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Battles are fought against the enc- roachments of a central authority and Reshaping Space and Time in state pressure. But we know that the : The Agencification of Urban real problems lie elsewhere, that the most important decisions are made el- Government and its Effects in the sewhere. (Lefebvre 183) Bouregreg Valley ( / Salé) From the terrace of Café Maure in the cas- bah of the Oudayas, one can enjoy the panoramic view of the Bouregreg Valley (figure 1). The 12th-century citadel is built on the rocky shore where the Bouregreg River flows out into the Atlantic Ocean between the Moroccan capital Rabat and its neighboring city, Salé. Especially on summer evenings, the riverbanks look full of life. Jet-skiers are taking off, men are fishing, families are strolling along the quay, teenagers are diving in the water, and ferrymen take you across the river Maryame Amarouche, Koenraad Bogaert from one shore to the other.

Since the turn of the new century, urban tize public wealth, but also how it repre- The valley is surrounded by the remains of mega-projects became a new growth sents an urban laboratory for the Morocco’s rich past: the casbah, the strategy in Morocco. Yet, in contrast to development of new modalities of gov- Hassan Tower, the Mohamed V mauso- their utopian promises, urban mega-proj- ernment, control, and domination. Finally leum, the medinas of Salé and Rabat, and ects do not solve the contemporary urban it assesses the social impact of the project further into the valley, the Chellah, a forti- crisis in the region, but reproduce it in dif- on small-scale farmers and private land- fied medieval necropolis. Each one of ferent ways. A paradigmatic case is the owners. these sites has become an important tour- Bouregreg project in the valley between ist attraction. Yet, the estuary attracts not Rabat and Salé. This article considers the Keywords: Morocco, urban government, only tourists, but also real estate investors. ways in which this megaproject repre- neoliberalism, new state spaces A whole new urban center is arising on the sents a means to extract profits and priva- shore of Salé right across the casbah, with

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the Moroccan real estate company Travaux Généraux de Construction de (TGCC), headed by Othman Benjelloun, one of Morocco’s most influential entre- preneurs, and China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC).

These future material icons of showcase urbanization are part of a long-term proj- ect that stretches fifteen kilometers inland along the Bouregreg River up to the bar- rage Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdellah. Launched in January 2006, the Bouregreg project encompasses a territory of six Figure 1: View on Bouregreg thousand hectares and will be developed 1,700 new residential units, a new marina, tion of the Grand Theatre, designed by the in six different phases (figure 2). The first luxury hotels, retail facilities, bars, and res- late “starchitect” Zaha Hadid, will become two phases are currently underway. taurants. La Marina Morocco, as its Abu Rabat’s newest landmark. The fluid sculp- Dhabi developer Eagle Hills calls it, has ture form of the theater, inspired by the The developments in Bouregreg Valley become a new luxury hub for living, lei- movement of the river itself, symbolizes are a salient example of a broader process sure, and entertainment. But that’s not all. the capital’s own aspiration for a of economic and political transformation A new bridge (Pont Moulay Hassan) now “Guggenheim effect” (Rodríguez et al). It that embodies the reign of King connects the two riverbanks. Together is the cornerstone of an urban renaissance Mohammed VI ever since his accession to with two tramlines, a tunnel underneath that aims to turn a dull administrative city the throne in 1999. Under his impetus, the the casbah, and a brand-new belt highway into a top-notch cultural destination – for launch of urban megaprojects and large- further along the valley, these state-of-the- now, at least. Only a few hundred meters scale infrastructural works came to charac- art infrastructures improve mobility from the construction site of the theater, terize a new development strategy, an between two cities plagued by traffic con- billboards already announce another “urbanism of projects” (Cattedra) or a gestion. landmark endeavor: The Mohamed VI “new culture of projects” (Barthel and Tower, a 55-storey skyscraper. The deal to Zaki), trying to link networks of investment The most remarkable feature of the val- build Africa’s tallest tower, which was capital in Europe, Africa, and the Middle ley’s transformation so far is situated right announced in the summer of 2017, is a East and if possible Asia and the United behind the bridge. The ongoing construc- multimillion dollar partnership between States. This new development strategy

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should also be situated within larger entrepreneurial shifts in which megaproj- ects become the cornerstones of the cur- rent spatial re-organization of globaliza- tion (Brenner and Theodore; Harvey; Massey). Mega-projects are considered key for the commercial redevelopment of urban centers and the promotion of the city’s “unique selling position”, both in the Global North (Flyvbjerg) and the Global South (Ren and Weinstein), and more spe- cifically the Arab region (Wippel et al.).

