Trends in Southeast Asia
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Dear Thai Sisters: Propaganda, Fashion, and the Corporeal Title Nation Under Phibunsongkhram
Dear Thai Sisters: Propaganda, Fashion, and the Corporeal Title Nation under Phibunsongkhram Author(s) Thepboriruk, Kanjana Hubik Citation Southeast Asian Studies (2019), 8(2): 233-258 Issue Date 2019-08 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/244012 Right © Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Dear Thai Sisters: Propaganda, Fashion, and the Corporeal Nation under Phibunsongkhram Kanjana Hubik Thepboriruk* Embodying modernity and nationality was a self-improvement task for fin de siècle Siamese monarchs. In post-1932 Siam, kingly bodies no longer wielded the semantic and social potency necessary to inhabit the whole of a nation. Siam required a corporeal reassignment to signify a new era. This study examines previously neglected propaganda materials the Phibunsongkhram regime produced in 1941 to recruit women for nation building, specifically, the texts supplementing Cultural Mandate 10 addressed to the “Thai Sisters.” I argue that with the Thai Sisters texts, the regime relocated modernization and nation building from male royal bodies onto the bodies of women. Moreover, these texts specified gendered roles in nation building and inserted nationalism into the private lives of women by framing nation- building tasks as analogous to self-improvement and the biological and emotional experiences of a mother. Vestimentary nation building prescribed by Mandate 10 turned popular magazines into patriotic battlegrounds where all Thai Sisters were gatekeepers and enforcement came in the form of photo spreads, advertisements, and beauty pageants. By weaving nation building into fashion and the private lives of women, the Phibunsongkhram regime made the (self-)policing of women’s bodies— formerly restricted to elite women—not only essential but also fashionable and patriotic for all Thai Sisters. -
The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute
International Journal of East Asian Studies, 23(1) (2019), 58-83. Dynamic Roles and Perceptions: The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute Ornthicha Duangratana1 1 Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand This article is part of the author’s doctoral dissertation, entitled “The Roles and Perceptions of the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Governmental Politics in the Temple Dispute.” Corresponding Author: Ornthicha Duangratana, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330, Thailand E-mail: [email protected] Received: 11 Feb 19 Revised: 16 Apr 19 Accepted: 15 May 19 58 Abstract Thailand and Cambodia have long experienced swings between discordant and agreeable relations. Importantly, contemporary tensions between Thailand and Cambodia largely revolve around the disputed area surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple, or Phra Vi- harn Temple (in Thai). The dispute over the area flared after the independence of Cambodia. This situation resulted in the International Court of Justice adjudicating the dispute in 1962. Then, as proactive cooperation with regards to the Thai-Cambodian border were underway in the 2000s, the dispute erupted again and became salient between the years 2008 to 2013. This paper explores the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MFA) perceptions towards the overlapping border claim since the Cold War and concentrates on the changes in perceptions in the period from 2008 to 2013 when the Preah Vihear temple dispute rekindled. Moreover, to study their implications on the Thai-Cambodian relations, those perceptions are analyzed in connection to the roles of the MFA in the concurrent Thai foreign-policy apparatus. Under the aforementioned approach, the paper makes the case that the internation- al environment as well as the precedent organizational standpoint significantly compels the MFA’s perceptions. -
Thailand White Paper
THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Thailand Date of Election: July 3, 2011 Prepared by: King Prajadhipok’s Institute Date of Preparation: June 2011 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [x] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [x] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? - 2b. What was the party of the Prime Minister prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was parliamentary? Democrat Party 2c. -
East Asia Forum Quarterly: Volume 2, Number 2, 2010
EASTEc ONOmIcS, POlItIcS AND PuBASIAlIc POlIcy IN EASt ASIA ANDFORUM thE PAcIFIc Vol.2 No.2 April-June 2010 $9.50 Quarterly Questions for Southeast Asia Surin Pitsuwan ASEAN central to the region’s future Andrew MacIntyre Obama in Indonesia and Australia Dewi Fortuna Anwar Indonesia, the region and the world Thitinan Pongsudhirak Thailand’s unstoppable red shirts Tim Soutphommasane From stir-fries to ham sandwiches Ingrid Jordt Burma’s protests and their aftermath Greg Fealy Jemaah Islamiyah, Dulmatin and the Aceh cell and more . EASTASIAFORUM CONTENTS Quarterly 4 surin pitsuwan ISSN 1837-5081 (print) ASEAN central to the region’s future ISSN 1837-509X (online) From the Editor’s desk 6 andrew macintyre common causes: Obama in Indonesia and Southeast Asia defies simple categorisation. Among its countries Australia there are obvious contrasts: big and small, vibrant and stagnant, 8 don emmerson attractive and troubling, peaceful and unsettled, quaint and web- ASEAN and American engagement in East savvy, confronting and embracing. The contributors to this issue Asia of the EAFQ grapple with parts of the Southeast Asian mosaic, 10 dewi fortuna anwar punctuated, as ever, by domestic intrigues, national ambitions, and Indonesia, the region and the world international engagements. 11 greg fealy What ties the articles in this issue together, but never in a neat or terrorism today: Jemaah Islamiyah, seamless way, is the position of these countries, hemmed in by the Dulmatin and the Aceh cell much larger societies of china and India, and now forced to confront 13 thitinan pongsudhirak a world where ferocious technological and cultural change tests even The unstoppable red shirts the most effective governments. -
