The University of Dodoma University of Dodoma Institutional Repository http://repository.udom.ac.tz
Humanities Master Dissertations
2016 Assessment of Zinza language lexical change: A case of Kome island Sengerema district
Kulwa, Bahati
The University of Dodoma
Kulwa, B. (2016). Assessment of Zinza language lexical change: A case of Kome island Sengerema district. Dodoma: The University of Dodoma. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/1127 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository. ASSESSMENT OF ZINZA LANGUAGE LEXICAL CHANGE: A
CASE OF KOME ISLAND SENGEREMA DISTRICT
By
Bahati Kulwa
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University Of Dodoma
The University Of Dodoma
October, 2016 CERTIFICATION
The undersigned certifies that she has read and hereby recommends for acceptance by the University of Dodoma the dissertation entitled Assessment of Zinza Language
Lexical Change: A Case of Kome Island Sengerema District, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of
Dodoma.
Signature………………………………..
Dr. Rafiki Y. Sebonde
(SUPERVISOR)
Date…………………………………
i DECLARATION
AND
COPYRIGHT
I, Bahati Kulwa, declare that this dissertation is my original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other university for a similar or any other degree award.
Signature……………………….
No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am firstly and sincerely indebted to offer my thanks to the Almighty God, the redeemer who empowered me throughout the route in the whole process of this study. It is also imperative to acknowledge that the successful accomplishment of this work was also due to other individuals though it is impossible to mention them all here. I acknowledge them all though only a few are going to be mentioned.
I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my supervisor, Dr. Rafiki Yohana
Sebonde for her countless hours of significant discussions, constructive suggestions, and criticism. Her guidance, encouragement and cooperation during the entire research proceedings made my study both possible and successful. May God bless you for your academic commitment.
I would like to record my thanks to Flora Ferdinand Kimasa for her financial assistance, and moral support in hard times I passed during research process. May the
Almighty God take care and hear your needs.
Last but not least, I cannot forget my colleagues in M.A Linguistics programme at the University of Dodoma for their cooperation, genuine scholarly criticism and suggestions the moment I inquired help from them.
iii DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my beloved parents Deogratias Tiluhongelwa Mataba and
Leticia Isaakwile Paskari for their tireless parental care and teachings they built upon my academic endeavours. I owe you for that care. This work is also dedicated to my friends Juma Ludaila, Shukrani Ezekieli and Gerlad Kija for their genuine peer coaching in the lower levels of education which built a strong base to pursue further studies.
iv ABSTRACT
The principal concern of this study was the assessment of lexical change in Zinza language. In particular, the study firstly explored the extent of Zinza lexical change in Kome Island; secondly, it examined linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change; and thirdly, described non linguistic factors behind Zinza lexical change. This study employed both purposive and simple random sampling methods. The data were gathered from four villages namely Luhiza, Isenyi, Bugolo, and Buhama located in
Kome Island, Sengerema district through semi structured interview, introspection and elicitation. The study was guided by the theory, known as Assimilation Theory.
The findings in this study revealed that, Zinza has been affected heavily by lexical change. There are a lot of lexical replacements which have been borrowed from other languages. These replacements are used alongside proto Zinza lexical items while others are used without proto lexical items. However, there are some aspects of language use where lexical items in this language enjoy maintenance. These aspects include greetings, parts of the body, gender reference, and how to offer condolences.
The study also found that, linguistic factors such as the nature of Zinza language and language contact were the driving force for Zinza lexical change. Moreover, non linguistic factors such as intermarriage, education, advancement of science and technology, decline of socialization gap between the youth and elders, immigration and children shift in language transmission were recorded to influence lexical change in Kome Island. It is recommended in this study that, further study should be carried out to examine whether or not the other linguistic aspects such as phonology, morphology, and syntax have been subjected to changes.
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATION ...... i DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii ABSTRACT ...... v LIST OF TABLES ...... x
CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND INFORMATION TO THE STUDY ...... 1 1. 1 Overview Concept of Lexical Change ...... 1 1. 1. 1 Definition of Lexical Change ...... 2 1.1.1.2 Lexical Replacement ...... 4 1. 1. 2 Dimension of Lexical Change ...... 7 1.1.2.1 The Morphological Dimension ...... 7 1.1.2.2 Semantic Dimension ...... 8 1. 1. 3 Lexical Change Processes ...... 9 1.1. 4 Multilingual Situation and Lexical Change ...... 9 1. 2 Background of the Problem ...... 11 1. 3 Statement of the Problem ...... 12 1. 4 Objectives of the Study ...... 13 1.4.1 General Objective ...... 13 1.4.2 Specific Objectives ...... 13 1.5 Research Questions ...... 14 1. 6 Significance of the Study ...... 14 1. 7 Scope of the Study ...... 14
CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 16 2.1 Theoretical Framework ...... 16 2. 2 Literature Review ...... 19 2. 2. 1 The Magnitude of Lexical Change ...... 19 2. 2. 1. 1 Lexical Change in Kibondei ...... 19 2. 2. 1. 2 Lexical Change in Kihaya ...... 20 2. 2. 1. 3 Lexical Change in Kizigua ...... 21
vi 2. 2. 1. 4 Lexical Change in Chindali ...... 21 2.2.1.5 Lexical Change in Kimaswitule ...... 22 2. 2.2 Linguistic Factors for Lexical Change ...... 23 2.2.2.1 The Influence of Lexical Borrowing ...... 24 2. 2.2.2 Word Length ...... 27 2.2.2.3 Lexical Competition ...... 28 2.2.2.4 Phonological Factors ...... 30 2.2.3 Non linguistic Factors for Lexical Change ...... 31 2.2.3.1 Age Factor ...... 32 2.2.3.2 The Influence of Marriage ...... 34 2.2.3.3 Education Factor ...... 35 2.2.3.4 Attitudinal Factor ...... 36 2.2.3.5 The Influence of Technology ...... 38 2.2.3.6 The Influence of Sex ...... 39 2.2.3.7 The Contribution of Immigrants ...... 41 2.2.3.8 The Influence of Mass Media or Institution ...... 42 2.3 Research Gap ...... 44
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 46 3.1 Research Design ...... 46 3.2 Population and Area of the Study ...... 46 3.3 Sampling Technique and Sample Size ...... 47 3.3.1 Purposive Sampling ...... 47 3.3.2 Random Sampling ...... 47 3.3.2 Sample Size ...... 48 3.4 Methods of Data Collection ...... 49 3.4.1 Elicitation ...... 49 3.4.2 Introspection ...... 50 3.4.3 Semi Structured Interview ...... 50 3.5 Data Analysis ...... 50 3. 5.1 Data Gathered through Elicitation ...... 50 3.5.2 Data Collected through Introspection ...... 51 3. 5. 3 Data Gathered through Semi Structured Interview ...... 51
vii 3.6 Research Ethics ...... 51 3.7 Reliability and Validity of Data ...... 52 3.7.1 Reliability ...... 52 3.7.2 Validity ...... 52
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ...... 54 4.0 Introduction ...... 54 4.1 The Extent of Zinza Language Lexical Change ...... 54 4.1.1 Introspection Findings on the Extent of Zinza Lexical Change ...... 54 4.1.1.2 Lexical Replacement in Zinza Language in General ...... 55 4.1.1.3 Lexical Loss in Zinza Language ...... 57 4.1.1.4 Lexical Maintenance in Zinza Language ...... 59 4.1.2 Semi Structured Interview on the Extent of Zinza Lexical Change ...... 61 4.1.2.1 Zinza Lexical Change in Home Domain ...... 61 4.1.2.2 Zinza Lexical Change in Farming Domain ...... 70 4.1.2.3 Zinza Lexical Change in Livestock Keeping ...... 75 4.1.2.5 Zinza Lexical Change in Fishing Domain ...... 80 4.2 Linguistic Factors for Zinza Lexical Change ...... 86 4.2.1 The Nature of Zinza Language and Lexical Change ...... 86 4.2.1.1 Phonological factors ...... 87 4.2.1.2 Morphological Factor ...... 90 4.2.1.3 Decline of Lexical Specification among Language Users ...... 93 4.2.1.4 Semantic Change ...... 95 4.2.2 The Influence of Language Contact ...... 98 4.3 Non Linguistic Factors for Zinza Lexical Change ...... 101 4.3.1 Decline of Intergenerational Transmission of Zinza Language ...... 102 4.3.2 The Influence of Intermarriage ...... 103 4.3.3 The Influence of Education ...... 105 4.3.4 Decline of Socialization Gap among the Youth and Elders ...... 106 4.3.5 Advancement of Science and Technology ...... 108 4.3.6 The Influence of Immigration ...... 110 4.4 Reflection of the Findings to the Theoretical Framework ...... 111
viii 4.5 Chapter Conclusion ...... 113
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 114 5.0 Introduction ...... 114 5.1 Summary of the Study ...... 114 5.2 Conclusion ...... 115 5.3 Recommendations ...... 116 5.3.1 General Recommendations ...... 117 5.3.2 Recommendations for Further Studies ...... 118 REFERENCES ...... 119 LIST OF APPENDICIES ...... 128
ix LIST OF TABLES
Table 4. 1 Zinza Lexical Replacements ...... 56 Table 4. 2:The List of Lexical Loss in Zinza ...... 58 Table 4. 3: Lexical Maintenance in Zinza ...... 60 Table 4. 4: Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Family Relations ...... 62 Table 4. 5: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Attire in Home Domain ...... 64 Table 4. 6: Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Attire in Home Domain ...... 66 Table 4. 7: Zinza Lexical Loss in Home Domain ...... 69 Table 4. 8: Lexical Replacement Used Alongside the Zinza Proto Lexical Items in Farming Domain ...... 71 Table 4. 9: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in Farming Domain ...... 73 Table 4. 10: Lexical Loss in Farming Domain ...... 74 Table 4. 11: Replacements Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items in Livestock Keeping Domain ...... 76 Table 4. 12: Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Change in Livestock Keeping Domain ...... 77 Table 4. 13: Zinza Lexical Loss in Livestock Keeping Domain ...... 79 Table 4. 14: Lexical Replacement Used alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items at Fishing Domain ...... 81 Table 4. 15: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in Fishing Domain ...... 83 Table 4. 16: Zinza Lexical Loss at Fishing Domain ...... 85 Table 4. 17: Lexical Items which have Changed Because of Long Vowel Word Initial ...... 89 Table 4. 18: Lexical Items which have been Clipped Due to their Length Morphologically ...... 91 Table 4. 19: Lexical Specification among Language Users in Zinza ...... 94 Table 4. 20: Lexical Items which have Changed due to Semantic Change in Zinza Language ...... 96 x Table 4. 21: Lexical Items Borrowed to Replace the Proto Zinza Lexical Items ...... 99 Table 4. 22: Zinza Lexical Items which have Changed Due to Development of Science and Technology ...... 109
xi CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND INFORMATION TO THE STUDY
1.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the background to the problem, statement of the problem, objectives of the study, research questions, and significance of the study and finally the scope of the study. The chapter commences with an overview of the concept of lexical change and other preliminary ideas related to lexical change. The chapter finally ends with chapter conclusion.
1. 1 Overview Concept of Lexical Change
The study of words is one of the most fascinating areas of linguistics. The vocabulary of a language can be analyzed from many and varied perspectives to find out about its origin and meaning, how it changes or how words are related to one another. One of the aspects of a language that may show rapid change is the lexicon (Gonzalez-
Cruz, 2014). Mahdad (2011) states that, lexical change is the most frequent aspect of language that can be easily recognized. It can be divided into three categories: loss of lexical items, change of meaning, and creation of new lexical items.
Saussure (1916) in Ruimy, et al (2003) argues that, if there were no lexical change, the lexicon of languages would remain stable at all times. Words might change their forms by means of regular sound change; but there would always be an unbroken tradition of identical patterns of denotation. Since this is not the case, the lexicon of all languages is constantly changing. According to Drorkin (2010) in Rosendal &
Mapunda (2014) lexical change encompasses two distinct phenomena. The first involves changes in the semantic structure or meaning of the signifier, the area traditionally known as semantic change. Lexical change also includes demise of
1 lexical items with passage of time, as well as the addition and incorporation of new vocabulary into the lexicon.
Significant ideas related to better understanding of the lexical change are described here below; these cover definition of lexical change, dimension of lexical change, lexical change process as well as multilingual situation and lexical change.
1.1.1 Definition of Lexical Change
To familiarize with the concept of lexical change, Bullock & Tarbio (2009) define lexical change as the process whereby the use of words or morphemes or morpheme combinations from the lending language become firmly established as conventional usage and or combinations in the receiving language lexicon. Normally, these lexical items have distinguished features and thus their etymological origin lies in another language. In other words, lexical change entails one or more aspects of a morpheme or a word such as, a shade of meaning or the words or morphemes it can combine with are replaced by those of its equivalent in the other language. In the light of
Saussure (1916) as cited in Ruimy, et al (2003) words are lost, replaced, and maintained in any given language.
1.1.1.1 Lexical Loss or Word Loss
Mahdad (2011) explains that, when interacting and according to the situations and the reasons, many speakers mainly teenagers, tend to avoid some words and replace them with other alternatives. Because many words go out of fashion, they are substituted by new fashionable ones that match best the demands of the new generation. Koopman (1994) states that, one possible explanation for vocabulary loss, is that if the new thing which prompted the adoption disappears, there is no longer a word for it. Saussure (1916) as cited in Ruimy, et al (2003) asserts that,
2 words are lost when the speakers cease to use them or new words enter the lexicon when new concepts arise; be it that they are borrowed from other languages or created from native materials via different morphological process. Robert (2013) in
Eisenstein, et al (2014) defines lexical loss as the situation when words are lost or forgotten and are replaced in memory by other words from other languages. Bordin
(2009) presents that, in case of extreme word loss, it often involves words or phrases with meanings that are no longer relevant to a particular linguistic community or generation as in the case of the Inuit community, in the North Baffin Island. These dying words are closely related to the Inuit’s tradition and culture. Batibo (2005) argues that, lexical loss is one of the most obvious characteristics of dying languages.
Language contact results into disappearance of certain languages due to absorption or elimination of speakers by the contact group. Gonzalez-Cruz (2014) claims that; many new words are introduced into the language with the influence of other languages, new technologies, novelties in clothing or changes in customs. They may become quite fashionable, and speakers like to use those words, which are modern and prestigious. At the same time, something may die and bring into disuse the words required to make reference to them. Craig (2006) as cited in Kileng’a (2012) views lexical loss as a situation when lexical items of the recipient language usually minority language disappear gradually.
Yoneda (2010) as cited in Kileng’a (2012) gives a particular case on how the
Matengo language has lost most of its words especially to the young people due to the influence of Kiswahili. Taha (2012) states that, in the area of agricultural seasons and calendar, several words of Arabic are used. The native word jain is now considered archaic.
3 1.1.1.2 Lexical Replacement
Saussure (1916) as appears in Ruimy, et al (2003) defines lexical replacement as the process by which a given word ‘A’ which is commonly used to express a certain meaning ‘X’ ceases to express this meaning, while at the time, another word ‘B’ which was formerly used to express a meaning ‘Y’ is now used to express the meaning ‘Z’. Vejdemo & Horberg (2016) summarize that, the rate of lexical replacement estimates the diachronic stability of word forms on the basis of how frequently a proto language word is replaced or retained in its daughter languages.
Lexical replacement is highly related to word class or word frequency. The content words and function words behave differently with respect to lexical replacement rate.
According to Buthelezi (2000) traditional forms that have sexist connotation are now often replaced by gender- neutral terms. The word ‘ms’ is now increasingly being used instead of the traditional ‘mrs’ or ‘miss’, chairperson instead of chairman and bartender instead of barman. Mous (2001) cited in Fink (2005) argues that many
Bantu languages of Tanzania, for example, gradually replace non basic vocabulary with Swahili items. An example from Bowe shows the original Bowe words are in the process of being replaced by Swahili words, which are adapted to Bowe phonology and morphology. Rubanza (1979) s states that, many changed lexical items have their equivalents in the present day Haya language. Consider; kutunza- kulela, amavazi- ebijwalo and ntupashwa-ntwetagwa. Mapunda & Rosendal (2014) present, within the sematic field of agriculture and vegetation even existing terms for this field in Ngoni language were replaced by Swahili terms. The terms sweet potato originally known vimungulu is now frequently replaced by mbatata, which is the
Swahili term for potatoes not generally used in Tanzanian Mainland Swahili. The concepts for sugar cane and chili pepper were also observed to have replacement. 4 The Ngoni term for sugar cane mlungulungu was only used by a few informants and is practically totally replaced by the Swahili term muwa or miwa. Similarly, all but a few informants used Swahili terms pilipili instead of the Ngoni term sobola or sabora. The word for soil in Ngoni is ludaka but middle aged and elders informants were found to frequently use the term ardhi. In the other semantic field, ‘Shirt’ shati in Swahili is adapted to Ngoni as indicated by the form lishati which was used frequently alongside terms ligwanda and lijalisi. Stephen (2012) reveals that, there have been replacements of the Sukuma number by the use of Swahili numbers.
Majority of Sukuma speakers find it simpler to articulate the Swahili numbers than
Sukuma numbers in the conversations using Sukuma language. Yohana (2009: 107) revealed that, the young generation in Chasu, rarely recall Chasu numbers due to these numbers being replaced by Kiswahili numbers.
Lees (1953) assumes that, the replacement rate for lexical items is identical for all the lexical meanings under consideration. Homber, et al (2010) as cited in Mahdad
(2012) provide a prediction of lexical replacement of 20% of changes in basic vocabulary per 1000 years. They further give comments that, frequently used words evolve at slower rate of replacement. Florey & Botton (1997) cited in Habib (2005) comment on the means by which a lexical replacement term selected; most often, it is the basis of a transparent semantic relationship between the homonym that must be replaced and the term used to replace.
1.1.1.3 Lexical Maintenance
The view that lexical change is constant was championed by Swadesh (1971), in
Vejdemo (2010) who compiled list of very stable lexical items. These lists are still in wide use today, and their items are in general considered quite stable. Swadesh
5 (1971) as appears in Vejdemo (2010) claims that, the core vocabulary of a language is replaced at a constant rate of 15% in one millennium this would give these items a half-life of 4300 years. Vijdemo (2010) discuses that, within the noun group, concrete nouns are lexically less likely to change than abstract nouns. Dahl (2004) as appears in Winford (2007) argues that, the reasons why certain concepts might be more stable than others could be traced to cultural or environmental factors
(presumably a tool that is used often could be lexically replaced at a different rate than one that is used seldom). Fink (2005) asserts that, when there is a change in lexical items some items are maintained. He gives this statement by supplying it with a historical commentary that original contributing languages for Shelta and
Angloromani are extinct and only certain lexical items have remained.