What matters here are not just the material changes in the urban landscape, but also how these projects reveal new political practices and agency that materialize in the interplay between global capitalism and local places such as Rabat and Salé. Cities like Rabat, but also Casablanca and Tangiers, became the privileged vehicles of economic regeneration and capital accumulation, as well as testing grounds for the re-invention of (authoritarian) poli- tics and urban government (Bogaert). In Figure 2: The Bouregreg Project other words, the transformation of the Moroccan city tells a broader story about they can be a site for the production of mental arrangements that emerged within the transformation of politics, the state, new political imaginaries, future aspira- the context of the Bouregreg project. and the economy within a context of glo- tions, and expectations of social justice Second, we want to draw attention to the balization and neoliberal reform. (Strava). But more often, they produce new expectations and concerns of some of the In this article, we question some of the forms of social exclusion and feelings of people who live in the valley and reflect on promises and logics behind Morocco’s marginalization. Our examination first ana- their relations with the project. urbanism of projects. One the one hand, lyzes the new institutional and govern-

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This article is based on joint ethnographic The agency functions as a quasi-state the official website of the Bouregreg proj- fieldwork and expert interviews with offi- within a state. ect. Especially the first phase, now La cials and other stakeholders conducted in Marina Morocco, was worked out in detail April and July 2018. It also draws on find- This particular form of neoliberal statecraft and the Commission anticipated the con- ings from earlier fieldwork between 2007- is a salient example of what Neil Brenner struction of a central, open, and green 2013 (Koenraad) and 2014 and 2018 has termed “new state spaces” (Brenner). public space in front of the medina of (Maryame). It implies not just a rescaling of state Salé, where inhabitants of both cities power (i.e., from the national to the urban could come together, stroll, and picnic. It New state spaces and ad hoc urbanism in scale), but also a whole new assemblage was important, the commission stated, the Moroccan capital of power by which foreign actors are inte- that the new public place would be To realize the Bouregreg mega-project, grated in the decision-making process. “planned with less density than the shore the Moroccan authorities created a new The Bouregreg Agency operates as an of Rabat to allow a larger variety of uses institutional model of state power: the intermediary between various investors by the population of the city” (Royaume Agency for the Development of the from around the world and the Moroccan du Maroc 40). Eventually, as an official of Bouregreg Valley. Law 16-04, which cre- context. It not only attracts investors such the Bouregreg Agency admitted, the ated the agency in November 2005, gives as the Abu Dhabi investor Eagle Hills (first whole plan was revised and the building the agency exclusive authority over the phase) and the sovereign wealth fund site was densified to increase the profit- project within its legally defined territorial Wessal Capital1 (second phase), it also ability of the private investor.2 Where they boundaries (the six thousand hectares). gives them decision-making power. As a once planned a public park, there is now Within that territory, local governmental semi-public entity, the Bouregreg Agency a gated community. entities such as the prefectures, the local is allowed by Law 16-04 to set up private municipalities, and the Rabat-Salé Urban enterprises and create joint ventures with Another example can be given with regard Planning Agency are effectively sidelined. private investors. Not surprisingly, plans, to the second phase. Originally, this phase The Bouregreg Agency is authorized to goals, and strategies are adapted regu- was going to be developed by Sama develop zoning plans, organize public larly within the institutional and legal , before it defaulted in 2008 due to inquiries, provide public infrastructure, framework of the project in order to better the financial crisis. Sama Dubai had allocate land for construction, deliver con- serve the interests of foreign investors. planned a luxurious residential islet that struction permits, regulate all deeds of was dubbed Amwaj (the waves) and sub- sale, and expropriate private land Three examples can be given. First, before divided – Venetian style – into smaller deemed necessary for the advancement the official launch of the project, a Royal waterways. Residents would be able to of the project. All state-owned land was Commission assembling all kinds of reach their villas by boat. The Amwaj proj- transferred to the agency free of charge. experts and policy-makers drafted a 165- ect was eventually replaced by the Grand page plan that can still be consulted on Theatre, financed by public money, while

