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The Suppression of Communism, the Dutch Reformed Church, and the Instrumentality of Fear During Apartheid
THE SUPPRESSION OF COMMUNISM, THE DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH, AND THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF FEAR DURING APARTHEID. SAMUEL LONGFORD: 3419365 SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR PARTICIA HAYES i A mini-thesis submitted for the degree of MA in History University of the Western Cape November 2016. Supervisor: Professor Patricia Hayes DECLARATION I declare that The Suppression of Communism, the Dutch Reformed Church, and the Instrumentality of Fear during apartheid is my own work and has not been submitted for any degree or examination in any other university. All the sources I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by complete references. NAME: Samuel Longford: 3419365 DATE: 11/11/2016. Signed: ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. This mini-thesis has been carried out in concurrence with a M.A. Fellowship at the Centre for Humanities Research (CHR), University of the Western Cape (UWC). I acknowledge and thank the CHR for providing the funding that made this research possible. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the CHR. Great thanks and acknowledgement also goes to my supervisor, Prof Patricia Hayes, who guided me through the complicated issues surrounding this subject matter, my partner Charlene, who put up with the late nights and uneventful weekends, and various others who contributed to the workings and re-workings of this mini-thesis. iii The experience of what we have of our lives from within, the story that we tell ourselves about ourselves in order to account for what we are doing, is fundamentally a lie – the truth lies outside, in what we do.1 1 Slavoj Zizek¸ Violence: Six Sideways Reflections (London: Profile Books, 2008): 40. -
Sitting(Link Is External)
1 THURSDAY, 15 SEPTEMBER 2016 The House met at 14:15. The Speaker took the Chair and read the prayer. ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLING AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see p The SPEAKER: Order! Before we proceed I would like to make the following announcements as a reminder about the logistical arrangements. To enable a member to talk, push the “talk button” on the microphone speaker unit fitted on the desk. There is one unit for every two to three members to share. Members speaking need not move to a microphone. The system is strong enough to pick up sound from your allocated seat. Members seated in close proximity of a speaker on the floor must therefore be aware that any loud conversation may interfere with the recording of the speaker’s speech. In order to select your language of choice please press the “channel button” on your wireless receiver to select the correct channel. Channel 1 is English; channel 2 is Afrikaans and channel 3 is isiXhosa. The right side of the unit control is for volume control. 2 There will be tea and coffee available to members in the lobby and then finally, members who want to leave the Chamber must leave at the entrance at the back of the Chamber. The ablution facilities are to my right in the adjoining passage and the service officers are seated at the back by the entrance of the Chamber. There are no telephone facilities. Members must therefore make use of their cellphones outside of the Chamber. Proceedings will be relayed to the normal television screens in the Provincial Parliament Building. -
IP: 66.249.64.241 Maarten Rens Filmt De African Jazz Pioneers
64 Maarten Rens filmt de African Jazz Pioneers tijdens het slotfeest van de Anti-Apartheids Beweging Nederland (oktober 1994). Bron: Pieter Boersma © Guest (guest) IP: 170.106.34.90 On: Sun, 03 Oct 2021 11:36:31 65 Getuigen van (anti-)Apartheid. De camera als verbindend element tussen Nederland en Zuid-Afrika Barbara Henkes In dit artikel wordt onderzocht hoe de politiek van Apart- de, samen met nog zo’n 23.000 Nederlanders die tussen 1946-1955 naar Zuid-Afrika ver- heid zich manifesteerde in de netwerken die Nederland met trokken.2 Eén van hun drie dochters en haar man volgden enkele jaren later. Hun kinde- Zuid-Afrika verbonden. Het gaat over de overdracht van ren groeiden op in Pretoria, terwijl de kinde- ren van de twee achtergebleven dochters in verhalen, beelden, ideeën en politieke praktijken binnen een Nederland volwassen werden. Beide neven kenden elkaar al van geregelde familiereü- transnationaal verwantschapsnetwerk. Om deze dynamiek nies in Nederland voordat Maarten in 1967 voor het eerst een bezoek bracht aan zijn ver- te traceren, maak ik gebruik van filmmateriaal van een Ne- wanten in Zuid-Afrika. Nadien volgde hij de filmacademie in Amsterdam en werkte als derlandse documentairemaker, in het bijzonder de opnames freelance documentairemaker, voordat hij in 1981 voor de tweede keer naar Zuid-Afrika waarin zijn goed ingeburgerde verwanten uit Zuid-Afrika afreisde om een film te maken over zijn fa- milie in het land van Apartheid. Geert:‘Wij een rol spelen. Dan wordt duidelijk op welke uiteenlopende dachten dat het een hele leuke film zou worden, maar hij heeft ons eigenlijk gebruikt. -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