Hospelmath (2009) writes that, the basic vocabulary, the lexical concepts that are believed to be the most resistant to replacement, refer to the most common and universal elements of human experience. Thomason & Kaufman (1988) support that, the basic vocabulary is additionally assumed to be high- frequent items and therefore more resistant to change. Diaz-Alayon (1991) as cited in Gonzalez-Cruz (2014) presents, some Guanche words have survived to a great or lesser extent in the language substratum. Samper (2008) as appears in Taha (2012) believes that,
Guanches influence is limited to short list of words approximately 120 today. From those that survive in toponym and anthroponymy, refer principally to flora, the terrain, fauna and the worlds of agriculture and animal husbandry. Gonzalez-Cruz
(2014) argues, in the process of constant change, some words are felt to be old, white, others perceived as new. These changes in vocabulary do not hamper communication since usually traditionally; old words live together with the new ones
6 for some time. Individuals with a low socio economic level tend to keep in use many words which are considered to be archaic.
1.1.2 Dimension of Lexical Change
Karen (1996) distinguishes two dimensions of lexical change namely, the morphological dimension, and the semantic dimension.
1.1.2.1 The Morphological Dimension
This involves the changes in the outer form of words which are not due to regular sound change. As an example of this type of change, consider English word birth and its ancestral form proto Germanic *ga-burdi ‟birth”. While the meaning of word did not change, the English word apparently lost the prefix ga- (Karen, 1996). Davies
(2000) writes, names are widely used as forms of address and practical reasons may lead to the abbreviation of long compound. Abbreviated forms and non-abbreviated forms normally co-exist, but it is possible for the latter to replace the former in their entirely. Marchand (1969) cited in Karen (1996) comments that, apart from mere addition and subtractions affecting the lexical stock, change can affect the content of lexemes.
Kayigema (2010) presents that, most French loanwords have undergone deep morphological changes in Kinyarwanda. The morphological adaptation of loanwords is generally operated in one of the four ways: addition, derivation, and reduplication.
Scalise (1986) states that, words can be found that they have undergone derivation and then compounding, but not compounding then derivation. In terms of reduplication, Nurse and Philippson (2003) presented in Martine (2007) explain that, in all kinds of non-verbal words, reduplication is particularly frequent with monosyllabic stems, which indicates a rhythmic preference for polysyllabic stems.
7 Kayigema (2010) argues that, most loanwords comply with the structure of receiving language. The adaption from the lending language to the borrowing one is a long process. It does not happen haphazardly. It makes its way in the daily conversation, the media, and the print.
1.1.2.2 Semantic Dimension
Semantically speaking, it seems that the less clear extension, a concept has in the real world, the more likely it is to change (Vejdemo, 2010). Martine (2007) shows that, a lexical change will occur whenever a new name becomes attached to a sense, or a new sense to a new name. For example, the word 'persona', which in the beginning of Roman drama meant 'mask', then a character indicated by a mask, thereupon a character or a role in a play. Eisenstein, et al (2014) argue that, word popularities can be driven by short lived global phenomenon, such as holidays or events in popular culture (TV shows, movie release) which can bring persistent changes to the lexicon.
Mapunda & Rosendal (2015) present, in Ngoni the term mayungu representing uncared for, long r not properly cared for hair and njwili for short traditional-hair style that seems to be disappearing. Both terms are replaced by the Swahili term nywele, which this way includes long or uncared for hair. This is a semantic widening through lexico-semantic borrowing. The term chupa for bottle is used extensively in Ngoni. It has been borrowed from Swahili into Ngoni. Earlier chupa was in Swahili restricted to glass bottles, but the word has gradually gone through a process of semantic widening to additionally include plastic bottle. In Ngoni, the term chupa is used for both bottles and some kind of plastic bottles, like pet bottles.
8 1.1.3 Lexical Change Processes
Lexical change is highly determined by speech communities to be found and although some grammatical influence may be introduced. This change is, to a great extent, characterized by borrowing. It takes place most commonly when both languages are in contact. The more common a term is, the more it will be adapted to phonological and morphological patterns of the language (Moskovich & Seoane,
1995) as cited in Simango (2000). Lexical change process operates in all of the dimensions and yields complex patterns which may be very hard to uncover for historical linguistics (Karen, 1996). According to Hopper & Traugot (2003), grammarticalization is the well described unidirectional process of correlating semantic, morpho-syntactic and phonological developments, often resulting in the change of word class. Erikson (1992) as cited in Kayigema (2010) presents that, the degree to which the primary word of a concept is polysemous and therefore has many different senses may also affect lexical replacement rate. Vejdemo & Horberg
(2016) argue that, words with many senses can be used in more different genres than words with few senses and this might lead to great entrenchment which there by might insulate a word from replacement. Linguistic taboo can certainly be very local, but can also be, if not universal, then at least very widespread. Once a linguistic taboo exists, speakers have various strategies to avoid the offending word. In this way, euphemism can lead to a great plurality of synonyms and accelerate lexical replacement.
1.1.4 Multilingual Situation and Lexical Change
Multilingualism is a worldwide phenomenon. In many parts of the world it is a normal daily retirement that one is able to communicate in more than one language, perhaps one or more at home, another in town or at work, perhaps another for the 9 purpose of trade, and yet, another for contact with the outside world of wider social and political organization. In communities where multilingualism is a normal phenomenon and not unusual in any way, various languages are acquired naturally and unselfconsciously and shift from one language to another are made without hesitation (Wardhaugh, 1986). In Africa, multilingualism is the characteristic of the entire continent. For example, South Africa as a whole is a multilingual society constituting four language groups namely the European language, the Indian languages, the Khoisan languages and the African languages (PSALB, 1995) in
(Karen, 1996).
Wieting (2010) in Mahdad (2012) states that, in a multilingual society, the L1 lexical items are the most available [or most accessible] to the speakers because they are the ones to which the speaker has the most exposure; although, in situations of L1 attrition the L2 lexical items become the most available and thus leading to lexical replacement. Truscott & Sharwood (2004) as appears in Kayigema (2010) regarding bilingual situation, give a remarkable note that the higher frequently a word is used, the more a speaker produces a word, the higher its frequency weighting should become, and therefore accessible it should be. Mcmahon (1994) argues, when core borrowing occurs, this is additionally expected to be found more frequently among the youth, and likewise more in urban and semi-urban areas than in rural settings.
Due to genealogical relatedness between Swahili and Ngoni and the massive exposure to Swahili through the long time establishment of Swahili as a national language in Tanzania, it is more likely that Ngoni borrows from Swahili than English which both are high status languages. Rosendal & Mapunda (2014) argue that, lexical borrowing is only possible in a language contact situation. The result of the language contact additionally reflects the status of the borrowing language and what 10 the process of borrowing implies, not only to individual speakers but also to the language community. Some lexical borrowing, cultural gap- filling borrowing and also just-for-prestige borrowing, may naturally be attributed to individual exposure for instance through travelling, education and incoming people from other language communities. However, borrowing in the basic vocabulary is always the result of pervasive cultural contact between speakers of the two languages, regardless of the individual social contact.
1. 2 Background of the Problem
Thomason and Kaufman (1988) view that, it is traditionally claimed that, the lexicon is the most endangered part of language and most likely subjected to changes due to solid influence in a language contact situation. Mcmahon (1994) argues that, linguistic borrowing adds and enriches vocabulary of the recipient language and thus expanding its referential capacity. This enrichment brings to the recipient language a new stock of vocabulary referring to new objects or concepts. In the course of borrowing a language may lose any important linguistic information (that is its origin and authenticity) when it comes in contact with other languages. Baronchell, et al
(2006) as quoted in Amani (2010) hold that, lexical innovation is typically marked by a period in which novelty spreads and different words compete, followed by a dramatic transition after which almost everyone uses the same word. Paget (2000) as quoted in Kilen’ga (2012) asserts that, competition between words is driven by a pressure both within speech communities and within individuals to express each concept with a single word that is, a pressure to avoid exact synonym.
Trudgill (1986) gives cases of language in Europe; where, there have been experience of lexical replacement. Swedish lexical item jag is replaced by the
11 Norwegian jeg, dom by de, honom by ham respectively. Simango (2000) gives an example from Africa, of the English word ‘madam’ which has been borrowed by
Chichewa language of Malawi for the replacement of the Chichewa word for ‘wife’.
Khumalo (2004) presents that, Tswana people changed their names to sound more like Ndebele names. This change was inevitable, and it favoured the dominating tribe. The same situation is prevailing among Tanzanian Ethnic Community
Languages, Zinza being inclusive. According to Kiango (2005) in Amani (2010), due to the use of Kiswahili in Tanzania as a lingua franca, most of Swahili lexical items are frequently used in Ethnic Community Languages despite these languages having their lexical items to refer to the same concept. According to Rubanza (1979)
Kiswahili prestige over ECLs has increased its contact with them and this has led to linguistic interference. One of these kinds of linguistic interferences includes linguistic borrowing. Studies which have been conducted in Tanzania to assess the influence of Kiswahili on Ethnic community languages have revealed the presence of linguistic borrowing where lexical features of Kiswahili have ended up appearing in the discourse of these Ethnic community languages. In these studies, most of the reviewed scholars who have invested in lexical change, have fairly presented language contact to be the chief source of lexical change. They have hardly presented language itself under the study whether it acts as a catalyst for its lexical change.
Among other things, this study intended to assess the language itself whether motivates changes of its own lexical items.
1. 3 Statement of the Problem
The change that is constantly affecting a living language can easily be seen in the vocabulary. Regarding language shift and endangerment, shrinkage and decline in the lexicon is one of the main traits noted with reference to this phenomenon. The 12 decline may take a variety of forms, including lexical loss with or without replacement of already existing indigenous items (Taha, 2012).
In Zinza language, lexical items are observed to be replaced by other lexical items from other languages. This tendency would sound properly if the lexical items used could not have their synonyms in Zinza language. Since, Zinza belongs to Zinza people; it is obvious that, the Zinza would be accountable to take care of their lexical items from being replaced at the expense of their disappearance. This phenomenon, if not eradicated, will lead to continuation of the existence of a language that has no unique lexical items. In this respect, this study assessed Zinza lexical change within
Kome Island. In particular, this study looked at the magnitude of lexical change, non linguistic and linguistic factors influencing Zinza lexical change. Finally, the study provided general recommendations on what should be done to rescue this situation.
1. 4 Objectives of the Study
The study was guided by the general and specific objectives stipulated below.
1.4.1 General Objective
This study generally aimed at assessing Zinza language lexical change at Kome
Island.
1.4.2 Specific Objectives
Specifically, the study was guided by the following objectives:
1. To explore the extent at which Zinza lexical items have undergone changes at
Kome Island.
2. To examine the linguistic factors contributing to Zinza lexical change at Kome
Island.
13 3. To describe non linguistic factors behind Zinza language lexical change at Kome
Island.
1.5 Research Questions
The study was guided by the following questions :
1. To what extent have Zinza lexical items experienced changes at Kome Island?
2. What are the linguistic factors contributing to Zinza lexical change at Kome
Island?
3. What are non linguistic factors behind Zinza lexical change?
1. 6 Significance of the Study
This study is expected to generate knowledge to the existing literature on Zinza lexical items. It will also, inculcate a sense of feeling proud among the Zinza speakers to make use of their lexical items and thus help the survival of Zinza lexical items. Besides, it will contribute to the efforts made by Tanzanian linguists to document little or less undocumented ethnic languages found in Tanzania. The study will serve as a scholarly reference and a room for other studies to emerge.
1. 7 Scope of the Study
The study was carried out at Kome Island in Sengerema district in Mwanza region. It covered four villages; namely, Luhiza, Isenyi, Bugolo and Buhama. These villages are the representatives of other remaining villages because of homogeneous tenants they have in common to cover the focus of the study. Only the native speakers were consulted to reflect relevance of the study and extraction of natural data. The study concentrated on assessing the Zinza lexical change; principally, it was centred on
14 linguistic factors and non linguistic factors as well as the extent to which Zinza lexical items have changed.
1.8 Chapter Conclusion
This chapter has provided an over view concept of lexical change with its related key concepts (lexical replacement, lexical loss and lexical maintenance) and dimensions of this linguistic change. It has further shown the background of the problem, statement of the problem, objectives of the study and the research questions, significance of the study and finally the scope of the study.
15 CHAPTER TWO
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter expresses theoretical framework that guided the study, the survey of several related literature reviews that were relevant to this study, the research gap and finally chapter conclusion.
2.1 Theoretical Framework
This study was conducted within the framework of Assimilation Theory. The theory holds that; speakers of the borrowing language always employ certain predictable strategy to language change and structure of the loan word to fit the system of their own language (Bloomfield, 1932 and Haugen, 1950). Haugen (1972) gives a remark on the condition for lexical item to be assimilated. According to him, the lexicon may be integrated once other speakers start using it and foreign elements of the word will be substituted by the natives ones.
Winford (2007) draws attention that, there is no consensus about having a coherent theoretical approach. There is lack of coherent theoretical framework that integrates all contact phenomena. This has caused inconsistent terminology and classification in the studies of language contact whether linguistics or sociolinguistics.
Despite the fact that there is no coherent theoretical framework which guides the study outcomes of lexical change, there is a consensus among linguists that when speakers borrow words from other languages, they tend to assimilate them to morphological habits of their own language. This tendency is what Winford calls
Assimilation Theory.
16 The central phenomena used regularly and which are connected to this theory are loan word integration, loan word adaptation and loan word nativization. Madiba
(1994) argues that, languages adopt words from other languages in order to fill communication gaps which are created mainly through acculturation and technological advancement due to language contact. All languages, at some stage or another have a need for new words and no language claims to be completely self- sufficient. Kayigema (2010) presents that, a loan word adds an augment and an affix
(usually by prefixing or and suffix) to the stem of a word. This is the most frequent method of integration. Although a loanword may be integrated into the borrowing language, it does not always find full acceptance in the host language system. Thus, it can preserve or lose original segments and create new ones. Loan words which have not been fully adopted are written and pronounced with or without nominal morpheme: augment or nominal prefix. However, in the long run, they will definitely take a stand and get one. This explains the fact that loanwords are still searching for adoption in the nominal class of the host language before being totally integrated.
Hockett (1958) cited in Kayigema (2010) defines loanword adaptation as the modification of the form of the borrowed word. Once a word has been borrowed it becomes thoroughly naturalized, its subsequent history is like that of any form already in the language. According to Kayigema (2010) loanwords which have been allocated to various areas of life have been adapted to fit the nominal class system of
Kinyarwanda. They have undergone morphological, phonological, semantic and orthographic changes. Peperkamp (2001) cited in Amani (2010) distinguishes two types of loanwords: historical loanwords, i.e. words that have entered the borrowing language and are commonly used by monolingual speakers have been studied most often. Monolingual speakers who use these words never hear source forms, and there
17 is thus no reason to postulate an underlying form that differs from the output form in their grammar. The second type of loanwords is on-line adaptation, i.e. foreign words that are borrowed here and now (Shinohara, 1997, Kenstowicz, and Sohn, 2001) cited in Kayigema (2010). The online adaptation or ongoing adaptation becomes historical when the loanword has been fully adapted. The monolingual or the bilingual who is unaware of the source form uses the form as a normal form from his
L1. For example, in Kinyarwanda speakers of this language could not identify some words whether they were of foreign origin or not, which implies that some people use foreign words without knowing that they are foreign. Danes (1985) as cited in
Karen (1996) states that the whole process of adopting a word by a native is what some linguists call nativization. A study of Canadian Italian has shown that the receiving language (Italian) has nativized the words of the source language (English) in their phonological, syntactic, and morphological system.
Loanwords are assigned to assimilation process in the recipient language. This is because, as many linguists agree, linguistic borrowing may bring structural preserving (Von Coetsem, 1988) cited in (Amani, 2010). However, McMahon (1994) cautions that, massive borrowing may bring about certain degree of change in the recipient language; since this aspect of Assimilation Theory takes into account the morphological as well as phonological assimilation. McMahon further insists that, assimilation strategies that speakers employ are not random. For example, English in
South Africa has consistently adopted many words from African languages and
Afrikaans to describe the local landscape and customs (Mesthrie et al, 2000).
Amani (2010) used this theory to describe how Chimalaba speakers adapt and integrate words taken from Kiswahili into their language. According to him, it was
18 found that several techniques such as direct structure borrowing and indirect structure borrowing through blending were used to integrate these borrowed lexical items in Chimalaba.
The Theory of Assimilation suits this study which seeks to explore how replacements from other languages are nativized to appear like Zinza lexical items. This theory suits the study, because currently, the language under the study is existing within a cloud of other living languages such as Kiswahili, Sukuma, Jita (Lewis et al, 2014).
Taking into account main issues raised in favour of this theory, it also guided the study to explore lexical items experiencing changes.
2. 2 Literature Review
This sub section presents the review of several related literatures under the topic of the study. The review has been organized basing on the research objectives stipulated in chapter one. These are paraphrased as, the magnitude of lexical change, linguistic factors for lexical change and non linguistic factors for lexical change.
2. 2. 1 The Magnitude of Lexical Change
A number of studies are reviewed to determine the extent of lexical changes in various studies. The studies surveyed include; Kiango (2005), Rubanza (1979),
Mochiwa (1979), Swilla (2000), and Leopards (2007) basing on Tanzanian context.
In addition, the subsection further gives studies from other parts of the world.
2. 2. 1. 1 Lexical Change in Kibondei
Kiango (2005) as cited in Amani (2010) in his study on Swahilization of the Coastal
Bantu Languages, the Case of Bondei, found that, there were a lot of Kiswahili words in the lexicon of Kibondei. Some of these words have taken over the Kibondei former words. A list of Kibondei words which are not in common usage nowadays 19 and are being replaced by loanwords from Kiswahili are provided. For example,
Woki is replaced by asali, ‘honey’, utaingo is replaced by alama ‘mark’, gonad is replaced by andika ‘write’, yombe is replaced by bizaa ‘goods’, and, poota is replaced by diisha ‘window.
Kiango concludes that, the only aspect of language which has been affected by
Kiswahili is the lexicon. There are many words, mostly nouns in Kibondei lexicon which have undergone lexical change.
2. 2. 1. 2 Lexical Change in Kihaya
Rubanza (1979) carried a research on the relationship between Kiswahili and Kihaya.
The central focus was not to investigate linguistic borrowing but to find out the extent to which Kiswahili has influenced Haya language. It was found that, there were many words which came into Kihaya from Kiswahili. He calls these borrowings lexical innovations.
According to him, lexical borrowing found in Kihaya from Kiswahili falls under three types. These are firstly, established lexical items such as daktari and omuhospitali; second, getting established such as kwetegemea, ehuduma and finally, not yet known in Kihaya like ebikutengeneza or kuchochea. Most of the items that have undergone changes in Kihaya are nouns, verbs and connectors. Muzale (2005) cited in Aamani (2010) reveals that, some people tend to use Kiswahili items even when the Ruhaya words still exist. It is this fact that concerns language analysts that the life of indigenous languages in Tanzania is threatened by the status of Kiswahili.
For example Haya speakers use e-vurugu instead of a-kalindi ‘commotion’. e-kelele instead of e-yombo ‘noise’.
20 2. 2. 1. 3 Lexical Change in Kizigua
Mochiwa (1979) examined the impact of Kiswahili on Ethnic Community Languages in Handeni district. The findings revealed that, there were many linguistic items
(lexical items) that had undergone lexical change. The items affected highly were nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and coordinators. Only 25% of the lexical items borrowed were needed to fill the gaps. Mochiwa’s central goal was not to make analysis of the integrated loans but to point out linguistic interference as the outcome of bilingualism in Handeni district.
