Thailand's Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia Under the Abhisit Vejjajiva Administration, 2008-2011

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Thailand's Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia Under the Abhisit Vejjajiva Administration, 2008-2011 Thailand’s Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia under the Abhisit Vejjajiva Government (2008-2011): Continuity or Change? Jutamanee Samakkeenit A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social Sciences Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of New South Wales August 2014 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: Samakkeenit First name: Jutamanee Other name/s: Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD School: School of Social Sciences Faculty: Arts and Social Sciences Title: Thailand’s Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia under the Abhisit Vejjajiva Government (2008-2011): Continuity or Change? Abstract This thesis is an analysis of Thailand’s foreign policy under Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva (2008-2011). It examines Thai foreign policy towards Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar in the context of political transition in Thailand. It seeks to answer the following research questions: Were there any aspects of the Abhisit administration’s foreign policy that differed significantly from that of his predecessors? What were the major factors, both domestic and external, that impacted on Abhisit’s foreign policy decision-making? In answering these two questions, this thesis uses neoclassical realism as a theoretical framework to analyse Abhisit’s foreign policy. This thesis comprises three case studies: the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple, Abhisit’s Malaysia policy in relation to the separatist insurgency in southern Thailand, and Abhisit’s policy towards democratisation in Myanmar. Through the analysis of the three case studies, this thesis concludes that throughout the Abhisit administration, despite rhetorical differences, continuity was the hallmark of Thailand’s relationships with neighbouring countries. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Abhisit’s foreign policy was largely influenced by domestic political considerations, rather than external factors. In other words, although external or international pressures were significant, they were not the primary determinants of Abhisit’s foreign policy. Specifically, a prolonged confrontation between the pro- and anti-Thaksin forces, the persistence of the Thai military’s influence on politics, the continued separatist violence in southern Thailand, and Thai economic interests in Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar were the major factors influencing Abhisit’s foreign policy decision-making. In terms of external factors, the competing nationalisms in the region, the political circumstances in Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar, and the inherent weakness of ASEAN cohesion were the primary factors influencing relations between Thailand and its neighbouring countries. Declaration relating to disposition of project thesis/dissertation I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstracts International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only). …………………………………………… ……………………………………..……………… ……….………………… Signature Witness Date The University recognises that there may be exceptional circumstances requiring restrictions on copying or conditions on use. Requests for restriction for a period of up to 2 years must be made in writing. Requests for a longer period of restriction may be considered in exceptional circumstances and require the approval of the Dean of Graduate Research. FOR OFFICE USE ONLY Date of completion of requirements for Award: ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’ Signed ……………………………………………............. Date …………………………………………….............. i COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ‘I hereby grant the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstract International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only). I have either used no substantial portions of copyright material in my thesis or I have obtained permission to use copyright material; where permission has not been granted I have applied/will apply for a partial restriction of the digital copy of my thesis or dissertation.’ Signed ……………………………………………........................... Date ……………………………………………........................... AUTHENTICITY STATEMENT ‘I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. No emendation of content has occurred and if there are any minor variations in formatting, they are the result of the conversion to digital format.’ Signed ……………………………………………........................... Date……………………………………………......................... ii Acknowledgements The completion of this thesis would have been impossible without assistance from the following people. First, I am most grateful to my supervisor, Andrew Tan, who has given me so much of his time and support in every way possible to ensure that the thesis is completed. For me, it is an honour and privilege to be supervised by him. Next, I would also like to thank my co-supervisor, Andrea Benvenuti, for his insightful comments and kind support along the way. Great thanks to Chris Walkers, Paul Jones, and Rogelia Pe- Pua for their suggestions during my annual review meetings. I am also grateful to staff members of the UNSW Learning Centre, notably Sue Starfield, Jamie Roberts, Bronwen Phillips, and Linda Burnett, for their academic support. Thank you also to my PhD friends, especially Finance Dechsakulthorn, Rabia Ali, Siriwimon Na Chiangmai, Somruedee Khongput, Suna Kyun, Rattana Yawiloeng, and Veronica Yang, for their friendship and counsel. In Thailand, I am thankful to Naresuan University for providing me a scholarship. Without its financial support, I would not be able to come to study in Australia. I should also thank Napisa Waitoolkiat and Pitch Pongsawat for giving me suggestions on my proposal. I also thank my friends at Christ’s Vision Church in Phitsanulok for their prayers. In Sydney, I am thankful to John and Lisa Rhodes as well as my friends at Hope Sydney Church. I am also grateful to Onanong Nopkhun and Pisupa Yuwanond for their generosity in allowing me to stay with them. My deepest gratitude goes to my parents for their love and encouragement. I am especially indebted to my mother for her love that gives me strength to continue doing my thesis. Thank you also to my sister and my brother-in-law, Joe and Todd, and my brother, Jack, for their unwavering support in all my endeavours. Also, I am so blessed to have my mother-in-law taking a very good care of my son. Thanks to my little boy, Joseph, for letting mommy to come to study in Sydney. I also thank my best friend in the world, my husband, Chumpol Sripraparkorn, for his love and understanding, which guided me through the difficult periods. Most importantly, I thank him for always believing in me. iii Last but not least, I thank God who led me to this point and will lead me in the future. Thank God for his unconditional love, blessings, hope, and spiritual guidance. All things are possible through him. iv Abstract This thesis is an analysis of Thailand’s foreign policy under Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva (2008-2011). It examines Thai foreign policy towards Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar in the context of political transition in Thailand. It seeks to answer the following research questions: Were there any aspects of the Abhisit administration’s foreign policy that differed significantly from that of his predecessors? What were the major factors, both domestic and external, that impacted on Abhisit’s foreign policy decision-making? In answering these two questions, this thesis uses neoclassical realism as a theoretical framework to analyse Abhisit’s foreign policy. This thesis comprises three case studies: the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple, Abhisit’s Malaysia policy in relation to the separatist insurgency in southern Thailand, and Abhisit’s policy towards
Recommended publications
  • The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
    ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No.