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a new investment fund was contracted In ten years we can always revise As a result, urban planning in the valley (Wessal Capital) to urbanize the zone the urban development plan (plan seems to evolve quite ad hoc, answering around it. What is striking, however, is that d’aménagement). For example, be- to specific – but also contingent – market several officials of the Agency confirmed cause of the demographic pressure. problems and solutions. In an interview to us that the partnership with Sama Dubai For now, it’s the current plan that works with an official of the Urban Agency of was a mistake from the very beginning. for us. But you never know whether Rabat-Salé, which is responsible for the The all seemed to agree that Morocco did there will be new opportunities. It’s the coordination of urban planning in the not need megalomaniac Dubai-style resi- market actually that dictates the plan- whole metropolitan area, he lamented, dential projects like The World or Palm ning.4 “The Wilaya (the governorate) does its Jumeirah. Some of these officials were best to assure a coherent vision (on urban relieved that it had failed. When we then Urban planning and government are thus planning), but how do we reconcile this asked one of them why the agency had subject to fluctuations in the market and with the Bouregreg Agency, which seems accepted the deal with Sama Dubai in the become more accountable to investors to escape from everything. It’s really first place, despite the seemingly general than to the citizens who actually live in the another country”5. consensus that it was a bad idea, he zones under development. Even if local answered, “Well, what do you do when governments in a country such as Morocco The Bouregreg Agency is not an excep- somebody comes with a check for two bil- were to become more democratically tion. For each specific development prob- lion dirhams.”3 accountable, democracy itself has been lem there seems to be the need to create short-circuited by institutional arrange- a specific governmental entity or new A final example relates to the later phases, ments like the Bouregreg Agency. state space. Over the past two decades, which are still in their conceptual phase. Authority in the Bouregreg Valley is thus we have seen the establishment of several Again, according to officials from the the result of a particular relational configu- similar state agencies within the domains Agency, several factors (i.e., considerable ration between local, regional, and inter- of urban planning, industrialization, tour- delays in the first two phases, the satura- national actors (Allen). This does not mean ism, etc.. Some examples are the Marchica tion of the real estate market, and the that power and authority are slipping away Med Agency in Nador, Casablanca opposition of small landowners) played a from the traditional power center in Finance City Authority, and Tanger Med role in the decision – for now – to plan the Morocco (the regime, the monarchy), only Special Authority. There seems to be a urbanization of these phases for the long that central state power has been recon- general strategy to take all large develop- term, in partnership with local inhabitants figured and reassembled so that it is now ment projects and government dossiers and with less density than originally entangled, negotiated, and shared with out of the hands of conventional and planned. Nevertheless, a lot can change in other forces (e.g. Gulf capital) to pursue elected state government institutions in the future, as an official stated: common interests within a rapidly chang- favor of an “agencification” of public pol- ing global context. icy (García and Collado) and the increas-

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ing dominance of “technocratic struc- not to map the conditions of the entire one phase in order to advance to the next tures” loyal to the palace (Hibou and Tozy). population affected by the project, only to phase. This revenue model is by its very This has been a trend not only in Morocco, reframe the agency’s own promoted val- character a gradual process. One cannot but also in many different urban develop- ues of citizenship (citoyenneté) and sus- market all available land at once, because ment settings all around the world (Ong). tainable city planning. that would create oversupply and possibly Moreover, urban mega-projects, such as a rapid fall in land prices. in the Bouregreg Valley, also symbolize a It’s important to know that between the fundamental shift in Moroccan authori- launch of the project in 2005 and the pub- From the point of view of the inhabitants tarianism. Whereas Hassan II ruled with an lication in 2009 of the Plan d’Aménagement who live in those areas still “under devel- iron hand during the Years of Lead (les Spécial (PAS), a complete zoning plan for opment”, this produces an uncomfortable années de plomb), Mohammed VI seems the valley, the Bouregreg Agency sus- standstill. While the direct impact of the to rule via holdings, funds, and specialized pended all private (land) transactions megaproject is clear-cut and visible for state agencies (Bogaert). except those done by the agency itself. those people who live in the surroundings After the publication of the PAS, no land of La Marina Morocco (e.g. through expro- Stuck between different “times”: life in a can be sold or bought without the permis- priation, gentrification, the privatization of valley under construction sion of the agency. Legally, the agency public space, etc.), it is much less so for The following analysis of our field notes also has the authority to expropriate any those who live deeper in the valley. This does not strive to be exhaustive, only to private land within its designated zone at doesn’t mean, however, that they are less point out some aspects of the social a fixed price determined by the value of affected. All they seem to be able to do is impact of the project that are not obvious the land in 2005. This creates a particular wait for the project to arrive. In the mean- at first glance. While others have focused situation. Those who still own private land time, they cannot really get on with their on those populations that were directly in the valley cannot really bring that land lives. Most of them don’t know what will be affected by La Marina Morocco, the first into the market. Land prices are de facto in store for them. Many people we talked and most advanced phase of the locked by the Bouregreg Agency. to, especially in Oulja, told us that they Bouregreg project (Mouloudi), we want to were left completely in limbo. draw attention to those people living in The agency explains this as follows: as a areas that are not yet under development. financially autonomous semi-public entity, During one of our visits to Oulja, we met More specifically, we focused on the small the agency’s business model depends on with the owner of a small tree nursery. He farmers, gardeners, and other inhabitants revenue generated in the first phase to took over the business from his parents of Oulja, a large agricultural plain and wet- finance the second phase, and so on. In and had lived in the valley all his life. But land integrated in phase three of the proj- other words, the Bouregreg Agency since the launch of the project, he doesn’t ect, and the people of Sidi Hmida in the depends on the surplus value created on really know what the future will bring. Will district of Hssain in phase five. Our goal is public land and/or expropriated land in he be able to stay? Will his tree nursery