2. 2. 1. 4 Lexical Change in Chindali
Swilla (2000) shows cases of lexical change in Chindali due to the influence of lexical borrowing from Kiswahili to Chindali. It was discovered that there were a lot of words of Chindali which were being replaced by words borrowed from Kiswahili specifically nouns. More interestingly, it was found that, those words which were previously borrowed from English into Chindali are being replaced by Kiswahili loans. According to her, the replacements are phonologically and morphologically assimilated into the system of Chindali. Most of them refer to new concepts and objects. There are also Kiswahili lexical items which were replacing even the basic vocabulary. Chindali has accommodated a lexical item umbimbi from the Kiswahili item bibi ‘grandmother, Ushangazi from Kiswahili item shangazi ‘paternal aunt’.
The sound [z] is realized as [s] in Chindali and the replacements are assigned prefix u- and prenasalized consonant as mb-. There is also vowel insertion [u] in the word umujomba to avoid consonant cluster which is uncommon in Chindali. The findings reveal that, most of noun items subjected to the study experienced lexical change due to Kiswahili influence.
21 2.2.1.5 Lexical Change in Kimaswitule
Leopards (2007) as appears in Amani (2010) reports that; Kiswahili has greatly influenced Kibena which is one of ethnic community languages in Tanzania leading to the emergence of Kimaswitule as a variety of Kibena. One of the fascinating example in this study is the word tembeli, which originally meant a place for prayers, but this changed to hukanisa to mean church. Proto Kimaswitule upapo is replaced by ubibi ‘grandmother’, umuhandza is replaced by udada ‘sister’, mgunda is replaced by hushamba ‘farm’, hukuye is replaced by hunyumbani ‘home’.
In this study, the researcher points out that one of the results of lexical change has been creation of some words that are neither Kiswahili nor Kibena; but hanging somewhere, thus leading to the formation of a new dialect called Kimaswitule. This is a dialect of Kibena, a language spoken in Njombe district. According to Lodhi
(2000) loans may even cause native words and expressions to appear inadequate and gradually become redundant. For example, Arabic words asali ‘honey’ and samaki
‘fish’ replaced Bantu lexical items uki and insi respectively.
In other parts of Africa, lexical change has also been observed to be at work.
Kayigema (2010) presents that, the word ‘coffee’ has acquired its name from the word koffa, a highland region of south-western Ethiopia, where coffee has been cultivated for a long time. Following the rapid expansion and trade with Arabs, the word passed from Ethiopia onto Arabic under the name Quah′wa. Kayigema further reveals that, the areas which have adopted loanwords clearly prove that they have been integrated into most of the activities of everyday life of Rwandese. However,
Kinyarwanda terminologies denoting activities such as livestock, crafts, pottery, hunting, and navigation, borrowed very few terms because there was no real need for
22 them. For example, in Kinyarwanda there are more than five ways of denoting the concept ‘milk’ and more than ten words to refer the concept ‘cow’. However,
Kinyarwanda is not the least frequent borrower of words from foreign languages.
Khumalo (1995) as presented in Karen (1996) discusses that, in Tsotsitaal, there is a process in operation during which words and expressions which were at one stage highly secretive, become commonly known and understood. Zungu (1995) presents that, there are strong links between the slang form of Tsotsitaal and Iscamatho and prison registers, and the words coined in prison often find their way to townships via ex-prisoners who have been released from jail. In fact, Zungu indicates that, different levels of comprehension even exist in the prison register, with some words only understood by the prisoners themselves, some only by the prison gangs and some by both prisoners and prison staff.
Lexical change is also witnessed in other parts of the world. Macalister (2000) argues that, the rate of this change in New Zealand lexicon since the late 1960s has been more marked and more rapid than the rate during the preceding three or four generations combined. This acceleration of change is the result of changes in the society, particularly since 1981. Whether the current rate of lexical change will be maintained is unknown. In the 1960s corpus, Maori words were more likely to be found in informative prose passages than is the case in the 1990s. It is also interesting that the number of flora and fauna types present in the 1960s corpus (56) is significantly larger than the number present in the 1990s corpus (27).
2. 2.2 Linguistic Factors for Lexical Change
Words used in the language are frequently subjected to changes over time since words in the language are dynamic as they keep on changing (Saussure, 1916) cited
23 in (Ruimy et al, 2003). This may be the result of linguistic factors operating over the language in question. The chief linguistic factors discussed under this section following the survey of related literature reviewed include; the influence of lexical borrowing, linguistic prestige, word length, phonology, and lexical competition.
2.2.2.1 The Influence of Lexical Borrowing
Scholars have in the past used differenat terminology to refer to this process where by foreign words become part of the lexicon of the language. The terms loanwords, borrowing, and adoptive are used interchangeably by different scholars and sometimes by the same scholar (Calteaux, 1996) as appears in Karen (1996).
According to Mesthrie, et al (2000), Borrowing is a technical term for the incorporation of an item from one language into another. This means that, a linguistic item from another language is integrated into another language. This process differs from code switching, which demands a mastery of two or more languages and the wide range of rules of the languages being switched. By distinction, borrowing usually involves the adaption of a word into a phonetic and grammatical system of the other language. Once borrowed, a word becomes a part of a borrowing language.
There is no intention of returning it. Mathumba (1993) cited in Karen (1996) distinguishes two forms of borrowing. These include cultural borrowing and intimate borrowing. Cultural borrowing refers to the adoption of features from a different language and usually involves the introduction of new elements of culture into the adopting language. In this sense, Tsonga has adopted various words from Afrikaans and English words into its vocabulary. For example, tafula < Afr tafel ‘table’. Butu <
Eng ‘boot’. Intimate borrowing on the other hand, refers to adoption between languages spoken in the same geographical area, by a single speech community.
According to Bullock & Toribio (2009) lexical borrowing refers to the process 24 whereby words from a lending language become firmly established as conventional words in the receiving lexicon. Poplack and Sankoff (1984) and Muysken (1990) establish some common characteristics of borrowing. These include (a) borrowings are added in the lexicon, (b) borrowing often exhibits phonological, morphological and syntactic adaptation, (c) borrowing is used frequently in natural speech and other forms of usage, (d) borrowings replace a language’s own words, (e) borrowings are recognized by speakers as words in their own language, (f) borrowing in some cases exhibits semantic changes. Gleason (1955) advocates that, word-borrowing is not random or unsystematic process.
Koopman (1994) presents that, the results of language contact are often referred to as corruptions, bastardisations, contamination and misdoings. Few scholars take a positive view of language mixing; some see the addition of foreign elements strengthening of the language, or as part of a living language created by the mother tongue speakers themselves. These loans may result to homonyms and synonyms.
Examples of synonyms in Kiswahili created by Arabic loans are plenty and it would suffice to illustrate here with an example from Polome (1967), Mlinzi aliumizwa na mwombaji (This is purely Bantu construction). Bawabu alijeruhiwa na maskini (with
Arabic loans in underline). Yohana (2009: 88) presents that, when a word is borrowed from Swahili into Chasu, certain words are likely to reserve their phonemic structure while others adopt new inflectional affixes.
According to Gorlach (2007) there are three primary motives that trigger speakers of a language to borrow lexical items from another language. These motives include gaps in the vocabulary of the recipient language, insufficiencies in the recipient language lexis and fashion or prestige.
25 a. Gaps in the Vocabulary of the Recipient Language
Speakers of the language may come in contact with unfamiliar concepts or objects that do not exist in their language. Therefore, they borrow words to refer to new objects, concepts or activities related to new technology, foreign flora and fauna, foreign culture or religion, socio-economic and political activities. Consider a word like omuhospitali borrowed from Kiswahili into Kihaya as presented in Rubanza
(1979), is a vivid example of borrowing compelled by the desire to fill gaps in the vocabulary of recipient language. Sote (2011) cited in Rosendal & Mapunda (2014) presents that, most of loan nouns identified in Shimalila had no equivalents in
Shimalila. Thus, borrowing was compulsory. It was pointed out that, borrowing in
Shimalila is motivated by necessity, prestige of loan nouns and insufficiency in vocabulary in the Shimalila lexicon. Further, the study reveals that, borrowing has enriched different Semantic fields of Shimalila. These fields include; science and technology, agriculture and education. For instance, itelevisheni from televisheni
‘television’, ikanhawa from kahawa ‘coffee’ and umwalimu from mwalimu ‘teacher’.
b. Insufficiencies in the Recipient Language Lexis
In most cases, speakers of a language may have a need of getting euphemism or synonyms of some native words. In case their language is insufficient, they can borrow them from other languages (Gorlach, 2007). Kraal (2005) gives an example of a traditional healer in Chimakonde that he or she is called mmite’ela. Speakers of
Chimakonde have borrowed a word dakitaali directly from Kiswahili word daktari to refer to a medical doctor. This is because there is a significant difference between mmite’ela and dakitaali but the lexis of Chimakonde does not have a native synonym to refer to a medical doctor.
26 c. Linguistic Prestige
This occurs when speakers borrow linguistic materials from a prestigious language.
At any given time in any given place, some languages typically enjoy more prestige than others, and speakers of less prestigious languages are often eager to show off their command of a more prestigious language by introducing some of its words into their own speech (Trask, 1999) cited in Amani, (2010). Speakers of Chindali have borrowed a word bhabhu ‘grandfather’ from Kiswahili babu while the native word sekulu for grandfather still exists in Chindali’s lexicon (Swilla, 2000). According to
McMahon (1994) most of words have been borrowed to duplicate the existing original items of Chimakonde. This kind of borrowing is attributed to the inspiration for prestige.
In Chimalaba, linguistic factors are secondary in determining structural borrowing from Kiswahili into Chimalaba and social factors are primary (Amani, 2010).
Existence of long term contact between Chimalaba and Kiswahili has facilitated not only heavy lexical borrowing, but also structural borrowing in Chimakonde (Amani,
2010).
2. 2.2.2 Word Length
Lexical replacement increases as a function of word length or alternatively phonological change decreases as a function of word length. The need to shorten common words is a type of attrition, a linguistic phenomenon known as Zipf's law.
Zipf showed that common words tend to be shorter than uncommon ones. For example, 'refrigerator' became 'fridge', and 'television' became 'tele' or 'TV; 'aero plane' became 'plane' (Martine, 2007). A lexical shift is clearly visible with word lengths. However, the shift is longer for the trisyllable than for monosyllables
27 (Marslen-Wilson & Welsh, 1978). Samuel (2006) as cited in Martine (2007) presents that lexical- shift size increased with the manipulation when the parts responded to monosyllable but showed much smaller change when they responded to trisyllable.
Gaskell & Marslen-Wilson (1999) cited in Davies (2000) argue that, the smaller lexical shifts found with monosyllables could be a result of late divergence. Short forms like Jim for James or Dick for Richard are found in a number of languages.
Martine (2007) explains that, activation of this lexical shift of the monosyllabic words is usually weak compared to that of trisyllables because there is minimal divergence from competitors. Davies (2000) presents that, in Greek all stages, from
Mycenaean to the Koine, compound names can be replaced by abbreviated forms.
The abbreviated forms and the full forms may co-exist and be treated as identical and perhaps interchangeable as Tom and Thomas in English, or may acquire separate status and eventually be treated as different names. With personal name, it is easy to identify important linguistic work on the subject that is not etymological and caries a high degree of linguistic credibility. Personal names are also endowed with a strong classificatory function: names can classify a person according to his or sex, ethnic origin, family status, and social status.
2.2.2.3 Lexical Competition
Competition between words is driven by a pressure both within speech community and within individuals; that is, a pressure to avoid exact synonym (Martin, 2007). As
Baronchelli, et al (2006) put it, lexical innovation is typically marked by a period in which novelty spreads and different words compete, followed by a dramatic transition often which almost everyone uses the same word. If the newcomer wins, it replaces the existing word in the lexicon (Martin, 2007). Martin adds that, the
28 lexicon remains the same size but often the first generation is populated with only words that have won every competition in previous generation.
Giles & Simith (1979) expose that, the entire population eventually converges on one word, although which word is ultimately successful is a matter of chance.
Convergence is thus predicted to emerge, as long as the probability of a speaker using a given word is a function of how often a speaker hears others using the word.
Evidence from the sociolinguistics literature suggests that, speakers do in fact, accommodate many features of their speech including lexical choice to match their interlocutors.
Pagel, et al (2007) claim that, as much as 50% of the difference in the rate of lexical change can be traced to word frequency: words that are used frequently are more likely to change than words that are seldom used. They found that, the half-life of a lexical item varies from 750 years for the fastest evolving words to over 10,000 years for the slowest, and that prepositions and conjunctions change rapidly followed by adjectives, verbs, nouns, special adverbs (what, where, when’ how, where, here, there, and not), pronouns and finally prepositions. The authors theorize that the parts of speech that seem more important to meaning (nouns and verbs) seem to change slower than less meaning-intense lexical items such as conjunctions and prepositions.
Either, the frequency of word use directly affects the rate at which new lexical items form or the rate at which forms appear is the same for all concepts, but the chance that, the new lexical item will be adopted by a given population is dependent on the frequency of use. Martin (2007) states that, the sounds that make up a word contribute to its selection over other synonyms. Such a prediction is only made of the strictly several characters of its items. If we assume that, certain phonemes like
29 lexical entries have differing resting activation, then some phonemes will reach the threshold more quickly than others. These better phonemes will feed activation back to their lexical entries giving those words an advantage in reaching threshold more quickly than others.
2.2.2.4 Phonological Factors
Haas (1969) explains that, simplification of the vowels sequence and loss of pre consonantal /h/ would then lead to a form like [koyo-li] in Muskogean language, in which the plural appears to be marked by deletion of the coda of the lost syllable of the stem. Andersen (1973) gives an observation that, if we assume coda deletion was subsequently generalized to delete the entire rhyme in other verbs, we arrive at observed patterns of subtractive morphology conditioned by the category (plural).
The subtractive processes (cluster simplification, h-loss, and vowel sequence reduction) which collectively made it appear that plurals were related to singulars by the omission of some phonological material in the stem. Broadwell (1993) notes, coda deletion is itself a way of marking plurality in other verbs, often with vowel lengthening.
In cases where an originally phonological regularity comes to be replaced by morphological ones, it may be the case that alternation involved comes to be the only marker of the category involved, rather than simply an attendant property associated with an overt affix. Thus, while German Grund/ Grṻnde displays umlaut in the plural in association with an overt suffix ([-ә]) the umlaut alternation itself is the only marker of plurality in other dorms, such as vater /vἂter ‘father’. In Old English , the plural of boc ‘book’ was supposed to be beech in Modern English but was replaced by books. Once the principles of umlaut and palatalization of k to c ] after
30 front vowels ceased to be regular parts of the phonology, language learners learnt the plural beech as an idiosyncratic property of the lexical item book, since no rule produces it. Such an extension of regularities produced new forms. Kurylowicz
(1 ) cited in Andersen (1 ) proposes a law of analogy called ‘ ] a bipartile marker that tends to replace an isofunctional marker consisting of only one of the two elements. That is, the complex marker replaces the simple marker’. For example, earlier German Baum/ Baume ‘tree(s)’ in which the plural was marked only by the final –e was replaced by Baum/ ume, where it is marked both by this suffix and by umlaut of the stem vowel.
Chen (1972) cited in (Vejdemo & Horberg, 2016) suggests that, initially, the new pronunciation is be found in a few common words. These are often words or groups of words important to a sub group or subculture within the community. The change then spread to other words at a relatively rapid rate. Finally, the rate of the change slows down with few last words to undergo the change. Bradwash (1966) argues that, lexical items of African origin are usually borrowed along with their tonal specifications, with minor phonemic variations sometimes.
2.2.3 Non Linguistic Factors for Lexical Change
Social identity may be fluid, and is shaped by personal choices made with respect to one’s linguistic repertoire. For example, Milroy and Milroy (1 85), in a study done in Belfast, found that, among the working class, workers tend to use the vernacular norms, and thus covert prestige, to show solidarity. Myers-Scotton (2006) observed that, there are many words which appear as if they are native Hindi words. For instance; road, bus, pen, radio, railway director etc, they are used even by the Indians without being aware of the language these words come from. It was noted that, non
31 linguistic factors have much contribution to lexical change. Non linguistic factors that came across in the reviewed literatures include: age, marriage, education, attitude, technology, mass media or institutions, sex, and immigrants
2.2.3.1 Age Factor
Nagy (1994) argues that, in Facto native speakers of Faetar language frequently claim that, the younger generation has lost almost all native lexical items due to
Italian super state influence and thus, for this reason, Faetar is on the verge of disappearing. In the view of Evripido (2001) as appears in Nagy (1994) shows that a plethora of English loans can be heard from ordinary people while having their everyday casual conversations in Greece. Habib (2005) presents that, the older generation more stigmatizes to use a different form than the younger people who have been born and raised in the city or have moved to the city at a very young age.
The older generation would be perceived by village people as haughty, presumptuous, or pretentious, if they try to use the city form. Thus, this conflict between two identities and two kind of prestige may create a problem to individuals who have undergone the change.
Bayard (1989) as cited in Nagy (1994) investigated how social class influences language in Gypsies. He observed that, the old as well as young speakers can adopt innovation particularly in lexis. In the light of Chambers (1992) younger speakers acquire new lexical forms at a higher rate than older speakers at least at the beginning of a change. Habib (2005) presents that, the younger generation in Syria uses the prestige form much more than the older generation and will presumably continue to use it in the future even when they go to visit their home village. Habib strongly claims that, this could be a strong indication that it is a change in progress;
32 because, if change is carried out by the younger generation and transmitted to people in their home villages and to their future children, the majority of the people in rural areas will only use this new form.
Labov (1992) argues that, the adolescents tend to use slang vocabulary unlike the adults. Anderson & Trudgill (1990) argue that, the use of slang vocabulary has the association belonging to the youth culture and the use of English in German.
Chambers & Trudgill (1988) argue that, if social conditions are different, a particularly striking recurrent observation is that adolescent speakers from all social classes in a wide range of urban communities use a significantly higher number of variants that are socially stigmatized than do speakers of other languages. Chamber
(1995) reports an example of lexical change, the use of couch rather than chesterfield in Canada whose distribution is unaffected by social class, gender or other social factors except age. Castielli (1991) claims that, there is the phenomenon of the gradual loss (especially in the younger generations) of the most archaic vocabulary and phonetic and morphological structures which are most typical aspects of the
Faetar language because these are too far from today's predominant reality. Mahdad
(2012) argues that, the language of young speakers of Tlemcen city shows a considerable amount of lexical innovations making use of neologism which is a prominent source from which new words are supplemented to the vocabulary stock of this variety. According to Labov (1994), age is not necessarily associated with lexical change, since individuals may change their language during their lifetime, whilst the community as whole does not change.
33 2.2.3.2 The Influence of Marriage
Intermarriage is one of the major factors which made the Sukuma people to use
Kiswahili or combine Kisukuma and Kiswahili in the home conversations in order to facilitate effective communication with married partners of different tribes. The
Sukuma are obliged to use Kiswahili or combine Kisukuma with Kiswahili in home conversation to ensure that there is effective communication with their children. This is because, their parents come from different ethnic groups. In this respect, it is true that children have little or no familiarity with the Sukuma lexicon (Stephen, 2012).