A Short Account of the Rise and Fall of the Thai Technocracy
A Short Account of the Rise and Fall of the Thai Technocracy Pasuk Phongpaichit* and Chris Baker** Thailand’s sustained growth from the 1960s to 1990s was often attributed to a strong technocracy relatively free of political influence. Members of the first cadre of technocrats, which emerged in the 1950s, were mostly educated in Europe. In the “American” era, more were educated in the United States and believed the role of government was to provide a safe and liberal environment for capital, mostly through a fixed exchange rate and balanced budget. After 1975 the technocrats had to manage a more complex environment because of internal political conflicts and external shocks. They became more powerful because their skills were in demand and because they had strong backing from international institutions. During the boom that began in the mid 1980s, their grip on policy diminished. After the finan- cial crisis of 1997, the technocrats were blamed for not adjusting to changes in the domestic and international economy. Keywords: Thailand, technocrat, development policy, financial crisis In the 1990s, it became conventional to attribute the extraordinary success of the Thai economy to careful and conservative management by technocrats. After World War II, Thailand had been one of the most backward economies in Asia, lacking even basic insti- tutions implanted elsewhere by colonial governments. For the next half century, the economy grew at a cumulative average rate of over 7% a year, without once coming even close to a year of the negative growth experienced by most other Southeast Asian coun- tries during the oil shocks. -
Bangkok: Two Cities Petra Desatova
Bangkok: Two Cities Petra Desatova Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, Volume 41, Number 2, August 2019, pp. 176-182 (Article) Published by ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/732131 Access provided at 9 Jan 2020 10:18 GMT from New Copenhagen University Library Bangkok: Two Cities PETRA DESATOVA Bangkok delivered one of the biggest surprises of Thailand’s March 2019 election, with the capital’s fickle voters amplifying larger national trends. Though popularly viewed as a stronghold for the storied Democrat Party, the history of Bangkok’s elections over the past 40 years has been distinctly mixed. Bangkok voters have shown an unparalleled willingness to embrace new parties—hence the landslide wins by Prachakorn Thai in 1979, Palang Dharma in 1992 and Thai Rak Thai in 2001. It was the Democrats that secured the majority of Bangkok seats in 2007 and 2011, on the strength of backing both from more affluent middle-class voters and low-income inner city communities in districts such as Bang Rak and Khlong Toei. In the 2011 elections, the Democrat Party won 23 out of the capital’s 33 constituency seats. Its main rival, Pheu Thai, secured the remaining ten seats. By contrast, in the March 2019 elections, the Democrat Party failed to secure even a single constituency seat in the capital. Out of 30 seats available, Pheu Thai won nine. The rest were split between two new parties: the pro-military Palang Pracharat Party (12) and the progressive Future Forward Party (9). -
THE POLITICS of INCOME DISTRIBUTION in THAILAND by Brewster Grace August 1977
SOUTHEAST ASIA SERIES Vol. XXV No. 7 (Thailand) THE POLITICS OF INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN THAILAND by Brewster Grace August 1977 Introduction Diverse economic, cultural, and political forces the country. We can then describe how it is dis- have coalesced and clashed in Thailand since Field tributed, how the need for redistribution further Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn and General Pra- broadened demands for more economic and polit- pass Charusathien established their absolute dic- ical participation and opportunity, and how, as tatorship in 1971. Their rule by decree virtually these demands resulted in increased instability, eliminated popular political participation at a time reaction to them also increased. when corruption and economic decline began to severely restrict economic participation and oppor- Basic Wealth tunity by low and middle income groups-the majority of the population of Thailand. Thailand's 1976 Gross Domestic Product (GDP), at current prices was an estimated US16 billion. Conflict first appeared in 1973 when students Agriculture, the largest single contributor and em- organized and rebelled against the rule by decree of ployer, accounted for nearly 27 percent or $4.3 Thanom and Prapass. It grew rapidly during the billion. following three years of civilian, representative government when activist efforts to reform basic Historically, rice made up the principal part of distribution patterns within the economy led to this production. And still today land on which it is increasing confrontation with politicized estab- grown, the product itself, its trade and its milling- lished economic interests. The latter included all provide production opportunities for most much of the military and newly mobilized rural Thais. -