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Maryame Amarouche have a place in the project? Or will he have leave this place”.8 However, all Habous People like the owner of the tree nursery to leave? land was taken over by the Bouregreg or the small peasant family feel that they is a PhD Student in Geography at the Agency, and the family did not know what cannot go somewhere else, but at the university of Lyon – ENTPE (UMR EVS I cannot even plant extra trees to ex- was going to happen to them once their same time, they also feel they cannot really RIVES) and CIRAD, the Agricultural pand my business, because the agen- land would be subject to development. build a life in the valley, either. On every Research Centre for International cy wouldn’t allow it and I wouldn’t be They told us that the Ministry of Habous issue, for example building permits, reno- Development (UMR Art-Dev). She is compensated for the extra trees if the even stopped accepting the families’ rent vation permits, electrification, access to currently a guest researcher at the moment comes that they expropriate for the usufruct of the land. Their fate was water or sewerage, they have to deal with NIMAR (Dutch Institute in Morocco). Her me. now in the hands of the agency, they felt. the Agency. Actually, many inhabitants in doctoral research focuses on the effects the area lack access to drinking water and of urban politics and metropolitan The price he would get for his land was Power inequality and social hierarchy can have no connection to the sewage system. development on the suburban areas of fixed at 250 Moroccan dirhams per square be understood here through the different But given their “temporary status” within Rabat (Morocco) and Lyon (France) in meter, less than 25 euros. use and experience of time. The Bouregreg the timeframe of the project, the agency relation to issues of governance, spatial Agency has time. Time that many of the does not seem to be willing to provide segregation and environmental justice. With that kind of money you cannot inhabitants of the valley do not have. Thus, these people with what they need. Many email: [email protected] find something suitable in the city. Be- the agency and the inhabitants of the val- inhabitants feel powerless. sides, I don’t want to live in the city. I ley are operating in different time frames, want to keep my tree nursery. But whe- with one side dictating a particular time When we address the caid or the mqad- re else will I find a plot of land this close schedule conforming to its own interests, dem (the local authorities),9 they all say to the city and this fertile? Not for the while the other side tries to cope with that that we have to talk to the agency,” another price we’ll get. There are no other lands schedule’s effects of uncertainty and dis- of our interlocutors told us. Many feel that in the proximity of Rabat where you can torted temporality. It’s logical that a mega- there is not much they can do. “Fighting dig up water at five or six meters.6 project of the magnitude of the one in the against the agency is like fighting the Bouregreg Valley unfolds over a timespan ocean. You cannot stop it.10 But not everybody living in this area is a of several years and even decades. private landowner. We also met with a Moreover, given its revenue model, it is Not everybody in the valley, however, family of peasants who cultivated Habous obliged to take the time necessary to resigns himself to the omnipotence of the land in the valley.7 They have already been anticipate (better) market opportunities Bouregreg Agency. In Rabat and espe- there for several generations. The head of and developments. In the meantime, the cially Salé, associations such as Sala Al the family had worked the land all his life inhabitants might be – quite literally – stuck Mustaqbal, Ribat Al Fath, and Association and now he shared it with his seven sons there for another five years, maybe ten, Bouregreg have tried to negotiate with or and their families. “This is Ard Jdidna (land who knows, even fifteen before the proj- put pressure on the Bouregreg Agency, of our grandparents) and we don’t want to ect reaches their spot. albeit not always successfully (for more