Romaine (1995) saw that, mothers in mixed marriages have a better chance of passing Welsh lexicon to their children than Welsh speaking fathers. Dribe (2005) in
Masinde (2012) regards marriage as the pattern of social interaction in heterogeneous society and is seen as a factor that potentially weakens the ethnic attachment and increases contacts with potential partners from other groups which at the end has impacts on language (in this context lexical change). Comrie (2006) claims that, where two parents speak different languages, the situation becomes more complicated. The children may grow up bilingual speaking the language of both parents or may grow up speaking only one of these languages, as well as varying degree of dominance of one language over the other. Given this situation, children will have rich package of lexical items from a dominant language. Mufwene (2006) highlights that, inter -ethnic marriage precipitates the process of favouring the urban vernacular over the ethnic community languages.
Thomason (2001) provides a striking example from the state of Assam in North
Eastern India, one mother from an academic family in Shillong spoke seven languages but she was most fluent in English (the language she was using at work),
Manipuri (the main lingua franca of the province she grew up) and in Tangkul (her 34 mother tongue). Of all these languages, she chose English to be taught to her two years old son. The reason for choosing English was rooted in her culture. She and her husband both belonged to patrilineal tribes, which means that their son belonged to his father’s tribe.
2.2.3.3 Education Factor
Zvelebil (1983) as cited in Myers-Scotton (2006) argues that Sanskrit words in Tamil a language spoken in Southern India are being replaced. Sanskrit poets, writing in the high variety of the Tamil in the 15th C, used many Sanskrit words as many as 35% or
40% of their words came from Sanskrit. The study estimates that, in the last fifty years the influence of the Sanskrit has been reduced to about 20% of the entire vocabulary of high Tamil. Scholars replace English words in High Tamil, for example; English word for (fanatic) was replaced in high Tamil by /viciri/ which was an existing term referring to the object used for farming on self or even an electric fun.
According to Nagy (2010), literacy and orthography are among other attributes of lexical change. The influence of the written form has clearly been demonstrated in the case of adaptation, the spelling pronunciation sforʃin in the Middle-Dutch as well as in the case of integration of the ps- sequence. This tendency has influenced the existence of new forms of lexical items that did not exist formerly. Deli, et al (2012) presents that, about one third of the words subjected to participants in study were either not widely understood or non-existent in their lexicon. The use of standard
Malay as the primary medium of instruction in national schools may have affected their word choice. A shift from Sarawak Malay dialect (SMD) to a more standard
Malay lexicon or standard Malay has also been identified (for example, from the
35 word manok meaning chicken in SMD, to the word ayam in standard Malay. One of the causes of such a shift is the use of standard Malay as the primary medium of instruction in Malaysian schools. Hernandez and Samper (2003) selected informants with a low profile in education (only primary studies) and in their professions (blue- collar jobs with limited income); they differentiated between the active and passive vocabulary in the informants’ lexical repertoire. They further provided an index of lexical loss for each of the lexical units in their survey corpus: 39.6% (this means, 69 out of the total of 174, lexical units) of the Canarianisms in their corpus remain active or living in the informants’ speech, with terms being known and used by all of them. Conclusively, speakers of the lowest social level seem to be more familiar with type of words related to natural environment than those with higher status.
Poplack, et al (1988) present that, there is a slight tendency for old established words to be concentrated among speakers with primary schooling or less, while recent or unattested forms are preferred by those with secondary education in Hull.
2.2.3.4 Attitudinal Factor
Sanchez (2008) observes that, social or moral attitudes contribute to changes of lexical items. In his observation, there are euphemisms which refer to the reluctance use of certain words because of their unpleasant associations; and thus leads to replacement by less highly charged forms of speech. He further argues that as a result of the arrival of successive waves of loanwords from the Italian, we have words related to arts, such as cupola or fresco and from French military words such as bayonet. The motives for the adoption of loanwords have often been feelings of delicacy, or even social superiority. This comes more precise in reference to the unpleasant fact as it becomes more familiar in the euphemistic way. Example accident, formerly chance occurrence, but now connected with road traffic. Norton 36 (1997) argues that, identity relates to desire- the desire for recognition, the desire for affiliation, and the desire for security and safety. However, if one does not have the necessary motivation or desire to accommodate a different form in speech, social integration may be greatly hindered. Such tendencies are evident among migrant speakers in Hims: some live for years in the city and never adopt the new form since they do not have the desire to adopt a new identity. On the other hand, some people choose to be identified as urban, and strive to adopt their speech to Hims norms.
Kennedy (2001) found that, Pakeha speakers use a much proportion of M ori words that are proper nouns; whereas as M ori speakers not only use more M ori overall, but they have a wider M ori vocabulary, which they use when speaking English.
Using some categories of M ori words is not a matter of choice for non-M ori. This is the case for many proper nouns, example; names of places and people (Whakatane,
Rawiri Paranrene) and various flora and fauna (kowhai, kakapo), which may only have a M ori name. For other categories, however, using a M ori word involves a specific choice. This is the case, for example, when a speaker chooses to use the greeting kiaora instead of hello, or the social culture terms whanau instead of family or hui instead of meeting. Macalister (2007) discusses six possible motivations for choosing a M ori word over an English word when two variants exist. These include economy of expression (for example, pa instead of fortified village), expression of identity, displaying empathy with Maoridom (example, Aotearoa instead of New
Zealand), making an impact, cultural reference (kaumatua rather than elder), and clarity of meaning. Kennedy (2001) suggests that, the use frequent M ori words might function as a way of deliberately marking identity, of resisting further assimilation and of supporting language revival. Given these observations in relation to M ori, one plausible hypothesis is that those non-M ori who have positive
37 attitudes towards the M ori language will also show a preference for using M ori words in English, as a means of expressing these attitudes. Such a relation is indeed suggested in research by Thompson (1990), who found that Pakeha participants with positive attitudes towards the M ori language were more likely to select M ori words over English words in a close exercise. Attitude towards the M ori language may bear a relationship not only to the choice to use M ori words but also to how to pronounce them. Macalister (2005) says that, perhaps even more than the choice of
M ori lexical items, pronunciation of M ori words has become a silent social marker in New Zealand. Baugh & Cable (1990) state that, despite the protests and the efforts of purists to substitutes foreign items for native formations, the Latin loanwords continued to pour into English. Many of them were accepted without comment because they thought the language needed new words.
Selak (1992) as reflected in Nagy (1994) reveals that the report on linguistic problems in the function of nationalist ideology in the SR Croatia (1980/1981), complained about the fact that several "Croatisms" were being "forced" into journals as well as television, and that nouns ending in –lac were increasingly were being replaced by those ending in –telj. Only about ten years later, the unmistakable results of this tendency have become apparent: The suffix –telj actually has replaced the suffix –lacin in many words, although the suffix –lacin previously was in use too (or in some words even more usually than –telj.
2.2.3.5 The Influence of Technology
Barber (1993) argues that, new scientific discoveries and the advance of knowledge, generally can lead to lexical change. As knowledge of the material world advances, new items are finely drawn. While the speakers often go on using the old
38 terminology, its meaning changes; for example an atom from the Greek άτοµος
(indivisible) in Licenciada community. Myers-Scotton (2006) argues that in
Germany, when the telephone was invented, Germans called it Fernsprecher
(meaning far +speaker) but today most Germans simply call it telephone although they still use fernsprecher for long distance call. Crystal (2002) narrates that, considering the influence of digital technology has on society, it is not surprising then that lexicographers have found that science and technology are by the most profile sources of neologism in recent times. Algeo (1998) argues that, the internet and computer in particular have spawned a large and specialized jargon for example, the prefix ‘e’- is particularly productive in generating new terms such as e-mail, e- commerce, e-solution, e-newsletter, e-book, e-publishing, e-politics and e- government to name just a few. The prefix e- can be added to almost any term to create a reference to the online computer world. Tufekci & Wilson (2012) consider that, technology assists in the growth of new words and concepts. For example, chomper is computer slang for loser and cyberslacking means surfing the net during work time. Indeed, technology is creating an entirely new language of its own. At the same time, technology which draws us together regardless of borders and boundaries, is putting an end to two of the conditions which fuel lexical change: distances and cultural differences. Many of the words used by youth today do not have their origin in Australia; much youth jargon is transported from the USA and other countries influenced by American culture via the online community. Despite such remarkable contribution, technology might drive some words out of use.
2.2.3.6 The Influence of Sex
The relationship between sex and language has always been the concern of language researchers. In the old ages, men were considered the innovators of language change 39 and introducers of new words to the lexicon (Jespersen, 1922). However, most sociolinguistic works have shown that, women are inclined towards the prestige form than men (Trudgill, 1974). Milroy and Milroy (1985) argue that, women are more likely to adopt innovative forms than men and thus lead to a change. Haeri (1996) points out that, where the newer and more recent forms emerge as variants of the older forms, women use this non-standard form more than men. In such cases their behavour is therefore innovative. Women are more inclined towards the urban forms than men, that is, they do not use the classical features as much as men, though they participate in the public domain.
Poplack, et al (1988) present that, each of sex has strong effect on lexical item.
Women manifest a ‘purer’ version of Hull linguistic unit because of being not exposed outside this speech community. Men in Hull who have worked in Ottawa have been affected by Ottawa patterns. Men borrow more (70%) nouns than women
(61%). Gordon and Heath (1999) arguing on the aspect of sex in relation to linguistic change in Vespasian, comment that, females are more attracted to the use of the prestigious form than men are. Lyrics, as appears in Castielli (1975) supports that, the only speakers to produce the Italian-source variant for 'plate' were female.
Similarly, for 'hat' women have a much higher Italian index than men. This distribution joins hands with the claim that, it is men who harbour a degree of covert prestige regarding Faetar, and particularly maintain the use of [ßape'j] a Franco provençal word which is salient in a much-sung folk song about Faeto. Castielli further presents, French women seem not to accept their inferior status, but to use linguistic differentiation as a way of showing solidarity with each other and difference from others. They may be more inclined towards the prestigious forms because of the pressure that is imposed on them: sounding pleasant and aspiring to 40 appear more educated and urban, so that, they can attract a good husband from a good social status and prosperous economic position. Despite the conflicting views about whether men or women are the initiator of language change, in this case lexical change, Coates (1996) as cited in Sanchez (2008) points out that, because women are less powerful than men, they do usually use more prestigious forms than men. As an additional consideration, women are main agents in raising children in the Syrian society in general and in the Hamsi community in particular. Since women talk to children more than men do, they influence the linguistic development of their children, and hence, the adoption of the prestigious forms.
2.2.3.7 The Contribution of Immigrants
Myers-Scotton (2006) argues that, under British colonialism in Kenya, for expatriates living there, an English word journey became Safari. Today safari is well used by any tourist. The reason for usage may be just to cultivate a sense of awareness of the local culture. This happens when speakers of dominant language are temporally residents in another culture. She further comments that, words from the jazz culture entered mainstream and other languages from the 1920 onwards.
Nowadays words from hip–hop music are being adopted by teenagers for the same reason. Tufekci & Wilson (2012) affirm that, immigration from the Middle East and the prominence of Middle Eastern countries in the world affairs has increased the use of Arabic words. While some have an Islamic connections: hijab, Ramadan, and jihad. Arabic words have been coming into English for many centuries usually words that refer to Arabic culture, science and wildlife, example bazar, azimuth, and gazelle. Immigrants’ populations are also shaping Aussie youth slang. Backus, et al
(2010) in Tufekci & Wilson (2012) argue that, full-fledged immigrant communities in Turk use a smaller range of forms and make limited use of the Turkish forms, 41 instead, they make more use of deictic temporal adverbs such as o zaman ‘then’, ondan sonar ‘and then’. According to Kerswill (2002), the establishment of good rail way connections between London and Bristol, which was a large port city in the 19th
C, facilitated the adoption of lexical items from London before smaller towns and villages in the region. Steel, et al (2000) describe a simulation in which language numbers of agents interact with each other by a naming game in which agents take turn point to object in the simulated world and describe to other agents using words from their lexicon. According to them, when speaker’s interaction is relatively local, whether spatially or socio-economically, lexical items may be protected from a competitor by the network of speakers that use the item, and who thus continuously reinforce each other’s lexical entries for the established word. Chambers (2001) argues that, when a common second language is learned by a group of people- whether immigrants or by virtue of the introduction of a new language to a resident population- they often find themselves introducing second language lexical items into conversation in the fellow bilinguals in their original first language. Labov
(1972) stresses that, the shape of linguistic behaviour changes rapidly as the speaker’s social position changes. This is what we encounter when the rural people migrate to Hims and establish a new job, a new social status and thus, a new linguistic behaviour.
2.2.3.8 The Influence of Mass Media or Institution
Milroy & Milroy (1999) argue that, across sociolinguistics, media influence on language seems to be limited to specific features, especially lexical, discourse, and pragmatic, which are also available for overt comment. Mannheim (1997) views that, although the Slavic word uljudba could be found more often in newspapers since the beginning of the nineties, there is no competitive relation with its synonym 42 civilizacija which is still common. Another development can be seen in the pair of words klavir – glasovir (piano). The word glasovir occurs a little more often in the current newspapers than its synonym klavir although before 1991 glasovir probably was used in the newspapers at all or only rarely. Castielli (1991) exposes that, in the
Italian mass-media there is the phenomenon of Italianization of Francoprovençal; that is, the addition of the inflections and colourings from Italian Faetar. This language is not spoken as it used to be. It is more a bastardization now. Only an imperfect form of the language is learned. Trudgill (1986) argues that, vocabulary and phrases are easily transmitted by media influence. Robert (2005) cited in Stuart-
Smith, et al (2013) considers that media language actually does not reflect what is going on in language lexical items being inclusive.
Myers-Scotton (2006:214) observes that; when Turkey became independent of the
Ottoman Dynasty in 1920s under the umbrella of language reformation, there were establishment of Turkish society for purification of the language which replaced the
Arabic words with Turkish base words. Nearly similar approach in French institutions may have great influence to lexical change in the speech community. For instance, the France academy barred from its dictionary the word‘score’ in French sports parlance and replaced it with lamarque.
Grcevic (1997) views that, the lexical developments have led to changes in the previous system of lexical variants in Croatian. Apparently, this process is far from being completed. The way in which the previous and the contemporary lexical structures currently co-exist in their functional and quantitative relations to each other, the situational patterns of their usage, and the semantic consequences of these developments; all these aspects are at the centre of research in a project on
43 "Institutionalizing Processes" based at the Slavic Seminar at the University of
Mannhei.
In other scenario, social factors were not observed to be of great importance regarding the sphere of lexical change. According to Jacob (1999) as appears in
Martine (2007), lexical changes are likely to be influenced by historical events such as World War I and World War II or October Revolution in Russia. From this observation, any transformation in the society will change the frequency of words.
Although social class has fairly been shown to be a significant factor in sociolinguistic analyses; the usual distinctions according to social class do not account for variations found in lexical change processes (Labov, 1972). Meyerhoff
(1993) investigating lexical change in English spoken in Poriru, New Zealand also did not find social factor to be significant cause of lexical change.
Trudgill (1986) considers geographical factor to be the source of lexical replacement; in his work, Trudgill argues, if a linguistic feature has spread from one region to another; it must have spread from one speaker to another and on to other speakers and so on. He further comments, such linguistic feature may become a permanent part of speaker’s dialect even replacing original feature.
2.3 Research Gap
The previous studies reviewed reveal how other scholars have dealt with issues related to the extent of lexical change as well as non linguistic and linguistic factors responsible for lexical change. From the portion of linguistic factors, much was presented regarding language contact as one of the leading motives for lexical change. Hardly, however, arguments were put forward in favour of a language itself experiencing lexical change, to be the source of lexical change of its own lexical
44 items. The findings from this study show that, Zinza phonology has much role to play regarding lexical change of its own. Morphology especially traditional morphological names contribute to changes in names referent in modern society in
Zinza.
2.4 Chapter Conclusion
This chapter has reviewed several literatures concerning the study. The review of literature was done objective wise. The chapter moreover, has shown theoretical framework that guided this study. Finally, the chapter ended up by providing the research gap.
45 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter describes research design, population and area of the study, sampling techniques and sample size, how data were collected and analyzed, research ethics, and reliability and validity of the data.
3.1 Research Design
The study employed both qualitative and quantitative approach to obtain detailed data and confirmation of tentative responses that were assumed by the researcher. It involved an assessment of lexical change using information collected from the field.
Only native speakers of the language under the study were involved to attract natural data. The data were gathered through elicitation, introspection and semi structured interview. The analyses of data were handled immediately after data collection. The actual study was preceded by a pilot study.
3.2 Population and Area of the Study
The target population in this study included Zinza native speakers because of the fact that they were the only group that knew the language well. The study was carried out at Kome Island within Sengerema district. It covered four villages namely Luhiza,
Isenyi, Bugolo and Buhama to represent other remaining eight villages. These were selected because of being homogenous as far as the requirements of this study were concerned. Languages of Tanzania Project (2009) provides an estimation of Zinza native speakers at Sengerema district to be 123, 494 speakers. It is from this population where the samples were drawn.
46 3.3 Sampling Technique and Sample Size
This study used two techniques to obtain respondents, namely purposive and random sampling to provide the researcher with the data to satisfy the requirements of specific objectives of this study. The reason as to why these two techniques were used was to have representativeness of some components in the population, in depth and richness of data.
3.3.1 Purposive Sampling
Purposive sampling was used to obtain specific information related to lexical items that were used in those days but currently not in use. In addition, these consulted respondents provided reasons why previously, Zinza lexical items were not replaced differently from what is witnessed on the ground today. The researcher intentionally arranged consultation to see reliable respondents capable of providing specific data related to lexical specification used by married women in Zinza speech community, and list of traditional objects or lexical items not currently in use in different domains of language use. Besides, these elders provided non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. In this technique, one elder from each village was first obtained thus building four elders at first place. To obtain other respondents, the researcher applied snowball technique.
3.3.2 Random Sampling
This technique was used to get data from both the elders and the youths provided that they were Zinza native speakers. Any elder or youth had an opportunity to be selected to provide data related to lexical items that have been replaced, or maintained, and non linguistic factors leading to Zinza lexical change. However, the data obtained in this technique were tested and verified by purposive respondents
47 during semi structured interview. Furthermore, by using the prepared list of lexical items subjected to respondents, the researcher managed to elicit and extract linguistic factors influencing Zinza lexical change. This technique was achieved by visiting informants’ residence whoever was available given that one was the native speaker but with restriction that (only the elders and the youth) provided needed data. In case the visited residence no one was found around, the researcher continued visiting other residences until the required number was exhausted.
