russia, four Nuclear Security Summits, the deal to ensure that Iran’s nuclear program is peaceful, and a historic visit to Hiroshima in May. The bold agenda has stalled. A No First Use policy would have both symbolic value and significant practical implications. Its potential benefits greatly exceed possible downsides. It would encourage a shift away from high risk doctrines and weapons deployments. A No First Use policy would avoid the need for forward deployment, launch-on-warning postures, and pre-delegation of authority to battlefield commanders, significantly dampening the prospects of accidental and unauthorized use. It would also speak to the world’s growing humanitarian concerns on nuclear weapons. If, following the U.S. example, No First Use were adopted by all nuclear armed states, the policy could become the centrepiece of a global nuclear restraint regime, strengthen strategic stability, mute crisis instability, solidify the boundary between nuclear and conventional weapons, and further entrench the norm against the use of nuclear weapons.
    [Show full text]