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details see Mouloudi). This fits within a lon- his personal situation was in many ways of the valley, who are, to be clear, not con- ger history of substantial growth of asso- similar to some of the people we met in sidered part of the project. Their time ciational life in Morocco, more particularly Oulja (he could not sell his property and experience is reduced to a condition of in cities, and especially since the 1990s the agency could still always expropriate waiting (for the advancement or delay of when the Monarchy allowed more politi- him), he seemed much less pessimistic the project), often with limited possibilities cal scope for maneuvering and tried to about the future. for a way out. If the whole purpose of the reconfigure its relations with a growing Bouregreg project is to create a form of urban middle class (Abouhani). It’s true we are governed by the agen- “progress” – based on promises of eco- cy, the municipality has no business nomic growth, better infrastructure, envi- Also in Sidi Hmida (integrated in phase here. But that doesn’t bother me. The ronmental protection, and even the pro- five), a neighborhood that experienced an agency is better organized. It’s easier tection of historical heritage – the influx of urban middle-class and even to talk to them than with a bureaucra- particular situation in which the inhabit- upper-class residents in recent decades tic state apparatus (…). The agency ants of the valley are kept actually pre- (Amarouche), inhabitants have organized consists of serious people. Much more cludes their very efforts to make progress to influence the direction of the project. At competent than those at the munici- in life. first sight, social class status and personal pality.13 networks seem to make a difference here, This is closely related to a broader political unlike with the inhabitants of Oulja.11 When Time, space and the broader political sig- significance. The changing nature of con- people in Sidi Hmida heard about possi- nificance of urban planning in Morocco temporary Moroccan politics is hidden ble scenarios for their zone, some of them, Urban planning can serve as an interesting within the relational complexes of power mainly those with a middle class back- lens to understand changing relations that produce urban mega-projects such as ground, founded an association. One of between citizens and political authority, the Bouregreg project. In the process, the the members of the association, who used including by producing different tempo- city itself is turned into a privileged vehicle to work for the Ministry of Agriculture and ralities. A mega-project such as the for capital accumulation and speculation, now owns two tree nurseries, stated that Bouregreg project produces a particular while at the same time, decision-making they actually managed to convince the temporality influenced by schedules, processes are breaking loose from more Bouregreg Agency to redraft a new mas- plans, market demand, delays, etc. and by conventional political entities. The process ter plan for their specific zone. “It was expectations of (future) profit and value. of agencification in Morocco entails that thanks to this association, which was But due to the particular legal situation decisions about the future city, and hence, founded mainly by public executives, phy- created by Law 16-04 and the specific also about the future of millions of urban sicians, and army colonels, that we man- characteristics of ad hoc urbanism, the citizens, have been increasingly concen- aged to put pressure on the agency to project enforces a quite different experi- trated in exceptional governmental zones change her plans”.12 Moreover, although ence of time upon the actual inhabitants like the Bouregreg Valley and entrusted to

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Koenraad Bogaert new state agencies that share power with and spatial boundaries between those and are made accountable to global cap- who can afford it and those who cannot. is assistant professor at the Department ital, resulting in decisions made elsewhere, of Conflict and Development Studies outside the scope and boundaries of the and member of the Middle East and national state or the regime. North Africa Research Group (MENARG) at Ghent University. His research is The Bouregreg Agency, as a new state centered around the broader question space, involves a deeply political move to of political change in the Arab World, dispossess both public and private land more specifically Morocco, in relation to and bring the Valley into the global circu- globalization, neoliberal urbanization, lation of capital in a way private investors capitalist uneven development and could never do on their own. Massive pub- social protest. lic funds are mobilized for infrastructural email: [email protected] improvements (the bridge, the tunnel, the tramway, etc.) and for the creation of new landmarks (the Grand Theatre), most likely to improve primarily the attractiveness and profitability of urban land and real estate projects.

Yet, will these efforts also benefit the majority of citizens in Rabat, Salé, and their outskirts? The truth is that the Bouregreg mega-project is not just a wasteland being renovated, developed, and/or preserved, as it is often presented in official commu- nication. It represents the creation of a globalized space, one that opens up and reaches out to the rest of the world, i.e., to foreign investors, tourists, and cosmopoli- tan consumers, while at the same time drawing new social, economic, political,