3.3.2 Sample Size
To get informative data to suit research objectives, a sample of 60 respondents was selected to provide such required data. Fifteen respondents were selected from each of the four villages mentioned under the scope of the study. The selection was guided by certain conditions: the respondents had to be Zinza native speakers from the study area, (the youth and the elders). This was observed so as to retain the focus of the study and naturality of data. In terms of age limit, the elders aged 60 and above were included in the sample because they were the group that had clear and accurate information on the list of lexical loss, lexical replacement and non linguistic factors governing these aspects. People of middle age (40-59 years) were involved because they were regarded to have a good balance of the past and the present as far as the language was concerned. The youths aged between 18 and 39 were involved because they were assumed to be the most adopters of new innovations in the speech community. Both males and females were considered regardless of their education background to avoid biasness.
48 3.4 Methods of Data Collection
The data from the study were collected through elicitation, introspection and semi structured interview. The reason for using different techniques was assurance of reliability of data and their strength to capture the targeted data.
3.4.1 Elicitation
The researcher used question and answers translation technique to twenty informants
(both the youth and elders) to elicit linguistic data using intermediary language. This intermediary language used was Kiswahili. Specifically, this technique dealt with issues related to linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. Regarding this component, the researcher elicited two scenarios to capture particular factors. Firstly, the nature of the language under the study which includes phonological aspect, morphological aspect, and semantics whether they contribute to Zinza lexical change or not. To get these data, the researcher manipulated some words through changing how a particular word is pronounced, reduction of some prefixes to see how such manipulation will influence lexical change. The researcher also asked respondents from each village to answer questions about lexical specification as determined by cultural norms (women of certain status ‘those who are married’ in Zinza use different lexical items ‘ebhisiindo’ different from other language users. This was done to determine whether such specification has a role to play to the loss of some lexical items in Zinza lexicon. The last scenario covered the relationship between lexical change and language contact; this was also done through manipulation and provision of confirmatory explanations by the informants.
49 3.4.2 Introspection
Since the researcher was a native speaker of Zinza language, some of the information related to non linguistic factors influencing Zinza lexical change and the list of lexical items that have undergone lexical change basing on the researcher’s intuition were put forward; but this information was verified by native speakers whether they were valid or not as far as the demands of this technique was concerned. Then, the researcher asked respondents from each village to answer questions regarding their own opinions to provide lexical items that have been replaced, maintained and those completely not in use without replacement (lexical loss). Issues related to lexical loss only targeted elders aged 60+ these were consulted to provide such data because of their reservoir experiences in both the past and present in language use.
3.4.3 Semi Structured Interview
The researcher conducted semi structured interview to respondents from each village to find out the list of lexical items that have undergone lexical change and non linguistic factors perpetuating Zinza lexical change. Guiding questions were asked to the interviewees and the interviewees were allowed to respond freely. In case the question asked was not comprehended by the interviewee, the researcher reframed it.
The researcher took notes of points that were significant.
3.5 Data Analysis
The data gathered through each technique (elicitation, introspection and semi structured interview) were analyzed in different ways as given here under.
3. 5.1 Data Gathered through Elicitation
The data extracted through elicitation particularly linguistic factors, were analyzed qualitatively as they were elicited. Before reaching the conclusion, the researcher got
50 more data to make hypothesis as suggested by Bowern (2008). This hypothesis was tested with more data for valid conclusion. Data for the list of lexical items were tabulated and supplied with relevant explanations.
3.5.2 Data Collected through Introspection
The data obtained through introspection particularly on non linguistic factors behind
Zinza lexical change were analyzed in form of sentences just as they were provided by the informants and were supported by relevant descriptions. The researcher further drew interpretation of what exactly the data at hand meant. Finally, a brief summary and concluding remark were presented. Regarding the data on list of lexical items, these were analyzed through tabulation. Commentary expressions were given to supplement what really the data conveyed for quick interpretation as one studies the findings.
3. 5. 3 Data Gathered through Semi Structured Interview
The data extracted from respondents were noted down and grouped according to category they belonged. That means those falling in the list of lexical items considered to have changed and those belonging in the causes of lexical change.
Qualitative data obtained through semi structured interview were analyzed qualitatively. Some expressions related to what was given were provided to support specific responses.
3.6 Research Ethics
Before carrying out the research, the researcher obtained permission letter from the
University of Dodoma. The letter given was taken to Sengerema district council administrative secretary who authorized the study to be conducted within the mentioned villages.
51 The researcher informed all the respondents about the nature of the study and its possible implication. They were requested to fully participate in the study or withdraw from the process. The researcher assured respondents that, information provided should in no way reveal their identity (no writing of names, no telephone number documentation); this was done to maintain anonymity (Shamoo & Resnik,
2009). The researcher requested informant concession if they were comfortable to be recorded when giving information during data collection process.
3.7 Reliability and Validity of Data
This subsection presents how data collected were reliable and valid.
3.7.1 Reliability
Since this study was preceded by pilot study; the findings obtained under pilot study were compared with those under actual research. It was found that the findings under pilot study yielded the same results with those under the actual study. This signified that the data collected were reliable. Besides, the use of more than one method to collect the same data was also used to ensure reliability of data. It was found that more than one technique that were used to collect similar data provided the same result, an indication that the data gathered was reliable.
3.7.2 Validity
The researcher made arrangement with the informants when to appear for data collection some days before the process. This helped to ensure that the data given to be valid, because the informants were free from pressure due to advance preparation concerning the nature of data to be given. In addition, the researcher gathered as much data as possible to ensure rich package of data before drawing a conclusion.
52 Moreover, the data were presented as they were reported by the respondents in the study area to reflect the true picture of what actually happens.
3.8 Chapter Conclusion
This chapter has revealed the methodology employed in this study. It has given the research design, population involved in selecting samples and the study area. It has also indicated sample size and how sampling was done. Moreover, it has shown the methods that were used to collect data and how such data for each technique were analyzed. Furthermore, the chapter has recorded different ethical issues related to research proceedings. Finally, the chapter has given how the collected data were reliable and valid.
53 CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter presents data, analyses and discusses the findings on The Zinza language lexical change. It analyses and discusses the data gathered in the field in line with three objectives of the study which are: the magnitude of Zinza lexical change, linguistic factors for Zinza language lexical change and non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. This study was carried in rural areas particularly in Kome
Island. It is always understood that people in the islands are isolated from the mainland. This isolation was perceived to have minimized the everyday contact with outsiders and thus less or no unnecessary lexical change. According to Msanjila
(1999), the distance away from urban areas minimizes the pressure of language contacts and thus enables respective community to maintain its ECL. This means that, lexical items being one among the aspects of language were expected to have been maintained.
4.1 The Extent of Zinza Language Lexical Change
The first objective of the study was to explore the extent to which Zinza language lexical items have undergone changes at Kome Island. To satisfy the demand of this objective, the researcher used two data collection techniques namely; introspection and semi structured interview. The data for each technique were presented independently as follows:
4.1.1 Introspection Findings on the Extent of Zinza Language Lexical Change
Lexical items carry concepts expressed in different objects in the language. It is through such items language users share common understanding in communication.
54 Despite such valued significance of these lexical items, linguistically, these items have not been left in isolation when changes occur in a language. Introspectively, the researcher started collecting the data by presenting a list of lexical items to respondents and asked them to comment whether the given items have undergone changes or not. Finally, the informants were requested to provide other lexical items they considered to have undergone changes basing on their experiences. Out of 12 lexical items provided, 8 (67%) lexical items were commented to have been replaced by other lexical items from other languages.
Basing on the informants’ experience, several lexical items were collected; in particular, those items which were replaced, lost and maintained. These items were compiled and grouped focusing on the three aspects mentioned under this subsection to determine which word class is subjected to changes.
4.1.1.2 Lexical Replacement in Zinza Language in General
In normal circumstances, it sounds strange starting using other lexical items while a particular speech community already has in its inventory. Zinza is one among other languages of the world cerebrating lexical replacement. To access the list of lexical items that have been replaced, the researcher extracted respondents’ opinion basing on their experience to mention the list of Zinza lexical items that have been replaced.
There were several lexical items that were found to have been replaced in this language. It was found that nouns and verbs are highly replaced unlike other lexical categories such as adjectives. Out of 30 lexical items collected by means of introspection, 20 (67%) proto Zinza nouns were replaced, whereas 9 (30%) proto
Zinza verbs were reported to have been replaced and finally, 1 (3%) proto Zinza
55 adjective was replaced. The researcher compiled replacements and presented them in
Table 4. 1 as appears below.
Table 4.1: Zinza Lexical Replacement
S/N Proto Item Replacement Source Word Class Gloss 1 Embaga Efamilia Familia (Kiswahili N Family via English) 2 Omuzeze Obhubani Ubani (Kiswahili) N Incense 3 Omubhisa Adui Adui (Kiswahili) N Enemy 4 Kusambya Kuguza Okuguzya (Kerewe) V To sell 5 Obhutuluka Mashaliki Mashariki N East (Kiswahili) 6 Obhugwa Magalibi Magharibi N West (Kiswahili) 7 Kuhagaza Kuseka Okuseka (Kerewe) V To laugh Source: Field Data (2016)
Basing on the data presented in Table 4. 1 above, it is clearly justified that, the Zinza instead of using proto Zinza lexical items are using other lexical items from other languages. In particular Kiswahili being the source of replacement of proto Zinza lexical items. These items from Kiswahili are not introduced in Zinza for necessity as their equivalents exist in this recipient language. According to Kiango (2005), there are a lot of Kiswahili words in the lexicon of Kibondei. Some of these words have taken over the Kibondei former words. Mochiwa (1979) reveals that, there were many linguistic items that had undergone lexical change. The items affected highly were nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs and coordinators. Kiswahili has influenced much of this lexical change. The finding of this study concurs with Kiango’s and
Mochiwa’s findings in both aspects (i.e. existence of several replacements and the source of replacements being Kiswahili). However, Zinza lexical change is not only affected by Kiswahili, but rather, there are other Bantu languages surrounding Zinza
56 language. These languages include: Kerewe, Sukuma, Jita, Ha, and Luo. The researcher inquired why the Zinza have replaced their lexical items by using other ethnic languages. It was reported that, the Zinza are good at changing their language unlike the Sukuma. In terms of replacement rate, nouns and verbs are highly replaced mostly unlike other lexical items in Zinza language. Among other things, it is because of being used frequently in natural speech and other forms of usage. If the
Zinza continue being quick adopters of any lexical items they hear from other speech communities, there is a danger of this replacement to extend even to other word categories currently being uncovered.
4.1.1.3 Lexical Loss in Zinza Language
It has been argued by most linguists that, all human languages of the world are productive in the sense that, their speakers are able to produce new words and phrases to fulfill the demand of communication (Poole, 1999). Although languages produce frequently several lexical items to meet communicative needs, certain lexical items in these languages get lost in the process. This means no one uses them in normal conversation. In Zinza it was reported that, some lexical items were hardly heard in normal communication.
To arrive at the list of Zinza lexical items that have disappeared; the researcher requested the targeted elders, basing on their experience, to mention the lexical items that are not in use any more and no alternatives to convey such concept. The researcher assembled and compiled the list in tabulation in Table 4. 2.
57 Table 4. 2: The List of Lexical Loss in Zinza Language
S/N Lexical Item Word Class Description 1 Olubhugu N Traditional back cloth 2 Enkaanda N Traditional animal skin cloth 3 Enfuleebhe N Traditional animal skin bag 4 Omuhoko N Traditional leaf soap 5 Kutuungilila V Talking to Zinza gods 6 Echitola N Traditional millet container Source: Field Data (2016)
The information that can be deduced from the data presented in Table 4. 2 is that, the
Zinza no longer use such items because the concepts embedded in such objects are extinct in the society. From the Table 4. 2, out of 6 lexical items, 5 (83%) traditional objects belonging to the noun word class were reported to have disappeared in Zinza language. Only 1(17%) lexical item belonging to verb category expressing traditional way of life was reported to have lost in the Zinza lexicon. It seems these lexical items are lost in Zinza due to the fact that the Zinza no longer produce such traditional objects. For example; back cloth and animal cloth are currently not used in clothing affairs. As Saussure (1916) in Ruimy, et al (2003) considers, lexical loss is the situation when speakers cease to use a particular word. This means that; some lexical items are extinct in normal usage and no replacement is done for compensation.
Florey & Button (1997) present lexical loss in naming system in Nuculu. In their study they argue that traditional names in Nuculu were abandoned as soon as the
Nuculu began to be converted to Christianity. Similar to this study, lexical loss was also detected introspectively in Zinza. However, this finding does not support what
Florey and Button present above. Lexical items presented to have been lost in Zinza do not fall under human naming system like in Nuculu language probably because
58 this study is not specifically centred on naming system. The items that have been lost in Zinza cover areas of traditional objects and traditional worshiping modality unlike in Nuculu which has employed personal names. In Zinza, traditional names for human beings are still given right after birth. When one is baptized he or she receives a new name. The two names continue to be used. If it happens that the traditional name has gained too much popularity, the Christian name will remain silent in normal language use at home and in the community. However, in church services, a person is strictly addressed after Christian name.
4.1.1.4 Lexical Maintenance in Zinza Language
Despite the fact that Zinza language has many replacements in its lexical circulation, there are lexical items that have remained stable without any changes. This study witnessed that, in Zinza language, some aspects of this language lexicon are preserved. To arrive at this finding, the researcher requested the respondents to supply lexical items that have been maintained despite several changes occurring in
Zinza language’s lexical items. Finally, the researcher grouped them basing on the aspects they belong to. This was done so as to have direct understanding of the areas of language use that have solely been maintained. The list is presented in Table 4. 3 below.
59 Table 4. 3: Lexical Maintenance in Zinza Language
S/N Lexical Item Semantic Field Gloss/Description 1 Greetings Kusuula A greeting offered by a man to an old woman. Kusulaweetu A greeting offered by man to a fellow man or in-law Suula A greeting offered by woman to an old woman/ man. Mwasibha Noon or evening greeting reply. 2 Condolence Mwaakula Expression given to someone after the death of his or her mother/ father. Yeegala Condolence reply 3 Body parts Enyindo Nose Omkono Arm Ameso Eyes 4 Gender reference Omukwaata Male Omukazi Female Source: Field Data (2016)
The data from Table 4. 3 portray that, traditional ways of life specifically how to offer greetings, giving condolence, gender reference and body parts have remained stable. According to Hospelmath (2009), the lexical concepts that are believed to be the most resistant to replacement, refer to the most common and universal elements of human experience. Thomason & Kaufman (1988) support that, the basic vocabulary is additionally assumed to be highly frequently used therefore resistant to 60 change. The findings of this study are in line with Hospelmath’s and Thomason &
Kaufman’s argument above due to the presence of certain lexical items enjoying maintenance. Semantic fields such as greetings, how to offer condolence have remained stable. The researcher believes that, such semantic fields have remained stable to maintain the particular language identity. Just through greetings one can be identified to be the Zinza speaker. Gender reference and body parts have also been maintained because such semantic fields carry basic vocabularies in line with what
Thomason & Kaufman argue above.
4.1.2 Semi Structured Interview on the Extent of Zinza Lexical Change
In the earlier technique the informants were requested to mention randomly the list of lexical items that have changed. This was done to confirm the existence of this problem in Zinza speech community. Under semi structured interview, the focus shifted from general to specific domains of language use. This was done to determine the magnitude of lexical change in different domains of language use. To achieve this mission, the researcher put forward domains of use where the language under the study is commonly used. These domains include: home domain, agricultural domain, livestock keeping domain, and fishing domain. In each domain the respondents were required to mention lexical items that have been replaced and those not in places
(lexical loss).
4.1.2.1 Zinza Lexical Change in Home Domain
The 1997 Tanzania Cultural policy encourages the communities to continue using vernacular languages and be proud of their vernacular languages (Masinde, 2012).
The researcher paid attention to this domain because the language under the study is primarily used at home. To satisfy the demand of the first objective, the respondents
61 were subjected to various spheres related to home domain. These spheres involve family relation, domestic utensils, clothing/ dressing and shelter. In those areas, the interviewees were required to give lexical items that have been replaced and those which are lost.
(a) Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items
Expressing Family Relations in Home Domain
Traditionally, every speech community has the way of expressing family relatedness.
Some of these relations are related by blood while others a bit distant. Through semi structured interview, the study found that there were a lot of replacements used alongside proto Zinza lexical items expressing family relations in home domain. The summary of the finding is presented in Table 4. 4 below.
Table 4. 4: Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Family Relations
S/N Proto Zinza Lexical Item Replacement Gloss/ Description 1 Taata Baba Father 2 Maazala Mama One’s mother in law 3 Guuku Babu Grandfather 4 Seengi Shangazi Aunt 5 Isinyezaala Baba One’s father in law 6 Munyaanyenye Kaka/ dada brother/ sister Source: Field Data (2016)
In this study, it was evidently clear that basic items that are used to express how one is related to the other in Zinza society were reported to have been replaced greatly although some few Zinza speakers still used proto lexical items when referring to family clan relations. Out of 15 collected lexical items under this scenario, 13 (87%) proto lexical items used to express family relations in Zinza were found to be used 62 alongside replacements mainly from Kiswahili whereas, 2 (13%) items were lexical items used to convey relations in general sense. Swilla (2008) presents that, speakers of Chindali have borrowed a word bhabhu ‘grandfather’ from Kiswahili babu while the native word sekulu for ‘grandfather’ still exists. Leopards (2007) reports that;
Kiswahili has greatly influenced Kibena which is one of ethnic community languages in Tanzania leading to the emergence of Kimaswitule as a variety of Kibena. One of the fascinating examples in this study is the word umuhandza, which originally meant sister, but this has changed to udada.
The findings of this study correspond with Swilla’s finding presented above. This is due to the fact that the Zinza greatly use more equivalents from Kiswahili while the proto Zinza lexical items are available. This tendency implies that, with time, these proto Zinza lexical items will be waved away when their circulation in normal conversation will cease. Regarding Leopard’s finding, the findings of this study do not correlate with his study finding. This is because, in Zinza, there is no absolute replacement of lexical items used to express family relations as in Leopard’s finding.
Probably, this tendency of having replacements alongside proto Zinza lexical items is the stage towards complete replacement in this subfield of home domain.
(b) Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items
Expressing Attire in Home Domain
There are several articles that are used at home. One among those objects encompasses clothes or ornamental materials. These objects are labelled differently depending on the category and subcategory they belong to. In this study, it was found that some proto Zinza lexical items expressing attire were replaced by foreign lexical items. With the help of semi structured interview, the study found that, out of 11
63 proto lexical items related to clothing, 6 (55%) items have been replaced completely.
These replaced lexical items seem to be associated with traditional cultural practice.
Some of these articles were officially practiced in very special occasions such as wedding ceremony. The list of these items is presented in Table 4. 5 below.