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar October 2020 About Us This report was written based on the information and data collection, monitoring, analytical insights and experiences with hate speech by civil society organizations working to reduce and/or directly af- fected by hate speech. The research for the report was coordinated by Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) and Progressive Voice and written with the assistance of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School while it is co-authored by a total 19 organizations. Jointly published by: 1. Action Committee for Democracy Development 2. Athan (Freedom of Expression Activist Organization) 3. Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) 4. Generation Wave 5. International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School 6. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand 7. Karen Human Rights Group 8. Mandalay Community Center 9. Myanmar Cultural Research Society 10. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) 11. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica 12. Olive Organization 13. Pace on Peaceful Pluralism 14. Pon Yate 15. Progressive Voice 16. Reliable Organization 17. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization 18. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 19. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar (Peace Seekers and Multiculturalist Movement) Contact Information Progressive Voice [email protected] www.progressivevoicemyanmar.org Burma Monitor [email protected] International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School [email protected] https://hrp.law.harvard.edu Acknowledgments Firstly and most importantly, we would like to express our deepest appreciation to the activists, human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and commu- nity-based organizations that provided their valuable time, information, data, in- sights, and analysis for this report. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Intersection of Economic Development, Land, and Human Rights Law in Political Transitions: The Case of Burma THESIS submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Social Ecology by Lauren Gruber Thesis Committee: Professor Scott Bollens, Chair Associate Professor Victoria Basolo Professor David Smith 2014 © Lauren Gruber 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF MAPS iv LIST OF TABLES v ACNKOWLEDGEMENTS vi ABSTRACT OF THESIS vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: Historical Background 1 Late 20th Century and Early 21st Century Political Transition 3 Scope 12 CHAPTER 2: Research Question 13 CHAPTER 3: Methods 13 Primary Sources 14 March 2013 International Justice Clinic Trip to Burma 14 Civil Society 17 Lawyers 17 Academics and Politicians 18 Foreign Non-Governmental Organizations 19 Transitional Justice 21 Basic Needs 22 Themes 23 Other Primary Sources 23 Secondary Sources 24 Limitations 24 CHAPTER 4: Literature Review Political Transitions 27 Land and Property Law and Policy 31 Burmese Legal Framework 35 The 2008 Constitution 35 Domestic Law 36 International Law 38 Private Property Rights 40 Foreign Investment: Sino-Burmese Relations 43 CHAPTER 5: Case Studies: The Letpadaung Copper Mine and the Myitsone Dam -- Balancing Economic Development with Human ii Rights and Property and Land Laws 47 November 29, 2012: The Letpadaung Copper Mine State Violence 47 The Myitsone Dam 53 CHAPTER 6: Legal Analysis of Land Rights in Burma 57 Land Rights Provided by the Constitution 57 -
Thailand, July 2005
Description of document: US Department of State Self Study Guide for Thailand, July 2005 Requested date: 11-March-2007 Released date: 25-Mar-2010 Posted date: 19-April-2010 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL U. S. Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Note: This is one of a series of self-study guides for a country or area, prepared for the use of USAID staff assigned to temporary duty in those countries. The guides are designed to allow individuals to familiarize themselves with the country or area in which they will be posted. The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. -
The Democracy Monument: Ideology, Identity, and Power Manifested in Built Forms อนสาวรุ ยี ประชาธ์ ปไตยิ : อดมการณุ ์ เอกลกษณั ์ และอำนาจ สอผ่ื านงานสถาป่ ตยกรรมั
The Democracy Monument: Ideology, Identity, and Power Manifested in Built Forms อนสาวรุ ยี ประชาธ์ ปไตยิ : อดมการณุ ์ เอกลกษณั ์ และอำนาจ สอผ่ื านงานสถาป่ ตยกรรมั Assistant Professor Koompong Noobanjong, Ph.D. ผชู้ วยศาสตราจารย่ ์ ดร. คมพงศุ้ ์ หนบรรจงู Faculty of Industrial Education, King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology, Ladkrabang คณะครุศาสตร์อุตสาหกรรม สถาบันเทคโนโลยีพระจอมเกล้าเจ้าคุณทหารลาดกระบัง Abstract This research article examines the methods of power mediation in the design of the Democracy Monument in Bangkok, Thailand. It examines its underlying concept and mechanisms for conveying political power and social practice, along with the national and cultural identity that operates under an ideological framework. The study consists of two major parts. First, it investigates the monument as a political form of architecture: a symbolic device for the state to manifest, legitimize, and maintain power. The focus then shifts to an architectural form of politics: the ways in which ordinary citizens re-appropriated the Democracy Monument through semantic subversions to perform their social and political activities as well as to form their modern identities. Via the discourse theory, the analytical and critical discussions further reveal complexity, incongruity, and contradiction of meanings in the design of the monument in addition to paradoxical relationships with its setting, Rajadamnoen Avenue, which resulted from changes in the country’s socio-political situations. บทคดยั อ่ งานวิจัยชิ้นนี้ศึกษากระบวนการสื่อผ่านอำนาจอนุสาวรีย์ประชาธิปไตย