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The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. -
Thailand White Paper
THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act. -
The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. -
A Coup Ordained? Thailand's Prospects for Stability
A Coup Ordained? Thailand’s Prospects for Stability Asia Report N°263 | 3 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Thailand in Turmoil ......................................................................................................... 2 A. Power and Legitimacy ................................................................................................ 2 B. Contours of Conflict ................................................................................................... 4 C. Troubled State ............................................................................................................ 6 III. Path to the Coup ............................................................................................................... 9 A. Revival of Anti-Thaksin Coalition ............................................................................. 9 B. Engineering a Political Vacuum ................................................................................ 12 IV. Military in Control ............................................................................................................ 16 A. Seizing Power -
Civil-Military Relations in Thailand Since the 2014 Coup the Tragedy of Security Sector "Deform"
PRIF Report No. 138 Civil-Military Relations in Thailand since the 2014 Coup The Tragedy of Security Sector "Deform" Paul Chambers the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2015 Contact: PRIF Baseler Straße 27–31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Phone: +49 69 959104-0 Fax: +49 69 558481 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-946459-04-0 10.00 € Summary Thailand in 2016 is under military authoritarian rule. How and why did this come to be? How has the military sustained itself in power and what is the future of Thailand’s military? To answer these questions, this report looks at the history and evolution of civil- military relations in Thailand as well as its attempts at achieving a variant of security sector reform (SSR) which values civilian control and democracy. SSR of course concentrates upon all security services, including police, paramilitaries as well as legislative, executive and judicial actors. In addition, while there should be non-state actors involved, including civil society and non-state bodies to regulate conflicts, there are very few if any of these in Thailand. Perhaps the clearest example is Deep South Watch which focuses on the conflict between the state and insurgents in Thailand’s far South. In fact, in Thailand the sheer duration of time (over 100 years) that the armed forces have either dominated or partnered with the monarchy in lording over politics and society accounts for why this report focuses upon the military alone. It also accounts for why Thai efforts at achieving genuine SSR have failed to sustain themselves. -
Thialand's Emergency State: Struggles and Transformations
10a Michael.indd 285 4/25/11 6:17:23 PM 10a Michael.indd 286 4/25/11 6:17:24 PM Southeast Asian Affairs 2011 THAILAND’S EMERGENCY STATE Struggles and Transformations Michael K. Connors Thailand’s political landscape in 2010 was dominated by the ravine-like political division over the rules that define the acceptable exercise of power. Just as yellow- shirted protestors of the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) had staged a four- month “civic uprising” in 2008 against what they claimed was an illegitimate proxy government of the self-exiled Thaksin Shinawatra, so in 2010 red-shirt protestors from the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship — Red All Over the Land (UDD)1 — rebelled against a government they claimed was a puppet of the bureau-aristocratic establishment, what they called the amaat. They occupied major intersections in Bangkok from mid-March to 19 May and called for the army to abandon the government. In 2010, a river of blood ran through the political division. Fatal clashes between red shirts and the Royal Thai Military left over ninety people dead and thousands injured. Previous episodes of mass protest and repression — such as those in 1973, 1976, and 1992 — have come to define new political eras. It remains uncertain as to whether the same may be said of the April-May killings, or if those events are part of a series, as yet unfinished, of increasingly unpredictable political struggle. The clashes highlighted the deadly trajectory of a contradictory politics that has emerged since the 2006 coup d’état that deposed Thaksin Shinawatra from office.2 These politics are characterized by antagonistic and hybrid political forces that, in practice, undermine their declared democratic objectives. -
Civil-Military Relations in Thailand Since the 2014 Coup: the Tragedy of Security Sector "Deform" Chambers, Paul
www.ssoar.info Civil-military relations in Thailand since the 2014 coup: the tragedy of security sector "deform" Chambers, Paul Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Chambers, P. (2015). Civil-military relations in Thailand since the 2014 coup: the tragedy of security sector "deform". (PRIF Reports, 138). Frankfurt am Main: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-46948-6 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Unruly Boots: Military Power and Security Sector Reform Efforts in Thailand Chambers, Paul
www.ssoar.info Unruly boots: military power and security sector reform efforts in Thailand Chambers, Paul Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Chambers, P. (2013). Unruly boots: military power and security sector reform efforts in Thailand. (PRIF Reports, 121). Frankfurt am Main: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-349442 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Constructing the 'Red' Otherness: the Role and Implications of Thainess on Polarised Politics Bunyavejchewin, Poowin