    [Show full text]
  • The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute
    International Journal of East Asian Studies, 23(1) (2019), 58-83. Dynamic Roles and Perceptions: The Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Temple Dispute Ornthicha Duangratana1 1 Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand This article is part of the author’s doctoral dissertation, entitled “The Roles and Perceptions of the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Governmental Politics in the Temple Dispute.” Corresponding Author: Ornthicha Duangratana, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 10330, Thailand E-mail: [email protected] Received: 11 Feb 19 Revised: 16 Apr 19 Accepted: 15 May 19 58 Abstract Thailand and Cambodia have long experienced swings between discordant and agreeable relations. Importantly, contemporary tensions between Thailand and Cambodia largely revolve around the disputed area surrounding the Preah Vihear Temple, or Phra Vi- harn Temple (in Thai). The dispute over the area flared after the independence of Cambodia. This situation resulted in the International Court of Justice adjudicating the dispute in 1962. Then, as proactive cooperation with regards to the Thai-Cambodian border were underway in the 2000s, the dispute erupted again and became salient between the years 2008 to 2013. This paper explores the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ (MFA) perceptions towards the overlapping border claim since the Cold War and concentrates on the changes in perceptions in the period from 2008 to 2013 when the Preah Vihear temple dispute rekindled. Moreover, to study their implications on the Thai-Cambodian relations, those perceptions are analyzed in connection to the roles of the MFA in the concurrent Thai foreign-policy apparatus. Under the aforementioned approach, the paper makes the case that the internation- al environment as well as the precedent organizational standpoint significantly compels the MFA’s perceptions.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand White Paper
    THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act.
    [Show full text]
  • Thaksin's Time Atop Thailand's Politics May Be Over
    Asia Pacific Bulletin Number 30 | March 4, 2009 Thaksin’s Time Atop Thailand’s Politics May Be Over BY DANNY UNGER At the end of 2007, the Thai people returned to power elected politicians the military had tossed out in a coup fifteen months prior. Thailand’s current political saga, which began in early 2006, again produced a stunning plot twist in the closing weeks of 2008. This time, the heirs to the military’s aspirations gained the upper hand as a Democrat Party (DP)-led coalition came to power. Danny Unger, Associate Many Thais hope that the country’s new prime minister and DP leader, Abhisit Vejjajiva, Professor of Political Science will hold power for more than a few months, ending more than three years of sharp polarization and instability in the country’s politics. However, perhaps more voters feel at Northern Illinois University, that Abhisit attained the premiership—following two Constitutional Court decisions that explains that “The great Thai forced from office his two predecessors and the defection of a large faction from the political drama has proved former ruling party—in suspect fashion. The possibility of ongoing instability and conflict remains. intractable in part because Thais do not agree as to who The great Thai political drama has proved intractable in part because Thais do not agree are the principal players and as to who are the principal players and what principles are at stake. For many Thais, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, turfed in the September 2006 coup, was a what principles are at stake.” visionary set on entrenching a durable political coalition and economic transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand's Moment of Truth — Royal Succession After the King Passes Away.” - U.S
    THAILAND’S MOMENT OF TRUTH A SECRET HISTORY OF 21ST CENTURY SIAM #THAISTORY | VERSION 1.0 | 241011 ANDREW MACGREGOR MARSHALL MAIL | TWITTER | BLOG | FACEBOOK | GOOGLE+ This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. This story is dedicated to the people of Thailand and to the memory of my colleague Hiroyuki Muramoto, killed in Bangkok on April 10, 2010. Many people provided wonderful support and inspiration as I wrote it. In particular I would like to thank three whose faith and love made all the difference: my father and mother, and the brave girl who got banned from Burma. ABOUT ME I’m a freelance journalist based in Asia and writing mainly about Asian politics, human rights, political risk and media ethics. For 17 years I worked for Reuters, including long spells as correspondent in Jakarta in 1998-2000, deputy bureau chief in Bangkok in 2000-2002, Baghdad bureau chief in 2003-2005, and managing editor for the Middle East in 2006-2008. In 2008 I moved to Singapore as chief correspondent for political risk, and in late 2010 I became deputy editor for emerging and frontier Asia. I resigned in June 2011, over this story. I’ve reported from more than three dozen countries, on every continent except South America. I’ve covered conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, the Palestinian Territories and East Timor; and political upheaval in Israel, Indonesia, Cambodia, Thailand and Burma. Of all the leading world figures I’ve interviewed, the three I most enjoyed talking to were Aung San Suu Kyi, Xanana Gusmao, and the Dalai Lama.