Table 4. 5: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Attire in Home Domain
S/N Proto item Meaning Replacement Meaning Gloss 1 Ensiinga Lengthened hair by Elasita Artificial Tall hair traditional means lengthened (lipped banana and hair ghee). 2 Izozo Plastic white Ibhangili Hand Bracelet coloured bangle for decorative women beauty manual bangle 3 Enkeeto Traditional skin Ebhilaatu Something Shoes shoes resembling won to slippers cover feet 4 Ensiimbi Traditional necklace Elozali String of Necklace won for traditional necklace ritual used for counting Catholic Church 5 Omwiiko A piece of cloth to Omukanda Anything Belt tighten a waist for tightening a waist Source: Field Data (2016)
The data presented in Table 4. 5 above show that, the proto Zinza lexical items are substituted with other lexical items because of having deviations in the aspects of
64 material, colour, technology, shape and in some other instances function. For instance, ensiimbi because of being responsible for gods worshiping, a similar object that was innovated was not named ensiimbi but rather echeni as its function was different from the earlier. Izozo was replaced by ibhangili for the earlier had different material, size, and appearance in terms of colours unlike ebhangili. The other remaining items shown in Table 4. 5 above follow similar trend. Other important information that can be extracted from the data in Table 4. 5 is that, some words are borrowed simply because they are considered to be novel especially when they are associated with culture. Cultural borrowing comes in the recipient language with its associated lexical item. The recipient language (Zinza) accommodates such items by making some modification to suit Zinza phonology and morphology.
Rubanza (1979) argues that, many lexical items have changed their equivalents in contemporary Haya language. Lexical item used to express clothes in the native
Haya language ‘ebijwalo’ has been replaced by amavazi. This replacement has been influenced by Kiswahili. This study findings support Rubanza’s finding because of the presence of replaced Zinza lexical items expressing materials to be worn.
However, the study findings have minor difference in the sense that, in Zinza, replacements in this subfield of attire have covered different components such as ornament, shoes, and hair style unlike in Haya language where the replacement has involved lexical item referring to general concept for clothing aspect. The adoption of these foreign lexical items has followed the systems of the recipient language.
There has been modification of the loan words to suit the systems of Zinza language.
According to Myers-Scotton (2006) borrowed words are integrated into the recipient language. There is almost always morphological integration, but often, less phonological integration. Regarding Myers-Scotton’s argument, this current study 65 finding in one aspect supports her argument. This is due to attachment of vowel prefix in a borrowed word. For example; in words like elozali from Swahili item
English rosary via Kiswahili rozari has received a prefix e- to the root of such named object. This attachment seems to be fundamental condition related to borrowed items morphologically as Myer-Scotton argues. In terms of phonological integration,
Myers-Scotton considers it as a second concern unlike in Zinza where phonological integration is obligatory. This is done so as to certify that such item attains native status when it is used in natural speech.
(c) Lexical Replacement Used alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing
Attire in Home Domain
Basing on this subfield of home domain, the researcher further inquired a list of lexical items commonly used alongside proto Zinza lexical items in this aspect. This study found that there were cases of core borrowing in Zinza covering clothing aspect in home domain. Out of 11 proto lexical items covering this subfield, 5(45%) lexical items were reported to be used alongside replacements. The data for this finding are presented in Table 4. 6 below.
Table 4. 6: Lexical Replacement Used alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items Expressing Attire in Home Domain
S/N Replacement Proto Zinza Gloss/ Description Lexical Item 1 Ekabhutula Ebhombo A pair of shorts 2 Eshati Igwanda Shirt 3 Ekanga Olupande Lady’s print cotton wrap 4 Omukufu Omudali Necklace 5 Kusuka Kuligisa To plait hair
Source: Field Data (2016)
66 The findings in Table 4. 6 above portray existence of reduplicative items referring to the same concept, a tendency that has resulted to the formation of synonymous lexical items. This synonym is the result of two languages namely Zinza and
Kiswahili. For example, ebhombo a concept used to represent ‘shorts’ is used alternatively with ekabhutula. Basing on respondents’ information, ebhombo has minor difference with ekabhutula. While the former has a rope to tighten the waist, the later has button to tighten the waist. For the case of Igwanda, its equivalent is eshati. The former is associated with a shirt designed with heavy material unlike the later with light materials. Just because of these minor differences, new lexical items were adopted in Zinza language.
According to Zantella (1997), speakers living in New York City who are monolingual in Spanish are among the users of core borrowings from English. Such words are so adapted to Spanish phonology and morphology that the second generation speakers regard these items as belonging to the Spanish lexicon. These study findings agree with Zantella’s findings presented above. Zinza has accommodated lexical counterparts to do with attire. This accommodation has led to creation of repetitive forms referring to the same thing despite minor variations pointed out. With time, when these proto Zinza lexical items will disappear due to being used occasionally, the next generation will consider replacements to be part of
Zinza lexicon just like the case in New York City as given by Zantella.
Regarding the case of lexical items referring to domestic utensils in home domain, the findings reveal that, there are some instances where names given to objects for domestic use specifically for cooking, are now called differently as they were in the past. For instance, endoso ‘spoon’, emboosezi ‘cooking pot’ are currently named
67 echijiko and enyungu respectively. Lexical item endoso was replaced just because of having different materials. The earlier spoon ‘endoso’ was made from wood, unlike the current one echijiko which is made from steel material. Both the two objects perform similar function but with different size in terms of structure. Enyungu is different from emboosezi. The replacement ‘enyungu’ has no variation in terms of structure, materials and function. It was adopted to Zinza from Kerewe, a language considered to have a great similarity of lexical items with Zinza in terms of word morphology and semantic aspect.
Regarding the case of lexical items expressing shelter at home domain, the study found that there are replacements used in place of proto Zinza lexical items specifically mattress and bed. It was pointed out that, lexical items used to represent the concept of mattress was akahu (processed animal skin special for sleeping) currently, it has been replaced by igodoro ‘mattress. Echitabho (traditional bed designed by fixing four tree poles under the ground). Nowadays the lexical item used to convey the concept of bed is understood as echitanda rather than echitabho. These native objects have differences in terms of material, how they are made and their structure although they perform similar function. It is said that, since these objects are different in terms of appearance, some lexical items used in those days are hardly applicable to newly designed objects even if they serve the same function. For instance; informant B7 was quoted ‘hatuwezi ita akahu igodolo wakati tunajua halitokani na ngozi’ (we cannot call akahu to be igodolo while we know it is not made of animal skin). Basing on this quotation, it is clearly justified that, the Zinza have replaced some of their proto lexical items just because of variation in terms of material and structure regardless of their performing similar function.
68 (d) Zinza Lexical Loss in Home Domain
Apart from lexical replacements seen at home domain in Zinza, the researcher inquired the possibility of existence of lexical items that have been lost in this domain. To capture the list of lexical items lost in home domain, the researcher conducted semi structured interview through which such items were collected. The study found that several traditional ways of life in different aspects such as clothing aspect and domestic utensils were reported to have been lost in normal conversation at home. Such life style was the system of living exercised by ancient Zinza speakers. The collected items were compiled and presented in Table 4. 7 below.
Table 4. 7: Zinza Lexical Loss at Home Domain
S/N Lexical Items Gloss/ Description 1 Olulangai Traditional platter made from wood 2 Entemeele Traditional plate made of grass for serving ugali only 3 Obwoose Traditional necklace made of feathers 4 Obhuzeegule Traditional shaving style for the bride 5 Enguunda Traditional squash container for drinking alcohol 6 Echiibho Traditional bowl made of grass Source: Field Data (2016)
By referring to the data presented in Table 4. 7 above it is shown clearly that, traditional domestic utensils for dish serving, and beauty articles are not accessible physically at home and thus lexical items used to express such concepts are lost in every day communication. According to Sands et al (2007), there has been a significant loss of terms related to traditional ways of life in N/uu language. The findings of this study presented in this subsection are fairly related to what Sands et al point out above. This is because, the lost lexical items were used to express ordinary life style of the time. These items are lost because of introduction of modern 69 objects or ways of life to handle functions embedded in that traditional life style.
This has caused the society to have no regular production of such objects or perpetuation of old shaving style. This situation has influenced the death of such lexical items in the Zinza lexical inventory.
4.1.2.2 Zinza Lexical Change in Farming Domain
Through the use of guiding questions, the respondents were asked to provide lexical items thought to have been replaced or lost in the field of farming. The researcher compiled and presented the findings basing on each category they belong.
(a) Lexical Replacement Used alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items in
Farming Domain
Farming domain is one of the domains of language use where Zinza language is commonly used. The Zinza use this language in different farming activities such as farm preparation, cultivation, weeding, and harvesting. In these micro components, there are various lexical items connected to these farming stages. Because of the regular use of Zinza in farming, this necessitated exploration of proto Zinza lexical items that are used with equivalents from foreign languages. The researcher used semi structured interview to get replacements in Zinza in farming domain. The study found that, there are several replacements in farming domain despite the fact that the
Zinza has proto items to serve the purpose of communication expressed by these replacements. Out of 21 lexical items collected in farming domain; 16 (76%) lexical items were used alongside the Zinza proto lexical items. It should be noted that, these proto lexical items are used by some few family members who still remember such items. This is because of regular use of replacements from contact languages such as
Kerewe, Kiswahili and others. These items from contact languages express similar
70 concepts just like that of proto Zinza lexical items. A summary of replacements used alongside the proto Zinza lexical items is given in Table 4. 8 below.
Table 4. 8: Lexical Replacement Used alongside the Zinza Proto Lexical Items in Farming Domain
S/N Proto Zinza lexical Replacement Source of Gloss Item Replacement 1 Embiibho Embegu Mbegu (Kiswahili) Seed 2 Kusuusa Kufyeeka kufyeka (Kiswahili) To slash 3 Obhunula Elutuba rutuba (Kiswahili) Soil fertility 4 Obhuulikule Obhulime obhulime (kerewe) Cultivated farm 5 Omwaata Engese Ng′ese (Sukuma) Weed Source: Field Data (2016)
Taking into account the data presented above, replacements in Zinza language cover various spheres related to farming. These include; seedling, stages of farming
(clearing the forest, weeding), and soil fertility. However this phenomenon extends to other spheres such as farming equipment, crop varieties and farming yard.
Leopard (2007) presents that, replacements found in Kimaswitule dialect reveal that,
Kiswahili has greatly influenced Kibena. This influence has led to the emergence of
Kimaswitule as a variety of Kibena. In the field of farming, Leopard gives the term mgunda ‘farm’ with its replacement hushamba. The findings of this current study reflect those by Leopard’s findings. This is because, in both studies, the source of these replacements in framing is Kiswahili language. However, in the two studies, there is a point of departure. That is, in Zinza, replacements have not given birth to a new Zinza dialect but rather occurrence of repetitive forms of lexical items while in
Leopard’s findings, replacements contributed to the formation of new dialect of
71 Kibena. Apart from Kiswahili, in Zinza, there are some ethnic languages such as
Kerewe, and Sukuma contributing to replacements in this domain of language use.
Truscott & Sharwood (2004) give a remarkable note that; the more frequently a word is used, the more a speaker produces a word and therefore accessible it should be.
Basically, following this trend, there is high possibility for Zinza proto lexical items to disappear completely from the language because of less frequency in use and thus losing a sense of accessibility in the Zinza lexicon.
(b) Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in
Farming Domain
Through semi structured interview, the researcher found that there were some cases where loan words completely replaced proto Zinza lexical items in farming domain.
For example ebhizeleeka ‘groundnuts’ was replaced by enkalanga when the Zinza resumed cultivation of such a crop after a long stay without planting it. This is because it was assumed to be minor crop as it was only eaten for the sake of appetite.
Probably, this proto lexical item was hardly remembered due to being silent in the normal communication.
Other crops such as enseelezi, enzeyula and endweelo were also less valued in Zinza society and thus less concentration was given on their regular production. When the
Zinza resumed their cultivation in large quantity, they named them differently just like the case of groundnuts. Examples of lexical replacements used in the absence of proto Zinza lexical items in farming domain are presented in Table 4. 9 below.
72 Table 4. 9: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical
Items in Farming Domain
S/N Replacement Proto Zinza Lexical Items Gloss 1 Enkalanga Ebhizeleeka Groundnut 2 Endweelo Obhulegi Bulrush millet 3 Enseelezi Empande Peanut plant 4 Enzeyuula Enkoole Pigeon peas Source: Field Data (2016)
Significant information that can be deduced from the Table 4.9 above is that, lexical change has taken its root up to grain crops in farming domain. The original names for specified crops are no longer used instead the novel referents from other language are used. Poplack and Sankoff (1984) established common characteristics of borrowing.
Among several characteristics is that, borrowing replaces words of a particular language. The findings of this study are in harmony with Poplack and Sankoff established above. These borrowed names referring to such crops have completely replaced the host names in Zinza language. Despite such replacement, these borrowed items to a great extent, have retained initial prefix morphologically similar to the proto item except in only one item where there is variation of initials.
(c) Zinza Language Lexical Loss in Farming Domain
Having explored the list of lexical items that have been replaced, the researcher was interested to know the possibility of having lexical loss in farming domain. To access such lexical items, the study employed semi structured interview among the Zinza speakers. This study found that, some of lexical items that were used in the domain of farming are no longer used in normal speech. This is because, the objects do not
73 exist and thus their concepts become completely forgotten in language use. The following items presented in Table 4. 10 are lexical loss in farming domain.
Table 4.10: Lexical Loss in Farming Domain
Aspect Involved Lexical Item Descriptions Potato variety Suguti Sweet potato whose crust is white but Nyandeele yellow inside Sweet potato whose crust is red but white inside Banana plant Bhukooko A coiled banana once used for producing Enkoonzwa local beer Type of banana cooked and eaten occasionally in past Cassava plant Mabhaale Extremely bitter cassava variety for making Ngalabhutu flour The old sweet cassava variety Store Echitola Traditional store for keeping farming harvest Source: Field Data (2016)
Considering the findings presented in Table 4. 10 above, it is evidently proved that, lexical loss in farming domain covers much of crop varieties largely in sweet potato, cassava plant and banana plant. These lexical items got lost in farming domain for various reasons such as their inability to produce more harvest, being frequently disturbed by diseases, and the coming of new varieties to serve similar purpose. For instance, bhuukoko disappeared when gwaantamo came into being to serve the same purpose of local beer production. Craig (2006) as cited in Kileng′a (2012) views lexical loss as a situation when lexical item gradually disappear from the culture. The existence of lexical items which are not in use in this domain is an indication that supports what Craig defines above. It is true that such lexical items in this domain 74 did not disappear abruptly because of fundamental necessities in those days. For example, some crops were considered to be basic in terms of food staff and drinks.
4.1.2.3 Zinza Lexical Change in Livestock Keeping
Livestock keeping is one among major activities carried in Kome Island. Animals like cows, and goats are chiefly domesticated. Animals kept in low percentage include sheep. It is through these domesticated animals that the Zinza get food for consumption and money to sustain their survival. The researcher was attracted to explore the intensity of lexical replacement in this domain having the idea in mind that, livestock keepers are solidly resistant to change. Through the use of semi structured interview, the researcher used the prepared guiding questions that were asked to the informants. These questions were reframed where necessary when the informant failed to grasp the target of the question. The content of the questions covered issues related to lexical items replaced and those which are lost.
(a) Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items in
Livestock Keeping Domain
The study revealed that there is good number of lexical items borrowed from other languages that are currently used alongside the Zinza proto lexical items. These languages include Sukuma, Kiswahili, Kerewe and Ha. In particular, out of 19 collected lexical items covering lexical replacements in this domain, 16 (84%) lexical items were reported to be used alongside the original lexical items. These items are becoming popular to the extent that proto lexical items are seen to be less vibrant in normal language use. The lexical items sampled to express this phenomenon are presented in Table 4. 11 below.
75 Table 4. 11: Replacements Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items in Livestock Keeping Domain
S/N Proto Zinza Item Replacement Source Gloss 1 Kuliisa Kudima Kudima (Sukuma) To graze animals 2 Kweesela Kunywisa Nywisha (Kiswahili) Giving animals water 3 Enzeenza Embuzi Embuzi (Kerewe) Goat 4 Endeesha Ente Ente (Kerewe) Cow 5 Enkanyisa Entama N’tama (Ha) Sheep 6 Amabheele Amata Amata (Kerewe) Milk 7 Enzebheesi Enyama Nyama (Kiswahili) Meat Source: Field Data (2016)
From the Table 4. 11, areas where this replacement is observed are common nouns for domesticated animals (cow, sheep and goat), animal products (meat and milk) and pasturing. It was pointed out that, the catalyst for this replacement is due to hiring of non Zinza speakers to be herdsmen unlike the previous days where the
Zinza youth were responsible. This is because, there is much subconscious use of lexical items that a herdsman understands but modified to sound like Zinza lexical items. Apart from hiring non-native Zinza speakers to take care of the cattle, the coming of new objects whose structure is different but performing similar functions has greatly contributed to the replacements of lexical items referring to names of utensils used in the life of livestock keepers. Since there is great growth of replacements used alongside the proto Zinza lexical items, this suggests that with time, the Zinza will eventually assimilate these replacements to be part of Zinza lexicon at the expense of their earlier beloved lexical items.
76 (b) Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in
Livestock Keeping Domain
Through the use of semi structured interview, the researcher was interested to know the possibility of having replacements used in the absence of Zinza proto lexical items. The data of the study reveal that there were few replacements used in the absence of the former known lexical items. For instance, out of 16 collected lexical items under replacement, only 3 lexical items were reported to be replacements used in the absence of proto Zinza lexical items. These items are presented in Table 4. 12 below.
Table 4. 12: Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Change in
Livestock Keeping Domain
Replacement Source Proto Zinza Item Gloss Eyokubhagwa Kubhaga (Zinza) Lufu Death Kwoza kuoga (Kiswahili) Kukulila To wash animals Kubhaga Kubhaga (Zinza) Kusaagila Slaughter Source: Field Data (2016)
From the Table 4. 12 above, it is shown that, proto lexical items embraced old technological approach of keeping animals. For example, kukulila ‘the process of removing ticks from an animal manually’ is replaced by kwoza ‘washing animals with chemicals to kill ticks’. With respect to the data presented in Table 4. 12, the data of the study give a new interesting finding. This is because, some replacements in this aspect come from the Zinza language itself unlike earlier domains seen where they come from contact languages. This is not in line with Tarbo (2009) who argues that lexical change is influenced by replacement or equivalent from other language.
For instance lufu was completely replaced by eyokubhagwa a lexical item rooted in
77 Zinza language implying an animal to be slaughtered. This item was replaced due to the fact that such lexical item had unpleasant concept that is, death. To make it sound properly in a pleasant manner, the Zinza replaced it using eyokubhagwa ‘the animal to be slaughtered’. The other items were replaced following advancement of technology and modern way of living. Following the trend of replacement using lexical items from the language under the study, it is evident that lexical replacement should not necessarily come from other languages in contact.
(c) Zinza Lexical Loss in Livestock Keeping Domain
The researcher with the help of semi structured interview collected lexical items related to lexical loss in livestock keeping domain. The respondents were requested to give lexical items they considered to have completely disappeared in the language and with no replacement existing to express such concept. In this study, it was seen that, several lexical items used in livestock keeping domain were no longer in place.
These items were sampled and presented in Table 4. 13 below.