www.ssoar.info Constructing the 'Red' otherness: the role and implications of Thainess on polarised politics Bunyavejchewin, Poowin Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Bunyavejchewin, P. (2010). Constructing the 'Red' otherness: the role and implications of Thainess on polarised politics. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 3(2), 241-248. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-361304 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de ASEAS 3(2) Forum Südostasien / Forum South-East Asia Constructing the ‘Red’ Otherness: The Role and Implications of Thainess on Polarised Politics 1 Poowin Bunyavejchewin University of Hull, United Kingdom Citation Bunyavejchewin, P. (2010). Constructing the ‘Red’ Otherness: The Role and Implications of Thainess on Polarised Politics. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 3(2), 241-248. Introduction I think the Red Shirts are not Thai people because they destroyed things, they destroyed Bangkok, they destroyed Thailand. (“Bangkok Races to Erase Traces of Protest,” 2010) The above statement was made by a dress-shop owner whose shop was located near the site of the destruction caused by the riot in May 2010. His statement is interesting in that he identified the Red Shirts, members of a political alliance opposing the current government, as not being Thai. -
Militarization and Securatization in Thailand's Deep South
Southern Thailand/Patani Understanding the Dimensions of Conflict and Peace Editors: Anders Engvall, Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Emma Potchapornkul, Norbert Ropers Bangkok: Peace Resource Collaborative 2020 Southern Thailand/Patani Understanding the Dimensions of Conict and Peace published by Peace Resource Collaborative © Peace Resource Collaborative www.peacesourcecollaborative.org All rights reserved. Contributing authors: Editorial team: Graphic designer: Printed by Parbpim Limited Partnership Printed in Thailand Contents 1 2 Violence in Southern Thailand´s Border Provinces. 3 4 The Administration of Justice in Thailand´s Southern Border 5 6 About the Authors Paul Chambers Anders Engvall 6 Southern Thailand/Patani: Understanding the Dimensions of Conflict and Peace Srisompob Jitpiromsri is a lecturer and research associate at the - Southern Region”. Recent publications include the introduction for “Quagmire of Violence in Thailand’s Southern Borderlands” in Asian peacebuilding organisation. Christopher M. Joll (Chris) Muslim Merit-making in Thailand's Far South 7 About the Authors Pindarica Malyrojsiri Studies under the Asian Peace Builders Scholarship Programme. She for multilingual policy and planning for the southern border region/ Patani. Emma Potchapornkul also conducted research and advocacy on politics and human rights 8 Southern Thailand/Patani: Understanding the Dimensions of Conflict and Peace Norbert Ropers the Berghof Foundation in Berlin and -
Historical Legacies and Problems of Democratization in Thailand
Successful Transition, Failed Consolidation: Historical legacies and Problems of Democratization in Thailand Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Br. vorgelegt von Chaiwatt Mansrisuk aus Bangkok, Thailand SS 2017 Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Rüland Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Andreas Mehler Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses Der Gemeinsamen Kommission der Philologischen, Philosophischen und Wirtschafts- und Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Joachim Grage Datum der Fachprüfung im Promotionsfach: 11.07.2017 Acknowledgements This dissertation which was a product of my long and complicated journey would not be complete without the generosity of and support from numerous people and institutions. First and foremost, I am indebted to Thailand's Commission on Higher Education for granting me a scholarship to pursue my study in Germany between 2009 and 2013. I also would like to thank the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) for financially supporting me to attend German language courses at Goethe Institutes in Bangkok and Mannheim before enrolling in a doctoral study at the University of Freiburg. At the University of Freiburg, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Dr. Jürgen Rüland. I am extremely grateful for the time and effort he has dedicated to inspiringly and patiently supervising my dissertation, and kindly providing me assistance whenever I needed it. I also wish to thank Paruedee Nguitragool for her kind assistance throughout the period of my stay in Freiburg. I am fortunate to pursue my doctoral study at the Political Science Department and the Southeast Asia Program where I was privileged from support, fascinating ideas and friendship. -
Thailand's Military: Perpetually Political, Forever Factionalized, Again Ascendant
Thailand’s military: perpetually political, forever factionalized, again ascendant September 24th, 2009 by Paul Chambers, Guest Contributor · [Dr. Paul Chambers is currently the Senior Research Fellow at the Politics Institute, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany. His research interests are civil-military relations, democratization, and Southeast Asian politics. His articles have appeared in the Journal of East Asian Studies, Contemporary Southeast Asia, and the Asian Journal of Political Science, among others.] The Thai armed forces have been major players in Thai politics since the 1932 coup which terminated absolute monarchy. During the 1990s, some suggested that Thai soldiers were increasingly being by-passed by new societal forces, making the armed forces less relevant political players. [1] Others pointed to the disgrace suffered by the military following the 1992 Black May massacre as a watershed event finally compelling the armed forces back to the barracks. [2] This study agrees with McCargo and Ukrist (2005) that during the 1990s, the Thai military was never depoliticized. Instead, it was “willing to pretend to accept limits and controls, on condition that it remain unreformed….” [3] Yet there has also been a contention that a “re-politicization” of the Thai military did occur with the election of the Thaksin Shinawatra government in 2001 since Thaksin brought with him to office a large team of persons with senior military backgrounds. [4] Thereupon, he appointed relatives, cronies, and pre-cadet academy classmates to high positions of military power. But by placing responsibility for such re-politicization at the door of Thaksin, one can indirectly fault him for the 2006 coup—in which the armed forces once again took direct political power into their hands.