    [Show full text]
  • East Asia Forum Quarterly: Volume 2, Number 2, 2010
    EASTEc ONOmIcS, POlItIcS AND PuBASIAlIc POlIcy IN EASt ASIA ANDFORUM thE PAcIFIc Vol.2 No.2 April-June 2010 $9.50 Quarterly Questions for Southeast Asia Surin Pitsuwan ASEAN central to the region’s future Andrew MacIntyre Obama in Indonesia and Australia Dewi Fortuna Anwar Indonesia, the region and the world Thitinan Pongsudhirak Thailand’s unstoppable red shirts Tim Soutphommasane From stir-fries to ham sandwiches Ingrid Jordt Burma’s protests and their aftermath Greg Fealy Jemaah Islamiyah, Dulmatin and the Aceh cell and more . EASTASIAFORUM CONTENTS Quarterly 4 surin pitsuwan ISSN 1837-5081 (print) ASEAN central to the region’s future ISSN 1837-509X (online) From the Editor’s desk 6 andrew macintyre common causes: Obama in Indonesia and Southeast Asia defies simple categorisation. Among its countries Australia there are obvious contrasts: big and small, vibrant and stagnant, 8 don emmerson attractive and troubling, peaceful and unsettled, quaint and web- ASEAN and American engagement in East savvy, confronting and embracing. The contributors to this issue Asia of the EAFQ grapple with parts of the Southeast Asian mosaic, 10 dewi fortuna anwar punctuated, as ever, by domestic intrigues, national ambitions, and Indonesia, the region and the world international engagements. 11 greg fealy What ties the articles in this issue together, but never in a neat or terrorism today: Jemaah Islamiyah, seamless way, is the position of these countries, hemmed in by the Dulmatin and the Aceh cell much larger societies of china and India, and now forced to confront 13 thitinan pongsudhirak a world where ferocious technological and cultural change tests even The unstoppable red shirts the most effective governments.
    [Show full text]
  • Major Developments in Thailand's Political Crisis
    Major developments in Thailand’s political crisis More unrest and policy paralysis are likely as Thailand prepares for early elections. The country has suffered five years of political turbulence and sporadic street violence after former premier Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted in a 2006 coup. Thaksin currently commands a powerful opposition movement, standing in the way of current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva. SET index GDP growth – % chg y/y 1200 15 1000 10 I 800 H O 5 D B PQ C G E F 600 J 0 N M 400 KL -5 A 200 -10 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2001 2008 cont... A January 6 J September Thaksin Shinawatra’s Thais Love Thais (Thai Rak Thai) party wins Samak found guilty of violating constitution by hosting TV cooking 248 of 500 seats in parliamentary election. shows while in office and had to quit. Somchai Wongsawat, Thaksin’s brother-in-law at the time, is elected prime minister by 2005 parliament. B February 6 K October 21 Thailand voters hand Thaksin Shinawatra a second term with The Supreme Court sentences Thaksin to two years in jail in expanded mandate. absentia for breaking a conflict-of-interest law. C September L November 25 Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin business associate, starts PAD protesters storm Bangkok’s main airport, halting all flights. Up the yellow-shirted People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) street to 250,000 foreign tourists are stranded. campaign to oust Thaksin. M December Constitutional Court disbands the PPP and bans Somchai from 2006 politics for five years for electoral fraud.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    “PM STANDS ON HIS CRIPPLED LEGITINACY“ Wandah Waenawea CONCEPTS Political legitimacy:1 The foundation of such governmental power as is exercised both with a consciousness on the government’s part that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the governed of that right. Political power:2 Is a type of power held by a group in a society which allows administration of some or all of public resources, including labor, and wealth. There are many ways to obtain possession of such power. Demonstration:3 Is a form of nonviolent action by groups of people in favor of a political or other cause, normally consisting of walking in a march and a meeting (rally) to hear speakers. Actions such as blockades and sit-ins may also be referred to as demonstrations. A political rally or protest Red shirt: The term5inology and the symbol of protester (The government of Abbhisit Wejjajiva). 1 Sternberger, Dolf “Legitimacy” in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (ed. D.L. Sills) Vol. 9 (p. 244) New York: Macmillan, 1968 2 I.C. MacMillan (1978) Strategy Formulation: political concepts, St Paul, MN, West Publishing; 3 Oxford English Dictionary Volume 1 | Number 1 | January-June 2013 15 Yellow shirt: The terminology and the symbol of protester (The government of Thaksin Shinawat). Political crisis:4 Is any unstable and dangerous social situation regarding economic, military, personal, political, or societal affairs, especially one involving an impending abrupt change. More loosely, it is a term meaning ‘a testing time’ or ‘emergency event. CHAPTER I A. Background Since 2008, there has been an ongoing political crisis in Thailand in form of a conflict between thePeople’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the People’s Power Party (PPP) governments of Prime Ministers Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat, respectively, and later between the Democrat Party government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and the National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD).