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Notes 9 The caid and the mqaddem Works Cited Bogaert, Koenraad. Hibou, Béatrice, and are representatives of the Globalized Authoritarianism. Mohamed Tozy. “De la 1 The multinational fund Ministry of the Interior Abouhani, Abdelghani. “Les Megaprojects, Slums and friture sur la ligne des consists of Moroccan capital on the city and local nouvelles élites urbaines: Class Relations in Urban réformes. La libéralisation and money from several Gulf neighborhood level. They le rôle des notables et des Morocco. U of Minnesota P, des télécommunications countries. are part of a parallel power cadres associatifs dans le 2018. au Maroc.” Critique structure in Morocco, système politico-administratif internationale, vol. 14, 2002, 2 Personal Interview, loyal to the Monarchy that local.” Pouvoirs locaux Brenner, Neil. New State pp. 91–118. September 2013. exists alongside elected et systèmes municipaux Spaces. Urban Governance government bodies. dans le monde arabe, ed. and the Rescaling of Lefebvre, Henri. The Urban 3 One Euro corresponds Abdelghani Abouhani. INAU, Statehood. Oxford UP, 2004. Revolution. U of Minnesota to approximately 10 to 11 10 Field notes, July 2018. 2006, pp. 55–75. P, 2003. Moroccan dirhams, Personal Brenner, Neil, and Nik Interview, April 2018. 11 This is our hypothesis based Allen, John. “Powerful Theodore. “Cities and the Massey, Doreen. World City. on preliminary fieldwork. Assemblages?” Area, vol. 43, Geographies of ‘Actually Polity Press, 2010. 4 Personal Interview, April More empirical work needs no. 2, 2011, pp. 154–57. Existing Neoliberalism.’” 2018. to be done. Antipode, vol. 34, no. 3, 2002, Mouloudi, Hicham. Les Amarouche, Maryame. pp. 349–79. ambitions d’une capitale. Les 5 Personal Interview, July 12 Personal Interview, July “Entre agriculture vivrière et projets d’aménagement des 2018. 2018. impératif de développement Cattedra, Raffaele. “Les grand fronts d’eau de Rabat. Centre : cas de l’aménagement de projets urbains à la conquête Jacques Berque, 2015. 6 Field notes, July 2018. 13 Personal Interview, July la vallée du Bouregreg.” des périphéries.” Les cahiers 2018. Université Jean Monnet d’EMAM, vol. 19, 2010, pp. Ong, Aihwa. Neoliberalism 7 Habous is an Islamic legal Saint-Etienne, 2015. 58–72. as Exception. Mutations in institution of religious Citizenship and Sovereignty. mortmain property. The Barthel, Pierre-Arnaud, and Flyvbjerg, Bent. Duke UP, 2006. property is administered Lamia Zaki. “Les holdings “Machiavellian by the Ministry of Habous. d’aménagement, nouvelles Megaprojects.” Antipode, vol. Ren, Xuefei, and Liza Usufruct can be granted to vitrines techniques de l’action 37, no. 1, 2005, pp. 18–22. Weinstein. “Urban farmers, for example, often in urbaine au Maroc. Les cas Governance, Mega-Projects return for a form of rent. d’Al Omrane et de la CDG García, Raquel Ojeda, and and Scalar Transformations Développement.” L’action Ángela Suárez Collado. in China and India.” Locating 8 Field notes, July 2018. publique au Maghreb. Enjeux “The Project of Advanced Right to the City in the Global Professionnels et Politiques, Regionalisation in Morocco: South, eds. Tony Roshan Karthala and IRMC, 2011. pp. Analysis of a Lampedusian Samara, Shenjing He, and 205–25. Reform.” British Journal of Guo Chen. Routledge, 2013, Middle Eastern Studies, vol. pp. 107–26. 42, no. 1, 2015, pp. 46–58. ––› Harvey, David. The Urban Experience. The Johns Hopkins UP, 1989.

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––› Rodríguez, Arantxa, Elena Martínez, and Galder Guenaga. “Uneven Redevelopment. New Urban Policies and Socio- Spatial Fragmentation in Metropolitan Bilbao.” European Urban and Regional Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2001, pp. 161–78.

Royaume du Maroc. “Projet d’aménagement de la vallée du Bouregreg – Sommaire.” Agence pour l’Aménagement de la Vallée de Bouregreg. 2003. http://www.bouregreg. com/parti-damenagement- global-3/. Accessed 16 May 2019.

Strava, Cristiana. “A Tramway Called Atonement: Genealogies of Infrastructure and Emerging Political Imaginaries in Contemporary Casablanca.” Middle East – Topics & Arguments, no. 10, 2018, pp. 22–29.

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ISSN: 2196-629X https://doi.org/10.17192/ meta.2019.12.7934

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