78 Table 4. 13: Zinza Lexical Loss in Livestock Keeping Domain
S/N Lexical Item Description 1 Echisaabho Traditional, larger pumpkin container for milk keeping 2 Luusa A name given to a cow whose colour is extremely white 3 Echilaaso Special arrow for animal treatment 4 Entugutu Kind of food made from cow blood 5 Gaazu A name given to female cow whose colour is red 6 Lugaaza A name given to male cow whose colour is red 7 Chisa A name given to cow whose colour is extremely white Source: Field Data (2016)
One important thing that can be extracted from Table 4. 13 above is that, proper nouns for cow basing on colour in Zinza are no longer used when calling a cow. This calling is done if one wants to milk or stop a cow from straying when feeding it in the bush. Currently, cows are not addressed by names. For instance, a cow to be milked is fetched directly from the cowshed. If one wants to stop a cow from straying to another person′s cultivated farm, the herdsman stops it by giving a loud intimidating voice. The other point to note in this subsection is that, lexical loss in this domain basing on the data given covers issues related to traditional animal treatment, traditional utensils for livestock keepers, and cow naming system. Lewick
(1974) explains that, camels were evidently common in the northeast Nigeria, yet speakers today only have indistinct ideas about the appearance of the camel itself.
This means that people still remember the lexical item but such lexical item is not used in communication because the animal carrying this concept is not in place. To some extent, the current study supports Lewick’s explanations given above. The
Zinza understand in mind that, cows in Zinza are named after their colour although currently, they never exercise this naming system with its associated lexical items.
This notion of understanding particular naming system is equivalent to Nigerians 79 living in northeastern part of Nigeria who still remember the term ‘camel’ but practically camels do not exist in their place at present. Since such animal does not exist, the lexical item used to convey this concept remains in mind only without applicability in communication. This perpetuation of behaviour among the Zinza makes lexical items to be silent while their concepts still exist. However, eventually, this will make numerous items get lost in their language lexicon.
4.1.2.5 Zinza Lexical Change in Fishing Domain
Like in any other islands, fishing is always regarded to be the primary activity among the island dwellers. In the Kome Island, the basic side dish are fishing products.
Because of this fundamental resource, the Zinza always engage in fishing activities every day and night. It is this genuine truth that necessitated special attention to be paid to the assessment of lexical change in this domain.
With respect to this domain of language use, lexical change was also noted as in the previous domains. The researcher interviewed respondents from the village close to the Lake Victoria within Kome Island. This was done to obtain natural data as far as lexical items related to fishing were concerned. The findings of the study show that some lexical items are avoided to be used, instead the replacements take over in place of the proto version. Lexical loss was reported to have cropped up in this domain of language use. The researcher compiled the list of such lexical items as presented in tables in subsections below.
80 (a) Lexical Replacement Used alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Change in
Fishing Domain
Through semi structured interviews, the researcher found that there were native lexical items in Zinza language used together with replacements expressing the same idea. Out of 22 collected lexical items regarded to have changed in fishing domain,
10 (45%) native lexical items were confirmed by respondents to have their counterparts from other languages. These items from other languages are becoming popular in this modern generation. Their popularity among the language users has grown to a great extent since even the elders have accepted consciously or subconsciously to make use of these replacements. The list of sampled lexical items for this finding is given in Table 4. 14 below.
Table 4. 14: Lexical Replacement Used Alongside Proto Zinza Lexical Items at
Fishing Domain
S/N Proto Item Replacement Gloss/ Description 1 Emamba Kamongo Lungfish 2 Echifweelezi Endimila Duration when fish product is harvested 3 Isanzu Idandali Type of ray fish 4 Enfulu Enchima Very small tilapia fish variety 5 Entote Ebalala Medium sized tilapia variety 6 Olubhigo Endibha Kind of traditional way of fishing 7 Kukala Kubanika Fish preservation by subjecting it under fire Source: Field Data (2016)
81 The data in Table 4. 14 above reveal the use of other lexical items from different languages surrounding Lake Zone. For instance, kamongo comes from Luo
‘kamongo’ while endimila, idandali, enchima, endibha come from Sukuma language in particular Kinang’weli dialect. Etymologically, these adopted lexical items-
(endimila, idandali, enchima, endibha) come from ndimila, dandali, nchimabwoyo, and ndibha respectively in the dialect pointed out. Other lexical items such as ebalala, and kubanika come from Kerewe and Kiswahili respectively. It was reported that, previously, fishing at Kome Island was carried out by only one speech community that is Zinza. During this time one could not expect to have replacements from other languages. When fishing activities were done by outsiders from different parts surrounding Lake Victoria, the situation changed and thus there were importation of replacements from other speech communities. These replacements have been modified to resemble lexical items in the host language. In several items, there is insertion of vowels serving prefix. This is because, names of things in Zinza are always preceded by vowel prefix. There are few cases where replacement did not consider the rule stated. For instance ‘Kamongo’ as a principle it could appear as
‘ekamongo’ but this does not apply. This datum may lead to prediction that, with time there is possibility of not having regular rule to handle names of things borrowed from outside.
(b) Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in
Fishing Domain
Fishing activities from time immemorial in Kome Island have been expressed using
Zinza lexical items. However, currently, the situation has changed. There are a lot of proto lexical items not in use as their concepts are expressed using foreign lexical items. Because of this experience, the researcher was attracted to capture information 82 related to the list of lexical items observed to have been replaced totally in Zinza lexicon. In this study, out of 22 lexical items reported to have counter parts from other languages, 4 (18%) proto Zinza were reported to have been replaced totally.
The data for these findings are presented in Table 4. 15 below.
Table 4. 15: Lexical Replacement Used in the Absence of Proto Zinza Lexical Items in Fishing Domain Replacement Proto Item Gloss/ Description Enkambi Ibhuuko Fishing camp Kupakulula Kusoola Removing fish from the boat Idungudungu Ipaanza Traditional fishing boat made locally Owenkambi Koota Fisherman leader
Source: Field Data (2016)
Lodthi (2000) presents that, loan may even cause native words and gradually become redundant. For example, Arabic word samaki ‘fish’ replaced Bantu lexical item insi.
The current study findings support Lodthi’s finding in terms of complete replacements. However, this total replacement is not driven by non Bantu languages like the earlier study. In Zinza, complete replacement in fishing domain is championed by Bantu languages. These Bantu languages include Kiswahili or
Sukuma (Kinang’weli dialect of Sukuma). These items have been completely replaced from the Zinza lexicon because of having slight difference in terms of meaning. For instance, ibhuko means men fishing camp made up of three to six fishermen only. Whereas enkambi refers to fishing camp constituting both fishermen and few women whose work is food preparation. Its population is high unlike ibhuko.
Koota refers to fishermen head whose duty is to sit in a hut taking care of the dried fish after several fishing has been done at the camp. Owenkambi refers to head of
83 fishermen whose role is to manage fishing products and execution of responsibilities among the fishermen in the camp. The other items follow similar stated reason in their replacements. Following this trend of complete replacements, just because of minor variation in terms of meaning, there is a danger of having mushrooming of lexical items lost in the Zinza lexical inventory.
The data of this study, further, came up with a lot of lexical items considered to be slangs, which are used as equivalents of the native Zinza lexical items. This study did not give special concern presenting them because they cannot be judged to be replacements as no one is sure whether they will stay or not. Majority of these items are even difficult to trace the language where they come from.
(c) Zinza Lexical Loss in Fishing Domain
The issue of lexical loss has been observed in different language families of the world. There have been several study findings carried out to justify existence of death of lexical items in the language. With the use of semi structured interview guide, the researcher explored lexical items lost in the field of fishing. Following the data gathered for this study, it was clearly reported that various lexical items related to fishing aspects have been lost in Zinza language. Lexical items reported to have lost in this domain are presented in Table 4. 16 below.
84 Table 4. 16: Zinza Lexical Loss at Fishing Domain
S/N Lexical item Gloss/ Description
1 Omuluku Traditional medicine for more fish harvest 2 Oluhiinga Fishing by arranging stones around water shore 3 Enyamulugu Black coloured larger tilapia fish variety 4 Nyamutuku Reddish tilapia fish variety with white scales 5 Kuzuliliza Getting fish without buying but by helping someone to remove fish from the net 6 Kusaagila Fishing by using traditional spear 7 Ebhiika A name given to traditional earlier fishing boat Source: Field Data (2016)
From Table 4. 16 above, one can extract reasons for lexical loss in fishing domain.
These include: introduction of new fishing methods which replaced local ways of fishing, disappearance of the same fish varieties in Kome Island and technological advancement leading to introduction of nailed fishing boat. Yoneda (2010) gives a particular case on how the Matengo language has lost most of its words especially to the young people due to the influence of Kiswahili.
The data for this study support Yoneda’s findings. This is due to the presence of more lexical items lost in fishing domain in Zinza language. However; Yoneda’s finding is too general unlike the current study findings, which is specific to particular domain of language use experiencing the loss in question. The other point of deviation in the two findings is the reason for lexical loss. Lexical loss in Matengo language is influenced by Kiswahili while in Zinza it is championed to great extent by introduction of new fishing techniques, or disappearance of fish variety. The last important difference to mark regarding these two findings is that; in Matengo, the
85 youth are the one who are unable to access proto lexical items whereas, in Zinza language this lexical loss is experienced by the entire speech community.
Generally, it has been revealed that there are a good number of lexical items that have changed (those under replacement and those under extinction). The lexical items noted to experience this situation are nouns, verbs and adjectives. Of the three lexical categories noted, nouns are at the peak of lexical change in Zinza. Verbs and adjectives follow in the hierarchy of this change. The approach used to capture these findings was to have a survey of several lexical items in different domains where
Zinza is used. Since the findings report a good number of lexical items subjected to changes, it is true that the extent of Zinza lexical change at Kome Island is high.
4.2 Linguistic Factors for Zinza Lexical Change
The second objective of the study was to examine linguistic factors responsible for
Zinza language lexical change. To determine linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change, the researcher used two methods of data collection namely Elicitation and
Semi structured interview. In Zinza language, the findings portray that, the nature of
Zinza language itself and language contact were the chief reasons for lexical change at Kome Island.
4.2.1 The Nature of Zinza Language and Lexical Change
Through elicitation, the researcher elicited aspects of Zinza language (phonology, morphology, lexical specification and semantics) to see whether they contribute to lexical change of its lexicon. Before drawing a conclusion, the researcher drew hypothesis and tested it with more data to arrive at a fair judgment.
86 4.2.1.1 Phonological factors
The study investigated the possibility of phonological aspect of Zinza language to be a driving mechanism of the change in question. Through manipulation and inquiry of how a word is pronounced, some phonological factors were detected to have influenced lexical change in Zinza. These factors include tonal factor and long vowel word initial.
i) Tonal factor
Tone in a tonal language is a major part of phonological systems. Tonal languages are very common in Asia, Papua New Guinea, parts of North and South America and
Africa (Bowern, 2008). The researcher requested respondents to complete lexical items standing for each construction that was given. The content of such constructions carried issues of Zinza lexical items that have been replaced. The informants were required to complete them orally by giving the proto forms.
Furthermore, the researcher asked the respondents between the old version and the current version which one was easy to pronounce. Among 20 respondents involved in phonological elicitation, 14 (70%) informants voted for proto lexical items to have created a burden in their articulation. Some quotations to justify tonal factor being accountable for Zinza lexical change are supplied here below as given by the informants.
Informant B1: Taata; utamkaji wake unatumia nguvu nyingi kumaliza kutamka wakati neno lenyewe fupi. (Taata ‘father’ its pronunciation requires a lot of energy despite the fact that such lexical item is short).
Informant B5: Utamkaji wa taata unatumia pumzi nyingi. (Taata pronunciation demands long breath).
87 Informant B11: Utamkaji wa taata unanipa shida kwa sababu kutamka mpaka uwe umeshiba maana nguvu nyingi lazima zitumike. ( Taata pronunciation gives me hardship because you need to be strong since more energy is involved).
Informant B17: Unapotamka baba unatamka kawaida bila kutumia nguvu nyingi.
(When pronouncing baba ‘father’ you do it without using more energy).
Informant B19: Utamkaji wa taata unanipa shida kwa sababu utamkaji wake unahitaji kukaza sauti ya juu. (Taata pronunciation is a problem to my side because it calls for high tone).
According to Bowern (2008), speakers of tone languages will still often produce list intonation or citation tone when asked to speak words in isolation. Bowern’s argument hardly supports the current study findings. This means that, speakers of theses languages use the same form with the same intonation. In the current study, it was found that, Zinza speakers were not able to produce the same lexical items with same intonation when they were asked to complete a lexical item in isolation covering idea expressed by such construction. Instead they use a two distinct lexical items with variation in terms of intonation. This means, one with high intonation and low intonation.
From the given informants’ quotations, one significant point that can be made is that, proto Zinza lexical item taata ‘father’ is replaced by baba just because of creating articulatory hardship in a word syllable. This is because of embracing high tone as opposed to its counterpart (baba). It seems that the Zinza are comfortable using lexical items whose pronunciations require less energy and less pitch. Lexical items that involve more energy and high pitched tone are avoided because they create a phonological burden when articulating them. 88 ii) Long Vowel Word Initial
The question of how many vowels a language has is not ruled universally in all languages. In terms of length of vowels, vowels of world’s languages differ. Some vowels are long while others are short in their articulation. Through elicitation, the researcher presented to informants some lexical items with variations in pronunciation (assumed pronunciation and proper pronunciation) in the same item.
The criterion used to give such variation was vowel length (long and short vowel). In both pronunciation alternatives, where short vowel could not apply, the informant commented that such pronunciation did not exist and vice versa was true. Lexical items that changed because of commencing with long vowel at a word level are presented in Table 4. 17 below.
Table 4. 17: Lexical Items which Changed Because of Long Vowel Word Initial
S/N Proto item Pronunciation Replacement Pronunciation Gloss 1 Eembi /ɛmbɪ/ Ekabuli /ekabulɪ/ Grave 2 Eenkwi /ɛʔkwɪ/ Ekuni /ekunɪ/ Firewood 3 Iilungu /i:luʔgu/ Ipoli /ɪpolɪ/ Bush 4 Iibhuko /i:bʊko/ Enkambi /eʔkambɪ/ Fishing camp Source: Field Data (2016)
According to Cedeno (2016), word initial underlying long stressed vowels are always long in Spanish language. Speakers of both regions in Mexican language coincided to a great extent in identifying specific lexical items as being particularly prone or particularly unlikely to be realized with a high vowel. The findings of this current study match slightly with Cedono’s findings presented above. In Mexican language, speakers agree with the presence or absence of lexical items suspected to have high vowel. However, Cedeno’s study is silent whether such high vowel has influenced replacements in Mexican language. This is contrary to Zinza findings. Basing on the
89 data presented in Table 4. 17, where it is evident that, the Zinza have substituted their proto lexical items that commence with long vowel at a syllabic word level. A long vowel in this language behaves like stressed vowel because of being lengthened in its articulation. The lengthening of vowel in these proto Zinza lexicons at word initial has influenced substitution of lexical items starting with short vowel. Gradually, with time, such long vowel’s prefix word initial in Zinza will disappear. One among other factors for this substitution may be because of long vowel being stronger, high pitched in its articulation. The disappearance of this golden trait in this language creates the language without long vowel word initial.
4.2.1.2 Morphological Factor
Morphologically, a word may contain an element that can stand on its own (root), it may be made up of more than one root (a compound word), or it may be built with one or more elements that cannot stand by themselves (Pole, 1999). The researcher through elicitation, examined whether word morphology of Zinza language has a special role to play in the changes of its lexicon. To elicit the findings the researcher subjected informants to few morphologically longer and shorter lexical items where they were required to confirm whether such items were used in the full version or shortened. If shortened they were asked to provide the short form in use. Finally, respondents were requested to give lexical items that have full version different from the regular use of a clipped item. The researcher assembled and compiled the list provided as presented in Table 4. 18 below.
90 Table 4. 18: Lexical Items Clipped Due to their Length Morphologically
S/N Proto item Current item Word Description in use class 1 Tinkamwisigile Mwisigile N A male name signifying lucky 2 Bhusanzibwiyegele Bhusanzi N Kind of potato variety 3 Bhahooyeleho Hoye N A name given to a child after frequent deaths of baby born in past 4 Tinziilabhukulu Bhukulu N A name connected to fairly man 5 Bhalyeehuta Bali N Prompt man 6 Zikangobheza Zika N A name connected to several funerals Source: Field Data (2016)
Considering the data presented in the Table 4. 18 above, it was found that traditional names given to people and some crop variety in Zinza were not originally used. This means that the proto names experience reduction of components building the entire name. This reduction is done either at word initial or final position or at both sides.
For example, out of 24 collected clipped lexical items, 7 (29%) experienced reduction in initial position like in Mwisigile from Tinkamwisigile, 14 (58%) like in bhusanzibwiyegele (bhusanzi) had final reduction, 3 (13%) had both sides reduction yielding a form Hoye from Bhahooyeleo.
When the researcher inquired the respondents why such items were clipped, the reasons were given. These are such as: because of more time spent when articulating such items in their complete version, laziness and word length. Consider sampled expressions given by respondents in favour of this reduction.
91 Informant ii: Yanafupishwa kwa sababu muda mwingi unatumika kutamka kwa sababu ya urefu wake. (They are shortened because more time is spent in pronunciation due to their length).
Informant iii: Ebhigaambo nibhinogolwa habwokubha nibhilehi omuketele. (Lexical items are clipped because of their length in articulation).
Informant iv: Watu wanaona uvivu wa kutamka neno zima kwa sababu ya urefu wa neno hilo. (People find it boring to articulate a full version lexical item because of its length).
Informant vi: Urefu wa maneno unachosha ndo maana tunakatisha. (We shorten lexical items because of their length being burden).
The quotations above show justification of the change of names form their full version to clipped version.
According to Martine (2007), lexical replacement increases as a function of word length. Common words are more shortened than uncommon ones. Since personal names in any speech community are shared commonly in normal conversation, many traditional names in Zinza are replaced by short forms of such particular names. The existence of short forms in Zinza naming system, truly agrees with Martine’s argument. Morphologically, word length in Zinza has influenced speakers of this language to apply clipping to most of lexical items made up of five and above syllabic words. Their length is accused to have created trouble when using them.
Hence, Zinza speakers find the means to reduce difficulties experienced when using such items in normal conversations. Furthermore, these clipped forms do not have repetition of vowels that mark long vowel in this language just like in their full
92 version. To them, clipping is a mechanism to simplify the use of those lexical items in regular speech. Following this ongoing situation, there is a possibility of the next generation to have no idea whether such items have their complete equivalents.
When these clipped items will be firmly established, it will be difficult to trace the meanings covered in those names. This is due to the fact that clips in their isolation look meaningless. This will have killed traditional knowledge or information embedded in such clipped names.
4.2.1.3 Decline of Lexical Specification among Language Users
It was introduced in sub section 3.4.1 in the previous chapter that, the Zinza primarily use lexical items basing on specification. That means grown up women use unique lexical items differently from the other language users. The researcher elicited the list of lexical items falling under this specification. Finally, the respondents were asked to confirm their applicability in modern times. Below is the summary of lexical items showing lexical specification presented in Table 4. 19 here under.