Journal for Contemporary History 34(2)
OP WEG NA DIE POLITIEKE DRAAIPUNT VAN 1948: DRIE EEUE VAN VREES AS FAKTOR IN DIE GESKIEDENIS VAN SUID-AFRIKA Derek du Bruyn1 en André Wessels2 Abstract The desire to safeguard themselves, and the aims of preserving and protecting an own identity, are central themes in the history of the Afrikaner. There is no doubt that the concomitant fear in white ranks is firmly rooted in history. Fear of both racial and political domination has had a permanent impact on the psyche of the Afrikaner, even before he had become aware of himself as a separate nation. It was the fear of the growing threat of a numerically superior indigenous black population in particular that would become an independent variable, not only in Afrikaner politics, but also in the broader context of white politics. The source of fear for Afrikaners in particular changed as time passed – from a fear of Anglicisation by the British to a fear of equality and mixing with blacks. The “right-wing line”, as well as the “fear line”, has been motivated, stimulated, or at least influenced by historical events and tendencies which strengthened white fears in some way or other, and as a result fostered right-wing sentiments. This study makes clear that fear as a political instrument may be manipulated to achieve specific political objectives. 1. INLEIDING In 1969 het die Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) as Suid-Afrika se eerste vol- waardige regse politieke party tot stand gekom, nadat daar geruime tyd woelinge binne die Nasionale Party (NP) was. Hierdie onrustigheid binne die NP, wat as die sogenaamde “verlig-verkrampstryd” tipeer is,3 met die regse elemente binne die NP wat as die sogenaamde “verkramptes” geëtiketteer is, het met verloop van tyd tot ’n breuk in die NP gelei. -
Fighting Talk, Vol. 13, No. 7, Sept. 1959
Fighting talk, Vol. 13, No. 7, Sept. 1959 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 22 Alternative title Fighting talk Author/Creator Fighting Talk Committee (Johannesburg) Contributor First, Ruth Publisher Fighting Talk Committee (Johannesburg) Date 1959-09 Resource type Newspapers Language Afrikaans, English Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1959 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Rights By kind permission of the Fighting Talk Committee. Description South Africa: The Inside Story of the Natal Women's Protests, by Joe Matthews. "Women in the Freedom Struggle", by Chief Lutuli. Treason a la mode de Pretoria. The United Party Split and the Progressives, by S. -
We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse. -
"Perceptions of the "Red Peril": the National Party's Changing Portrayal
'PERCEPTIONS OF THE 'RED PERIL": THE NATIONAL PARTY'S CHANGING PORTRAYAL OF THE 'COMMUNIST THREAT' C.1985 - FEBRUARY 1990. by Katherine Cartwright WLLKAT007 Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in Historical Studies Department of Historical Studies Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town 2002 This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. Town 2 September 2002. Cape of University Page 1 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Abstract: For the National Party of South Africa, Communism was simultaneously a legitimate concern and a useful concept with which to attract voters and deflect criticism. The threat of Communism was frequently allied with the threat of African nationalism in National Party discourse during the apartheid era. The alliance between the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party, and the Soviet's role in supporting various governments and opposition movements on the subcontinent lent credence to the National Party's stance. -
Race, History and the Internet: the Use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the Late 1990’S, with Particular Reference to South Africa