    [Show full text]
  • THE POLITICS of INCOME DISTRIBUTION in THAILAND by Brewster Grace August 1977
    SOUTHEAST ASIA SERIES Vol. XXV No. 7 (Thailand) THE POLITICS OF INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN THAILAND by Brewster Grace August 1977 Introduction Diverse economic, cultural, and political forces the country. We can then describe how it is dis- have coalesced and clashed in Thailand since Field tributed, how the need for redistribution further Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn and General Pra- broadened demands for more economic and polit- pass Charusathien established their absolute dic- ical participation and opportunity, and how, as tatorship in 1971. Their rule by decree virtually these demands resulted in increased instability, eliminated popular political participation at a time reaction to them also increased. when corruption and economic decline began to severely restrict economic participation and oppor- Basic Wealth tunity by low and middle income groups-the majority of the population of Thailand. Thailand's 1976 Gross Domestic Product (GDP), at current prices was an estimated US16 billion. Conflict first appeared in 1973 when students Agriculture, the largest single contributor and em- organized and rebelled against the rule by decree of ployer, accounted for nearly 27 percent or $4.3 Thanom and Prapass. It grew rapidly during the billion. following three years of civilian, representative government when activist efforts to reform basic Historically, rice made up the principal part of distribution patterns within the economy led to this production. And still today land on which it is increasing confrontation with politicized estab- grown, the product itself, its trade and its milling- lished economic interests. The latter included all provide production opportunities for most much of the military and newly mobilized rural Thais.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Brotherhood Between Thailand and Myanmar: from Ruling to Governing the Borderlands
    1 Military Brotherhood between Thailand and Myanmar: From Ruling to Governing the Borderlands Naruemon Thabchumphon, Carl Middleton, Zaw Aung, Surada Chundasutathanakul, and Fransiskus Adrian Tarmedi1, 2 Paper presented at the 4th Conference of the Asian Borderlands Research Network conference “Activated Borders: Re-openings, Ruptures and Relationships”, 8-10 December 2014 Southeast Asia Research Centre, City University of Hong Kong 1. Introduction Signaling a new phase of cooperation between Thailand and Myanmar, on 9 October 2014, Thailand’s new Prime Minister, General Prayuth Chan-o-cha took a two-day trip to Myanmar where he met with high-ranked officials in the capital Nay Pi Taw, including President Thein Sein. That this was Prime Minister Prayuth’s first overseas visit since becoming Prime Minister underscored the significance of Thailand’s relationship with Myanmar. During their meeting, Prime Minister Prayuth and President Thein Sein agreed to better regulate border areas and deepen their cooperation on border related issues, including on illicit drugs, formal and illegal migrant labor, including how to more efficiently regulate labor and make Myanmar migrant registration processes more efficient in Thailand, human trafficking, and plans to develop economic zones along border areas – for example, in Mae 3 Sot district of Tak province - to boost trade, investment and create jobs in the areas . With a stated goal of facilitating border trade, 3 pairs of adjacent provinces were named as “sister provinces” under Memorandums of Understanding between Myanmar and Thailand signed by the respective Provincial governors during the trip.4 Sharing more than 2000 kilometer of border, both leaders reportedly understood these issues as “partnership matters for security and development” (Bangkok Post, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand, July 2005
    Description of document: US Department of State Self Study Guide for Thailand, July 2005 Requested date: 11-March-2007 Released date: 25-Mar-2010 Posted date: 19-April-2010 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL U. S. Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Note: This is one of a series of self-study guides for a country or area, prepared for the use of USAID staff assigned to temporary duty in those countries. The guides are designed to allow individuals to familiarize themselves with the country or area in which they will be posted. The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question.
    [Show full text]