Race, History and the Internet: The use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the late 1990’s, with particular reference to South Africa Inez Mary Stephney A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Wits School of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters Degree. Abstract This dissertation aims to investigate the use of History by white supremacist groups in South Africa particularly, to rework their identity on the Internet. The disserta- tion argues that white supremacist groups use older traditions of history, particu- larly, in the South African case, the ‘sacred saga’, as explained by Dunbar Moodie to create a sense of historical continuity with the past and to forge an unbroken link to the present. The South African white supremacists have been influenced by the His- tory written by Van Jaarsveld for example, as will be shown in the chapters analysing the three chosen South African white supremacist groups. The white supremacists in the international arena also use history, mixed with 1930s Nazi propaganda to promote their ideas. i Acknowledgements There are a few people who must be acknowledged for their assistance during the research and preparation of this dissertation. First and foremost, my supervisor Dr Cynthia Kros for her invaluable advice and assistance- thank you. I also wish to thank Nina Lewin and Nicole Ulrich for all the encouragement, reading of drafts and all round unconditional love and friendship that has helped me keep it together, when this project seemed to flounder. Katie Mooney for saying I should just realised I am a historian and keep on going. -
Stephen Bantu Biko: an Agent of Change in South Africa’S Socio-Politico-Religious Landscape
HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 9 Original Research Stephen Bantu Biko: An agent of change in South Africa’s socio-politico-religious landscape Author: This article examines and analyses Biko’s contribution to the liberation struggle in 1 Ramathate T.H. Dolamo South Africa from the perspective of politics and religion. Through his leading participation Affiliation: in Black Consciousness Movement and Black Theology Project, Biko has not only influenced 1Department of Philosophy, the direction of the liberation agenda, but he has also left a legacy that if the liberated and Practical and Systematic democratic South Africa were to follow, this country would be a much better place for all to Theology, University of live in. In fact, the continent as a whole through its endeavours in the African Union South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa underpinned by the African Renaissance philosophy would go a long way in forging unity among the continent’s nation states. Biko’s legacy covers among other things identity, Corresponding author: human dignity, education, research, health and job creation. This article will have far Ramathate Dolamo, reaching implications for the relations between the democratic state and the church in [email protected] South Africa, more so that there has been such a lack of the church’s prophecy for the past Dates: 25 years. Received: 12 Feb. 2019 Accepted: 22 May 2019 Keywords: Liberation; Black consciousness; Black theology; Self-reliance; Identity; Culture; Published: 29 July 2019 Religion; Human dignity. How to cite this article: Dolamo, R.T.H., 2019, ‘Stephen Bantu Biko: An Orientation agent of change in South Biko was born in Ginsberg near King William’s Town on 18 December 1946. -
Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government. -
Afrikaans (Pdf)
752 Vrye Weekblad se gebruik van Boer as prys- en skeldnaam in ’n kulturele tussenruimte Vrye Weekblad’s use of the term Boer to praise and berate in a cultural borderland CORNIA PRETORIUS EN JOHANNES D. FRONEMAN Skool vir Kommunikasiestudies Noordwes-Universiteit Potchefstroom E-pos: [email protected] Cornia Pretorius Johannes Froneman CORNIA PRETORIUS is ’n lektor verbonde aan CORNIA PRETORIUS is a lecturer at the North- die Noordwes-Universiteit se Skool vir Kommu- West University’s School of Communications nikasiestudies. Haar MA-verhandeling het ge- Studies. Her MA dissertation focused on journa- fokus op joernalistieke geskiedskrywing. As deel listic history writing and included a book, van die studie het sy ook die boek, Forging Unity: Forging Unity: The story of the North-West The story of North-West University’s first 10 University’s first 10 years. She previously worked years, geskryf. Voorheen was sy ’n joernalis by as a journalist at Beeld, ThisDay, Sunday Times Beeld, ThisDay, die Sunday Times en Mail & and Mail&Guardian. Guardian. JOHANNES FRONEMAN is verbonde aan die JOHANNES FRONEMAN is strategic commu- Noordwes-Universiteit waar hy strategiese nication advisor to the vice-chancellor of the kommunikasieraadgewer in die kantoor van die North-West University. He previously taught visekanselier is. Voorheen was hy ’n joernalis en journalism for 25 years at the university and has vir 25 jaar lank ’n dosent in joernalistiek. Hy het a special interest in Afrikaans media history. His ’n besondere belangstelling in Afrikaanse media- collection of historically interesting newspapers geskiedenis. Van sy versameling koerante en and magazines can be viewed on the website tydskrifte kan gesien word op die webblad media- mediamense.co.za.