93 Table 4. 19: Lexical Specification among Language Users in Zinza
S/N Other users Usage vote Grown up Usage vote Gloss women 1 Omwenda Yes Omugonza Yes Clothes 2 Enzu Yes Enkumya No House 3 Kusuula Yes Kuchedenga No To salute 4 Amabheele Yes Amagomocha No Breasts 5 Omutwe Yes Oomusale No Head 6 Omuntu Yes Oomwiza No Person 7 Kufula Yes Kuchananta No Washing clothes 8 Kuzala Yes Kubhimbya No Giving birth 9 Itaka Yes Inobhi No Soil 10 Amenzi Yes Amasena Yes Water
Source: Field Data (2016)
From the data presented in Table 4. 19 above, it was found that lexical items special for grown up women were extinct in normal language use. Out of 31 collected lexical items under this subsection 25 (81%) lexical items specific for these grown up women were said to have disappeared in language use, 6 (19%) were still in use.
When the respondents were asked why lexical items for grown up women were not properly handled, they gave a reason. Generally, it is due to existence of other lexical items that convey similar concept. Some of constructions to justify the reasons are given below.
Informant C3: Wanawake wa siku hizi kwa kutofahamu misamiati yao, wanajikuta wanatumia maneno ya wanaume, watoto, na wasichana kwenye maongezi yao hatimaye maneno yao kutoweka. (Because of failure of the contemporary women to master their specialized lexical items, as a result they find themselves using lexical items meant for men, children, and girls in their conversation. Eventually their lexical items disappear.) 94 Informant C13: Wanawake hawatumii maneno yao kwa sababu ya uwepo wa maneno mengine yanayoeleza ujumbe sawa na maneno yao. (Women do not use their lexical items because of existence of other lexical items that express similar concept).
This sparing use of such specialized lexical items for grown up women can fore tell that, with time, there is the possibility of losing them in Zinza lexicon. It is obviously known that when a lexical item is used frequently, it is always accessible among the language users. On the other side of the coin, when these lexical items are hardly used, they will be less accessible in language applicability and finally they will perish. This peculiar feature of Zinza language will become extinct.
4.2.1.4 Semantic Change
Communication among the language users is driven by the idea to be conveyed. It is this idea that guides the feedback to be reported regarding what was conveyed. This process of sharing information among the language users is built along the branch of linguistics called semantics. Semantics makes communication possible in any given language. The researcher elicited the role of semantics in lexical change. The areas elicited covered meaning extension and meaning reduction. The findings reveal that there are lexical items considered to have been changed due to semantic change.
i) Meaning Extension
Through elicitation, the respondents were firstly exposed to the scenario of theoretical information regarding how a name of an object is transformed from the previous one to the new one following addition of meaning. Having been briefed with such information, the informants were requested to provide a list of lexical items that had changed due to meaning extension in Zinza language. Secondly, they were asked to give examples of how such meaning extension influences lexical
95 change. Before drawing a conclusion, the researcher made hypothesis and tested it with more data to have proper justification if the findings really would suit the demand of the second objective of this study. The study found that, due to semantic extension, very few Zinza lexical items are replaced by newly lexical items on the basis of new meaning attached to such lexical item. Lexical items that were introduced due to meaning extension are presented in Table 4. 20 below.
Table 4. 20: Lexical Items which have Changed Due to Semantic Change in
Zinza Language
S/N Proto lexical Proto Meaning Replacement Current Meaning Item 1 Ensuha Traditional pot for Olukalango Traditional pot used to drinking reserved reserve both water and water traditional alcohol 2 Omwiiko Piece of cloth for Omukanda Anything won to tightening woman’s tighten the waist or stomach only stomach. It may be made up of cloth, skin or elastic material 3 Itiiligo Wooden object Akatiiligo A human driven pedal resembling a made for carrying bicycle designed luggage/ transport only for child riding and play 4 Omuhanda Human path Ipaande A path that was used by human being now serving as a path for both people and head of cattle Source: Field Data (2016)
96 With respect to the data presented in Table 4. 20, the findings hold that the newly established lexical items are not equal in terms of meaning with those under proto items. Just because of meaning extension, some of lexical items used in those days were abandoned and the new form came into being. The informants were asked to comment on how meaning extension leads to introduction of new lexical items.
Some of constructions carrying such commentaries are indicated below:
Informant D1: Maana ikiongezwa kwenye kitu fulani huzalisha vitu viwili tofauti.
(When meaning is added to something, it results into two different things).
Informant D4: Usipotofautisha maana utaleta utata kwenye mawasiliano kipi kinachomaanishwa. (If you don’t differentiate the meaning you will ring am iguity in communication about which one is being referred to.)
Informant D9: Mkanganyiko unaweza kutokea usipotofautisha maana ya vitu hivyo.
( Confusion may occur if meanings are not differentiated.)
The comments given by respondents above signify that, the Zinza change the way of referring to certain lexical items conveying a particular concept. This shift of referent is made possible because of extension of meaning. To them, when a meaning is added to a word, the new meaning definitely inaugurates the novel lexical item to avoid confusion of the two concepts in mind. That means prior concept and current concept.
According to Martine (2007), a lexical change will occur whenever a new name becomes attached to a sense or a new sense to a new name. Weinreich (1953) argues that, borrowed words and old terms normally do not exist side by side with same meaning, without a specialization, that is a broadening or a narrowing. These study
97 findings correspond with Martine’s argument above. This is because the new novel sense has instigated creation of newly established names known as replacements.
With regard to the argument by Weinreich, these study findings to some extent, support his finding while in the other side there is mismatch of results. According to
Weinreich, semantics may lead to lexical change via borrowing. That means if we borrow lexical items resembling the earlier objects, the new object will be named differently from what we had. In Zinza, the addition of meaning to the previous items obliged innovation of new names within the language under the study. This means that new lexical items came from Zinza itself except in some few incidences in contrast to the previous study where novel lexical items came from foreign language only. The trend of Zinza language producing newly lexical items within Zinza language itself due to the pressure of meaning extension is an indication that, borrowing from other languages should be a matter of necessity only.
4.2.2 The Influence of Language Contact
Language contact was noted to be the detrimental source of lexical change at Kome
Island. The findings of this study reveal that borrowing has greatly influenced lexical replacement in Zinza language. The Zinza proto lexical items are endangered as they are waved away in regular language use by foreign lexical items expressing the same concept. However there were few cases where the borrowed items had no counterparts in Zinza lexicon. Table 4. 21 presents some borrowed lexical items reported to have taken over the position of proto Zinza lexical items. In addition, the
Table 4. 21 below covers also lexical items borrowed due to necessity.
98 Table 4. 21: Lexical Items Borrowed to Replace the Proto Zinza Lexical Items
S/N Proto Item Borrowed Donor Language Word Gloss Item Class 1 Omuswiza Ehoma Homa (Kiswahili) N Fever 2 Kusambya Kuguza Okuguzya V To sell (Kerewe) 3 Obhukoole Amatatizo Tatizo (Kiswahili) N Problems 4 Emisoonga Amaumivu Maumivu N Pain (Kiswahili) 5 Kubhonesa Kufanikisha Fanikisha V To gain (Kiswahili) 6 Kusasanula Kufafanua Fafanua V To (Kiswahili) clarify 7 Obhudula Obhuwezo Uwezo N Ability (Kiswahili) 8 ____ Esimu Simu (Kiswahili) N Mobile phone Source: Field Data (2016)
From the Table 4. 21 above, it is evidently clear that, Zinza language has abundant loan items functioning as replacements in this language. Out of 43 collected borrowed items, 9 (21%) lexical items were completely replaced by foreign lexical items from Kiswahili. Twenty nine (67%) foreign lexical items were reported to be used concurrently with proto Zinza lexical items. Five (12%) lexical items were novel lexical items that did not exist in the Zinza language. Kiango (2005) points out that, a language can lose any important linguistic features (original and authentic vocabulary) when it comes in contact with other languages. Sote (2011) presents that, most of loan nouns identified in Shimalila language had no equivalents.
Borrowing in Shimalila is motivated by necessity, prestige of the loan nouns and insufficiency in vocabulary. Sote further presents that, borrowing has enriched 99 different semantic fields of Shimalila. The current study findings firmly correspond to Kiango’s findings. This is due to the fact that, borrowing has resulted to the loss of original vocabularies in Zinza lexicon. Regarding Sote’s findings, the current study slightly joins hands with such findings. Very few novel lexical items without their partners exist in Zinza, unlike in Shimalila where most of loan items without equivalents exist in this language.
In the light of data collected under this aspect, it is clearly justified that, nouns and verbs in Zinza are replaced by the borrowed item from Kiswahili. Nouns and verbs are the victims of this aspect of lexical change. Among other things, it may be because of being basic word categories besides being frequently used. Kiswahili is stressed to have perpetuated this lexical replacement because of being a prestigious language in the country against Ethnic Community Languages (Zinza). As in other languages when a word is borrowed, some modifications are done to suit the features of the recipient language. The common strategies that were noted to integrate lexical items from other languages in Zinza include: pre-fixation and omission of prefix attached to the verb from the donour language. As a rule, in Zinza, names of objects begin with vowel prefix morpheme. Besides, verbs in Zinza do not carry vowel prefix in their root. For example a lexical item such as ‘simu’ which has been adopted in Zinza, is assimilated in this language as esimu because names of objects in Zinza are preceded by vowel morpheme in a word. With regard to borrowed verb for instance, the lexical items kuguza ‘to sell’ was borrowed to replace proto item kusambya. This borrowed item came from Kerewe okuguzya ‘to sell’. Since the
Zinza never make use of vowel prefix at the verb, such affix from the donour language had to be omitted in the recipient language.
100 In general, the foregoing section 4.2 has presented and discussed linguistic factors for Zinza language lexical change. It was seen that the nature of Zinza language and language contact were the two major factors for lexical change in Zinza language. In the light of the nature of Zinza language, several sub points were presented. These include phonological factors, morphological factor, decline of lexical specification and semantic factor. In terms of language contact, lexical borrowing was recorded to have customary influence of replacement of proto Zinza lexical items.
4.3 Non Linguistic Factors for Zinza Lexical Change
The third objective of the study was to describe non linguistic factors contributing to
Zinza lexical change. It was presented in sub section 2.2.3 that these non linguistic factors include age, education, attitude, the role of technology, marriage, sex, immigration, and the influence of mass media or institution. Respondents were asked to give their opinions regarding non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. The study found that decline of intergenerational transmission of Zinza language, influence of intermarriage, the influence of education, decline of socialization gap, development of science and technology, and the role of immigration in the island were the driving non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. Among these factors, some of them are reflected in subsection 2.2.3, these are the influence of education, development of science and technology, and the influence of immigrants. The study came up with some non linguistic factors that did not exist in the reviewed literatures. These encompass; decline of intergenerational transmission of Zinza language and decline of socialization gap. The description for each factor is given below:
101 4.3.1 Decline of Intergenerational Transmission of Zinza Language
This study found that currently, there has been a tendency of parents to transmit
Kiswahili to their children as their first language. Quite extraordinarily, even parents who do not know Kiswahili properly because of being not exposed to it in both formal and informal settings, would wish their children or grandchildren to know how to speak Kiswahili before knowing their ethnic language (Zinza). This strange situation has been extended in families considered to be language conservative.
Despite their ideology being supporting Zinza, their little children at home are instructed using broken Kiswahili. The situation is extremely worse in families where both parents understand Kiswahili. In these families Kiswahili was the dominant language used as a medium of communication. This phenomenon has taken over the position of Zinza language to be the first language to the Zinza in
Kome Island. Some of constructions are quoted in favour of this factor.
Informant A: Kuhoyesa abayanda bhato Echiswahili ahamuka nikukola ebhigambo bye Echizinza kuleka kumanyikana omubhasigazi. (Addressing Kiswahili language to children at home influences the Zinza lexical items to be hardly known to the youth.)
Informant D: Nyumbani siku hizi watoto wanajua kuongea Kiswahili kuliko Kizinza utafikiri tuko mjini. (Nowadays, children at home speak Kiswahili before they speak
Zinza language as if we are living in town).
Informant F: Wazinza wa kisasa hupenda kuwafundisha watoto wao Kiswahili nyumbani. Jambo hili huua misamiati ya wazinza. (The modern Zinza like to teach
Kiswahili to their children. This kills Zinza language vocabularies).
102 Informant M: Echiswahili chatutawele omumaka ebadala yokuhoya Echizinza na abhayanda nituhoya Echiswahili. (Kiswahili language has dominated us, instead of using Zinza language with our children, we use Kiswahili instead).
Focusing on the constructions given above, it is truly justified that, Kiswahili has germinated as the first language among the Zinza children. This transformation has marginalized accessibility of Zinza lexical items among this important generation who are the candidates or transmitters of Zinza lexical items in future. Since children are hardly exposed to Zinza lexical items in terms of applicability of proto Zinza lexical items, this language will have no place in normal language use in future but also these items will be less known to the Zinza community. Some of lexical items carry important ecological and cultural information, and if they are lost, such ecological and cultural knowledge embedded in those lexical items will lead to loss of genuine cultural heritage.
4.3.2 The Influence of Intermarriage
The family is one among other socializing units in any speech community. This is because, parents and siblings share ideas, feelings, knowledge, and information every now and then. The findings of this study established that, contemporary Zinza society has broken the custom of getting married to or marrying a fellow Zinza. In the past, the Zinza managed to protect their lexical items from unnecessary changes because of abiding to this beloved custom. At family level, both the parents and children celebrated the use of Zinza language in all spheres of life. The situation changed when a family had a member who did not belong to Zinza speech community. This marked the essence of lexical equivalents from other languages.
Sample of responses to support this factor are provided below.
103 Informant A: Kolikutasha omunyamahanga abhana tibhakugambisibwa ebhigambo bye Echizinza. (If you are married to a woman who is not of your tribe, communication to children is never done in Zinza language).
Informant E: Kutasha amakabhila agandi nikukola nyineeka kuhoya olulimi olwo alikwitegeleza mkaziwe lutali lwe Echizinza. (Intermarriage causes the head of the family to use the language that his wife understands)
Informant F: Mwanamke asiye wa kabira lako unapomuoa kama hatajifunza
Kizinza watoto hawatajua vizuri maneno ya Kizinza. (A woman who is not of your tongue, if you get married to her and in case she will not learn Zinza language, the children will not understand well Zinza language lexical items).
Following the opinions quoted above, it is evidently obvious that Zinza lexical items are not passed to the young generation because of mixture of spouse in the family.
According to Masinde (2012) majority of couples about 90% in the exogamous families use Kiswahili in their daily conversation while in the endogamous families the number is low by 20% in Gogo. It was expected that the exogamous families would use Kiswahili as the lingua franca because couples do not have a common language. Masinde’s findings support the findings of this study although his study focused on the status of ethnic community languages with a comparative focus between endogamous and exogamous families in Dodoma municipality. A mixture of parents basing on tongue membership has denied children an opportunity to socialize in Zinza so have exogamous family in Masinde’s work. This denial of socialization is brought because Zinza is not a common language to all members of the family. This situation has greatly influenced lexical replacements. These replacements come in Zinza via members from exogamous families in their way
104 trying to communicate in a language widely spoken by the native in Kome Island
(Zinza language). These replacements from other languages are put in speech utterances so that they are able to communicate with the natives who do not want to hear communication done in Kiswahili. In the long run, such replacements will be acquired by the new generation without knowing that such replacements are not part of Zinza lexicon.
4.3.3 The Influence of Education
Globally, formal education is seen as a fundamental goal towards attaining development of an individual or the society as a whole. It is this conceived idea that pushes parents, or guardians to send their children to school for better life in future.
Education is always offered with the use of language. Some of these languages are native languages of the indigenous, while others are foreign. Lewis (2009) states that,
Kiswahili is the language recommended by law for use in most of official business in
Tanzania. In addition, it is the medium of instructions in all public primary schools and a subject in secondary schools and tertiary education. This study found that, when the Zinza were highly exposed to formal education, changes in the lexical items were witnessed. These educational beneficiaries find it useful abandoning the proto Zinza lexical items. Below are sampled responses provided by respondents to justify this finding.
Infromant C: Amashule nigakola abhana kweenda kuhoya ebhigambo bye
Echiswahili omuchizinza. (Schools influence the children to love using Kiswahili lexical items in Zinza language).
Informant G: Isooma nilikola abhayanda kunuga Echizinza. Kwahiyo ebhigambo byabho nibhibha byo okutobhangula Echizinza. (Schooling causes the youth to
105 neglect Zinza language. Therefore, the lexical items they use are not real proto Zinza lexical items).
Informant H: Kwa sababu ya shule, wanaopata elimu hupendelea kutumia maneno ya Kiswahili kwenye Kizinza pasipo kujua wanaharibu lugha yao. (Because of being educated some people like to use Kiswahili lexical items in Zinza without knowing that they are endangering their language).
Taking into account the information given above, it is evidently obvious that, when the Zinza become educated they find themselves using Kiswahili lexical items instead of Zinza. According to Zvelebil (1983) as cited in Myers-Scotton (2006), scholars replace English words in High Tamil, for example; the English word for fanatic was replaced in High Tamil by /viciri/ which was an existing term referring to the object used for farming on self or even an electric fun. This finding corresponds with Zvelebil’s presentation who accuses the scholars to replace certain lexical items in High Tamil. In Zinza, the study found that, modern educational beneficiaries have the tendency of neglecting the use of proto Zinza lexical items. The mostly preferred lexical items in their conversation come from Kiswahili language. The use of other lexical items especially those from Kiswahili are glorified as a sign of being educated. This situation has resulted to presence of several replacements from
Kiswahili.
4.3.4 Decline of Socialization Gap among the Youth and Elders
It is always understood that language is the vehicle of communication. Through language, one can give statement, questions, give directives, ask for permission, seek for advice, issue a command, express feelings and opinions. It is also commonly known that language is a tool for socialization among the speech community. Both
106 the younger and adults share stories, ideas, and information by using language.
Socialization process through language is made possible by means of lexical items. It is through this socialization where particular lexical items of a language are transferred from one generation to next generation. In line with the trend of socialization gap among the youth and the elders, it was found that this gap has a special role in Zinza lexical change. Nowadays the youth in Zinza hardly spend their time to share stories with the elders. The utterances made by respondents in favour of this finding are given below for justification.
Informant A: Abhasigazi kuleka kuhoya nabhazehe ahachikome kukozile abhanyampala kibhalikufwa nibhafwa nebhigambo byaabho. (The youth have little socialization with the elders at the evening fire place. When the elders die even their lexical items die as well).
Informant C: Kala ya kala abhayaanda bhakabha nibhahoya na abhazele bhaabo.
Oku kukakola ebhigambo bye Echizinza kumanyikana omubhayanda. (In those days the youth used to socialize with their parents. This caused the Zinza lexical items to be known among the youth).
Informant F: Wazee kutowafundisha watoto/vijana maneno ya Kizinza ambayo wao walikuwa wanayatumia, hatimaye hujikuta yanapotea kwenye matumizi.( Failure of the elders to teach their children / youth lexical items used in their times. Over time, these lexical items got lost in normal daily discourse).
In the earlier studies reviewed, it was pointed out that the young generation in Syria use the prestige form much more than the older generation and will presumably continue to use it in the future even when they go to visit their home village (Habib,
2005). The findings by Habib to some extent collocate with the findings in this study. 107 The question of how the youth differ in bringing lexical change in these two languages defines the variation of the findings. In Syria, the youth are revealed to have replaced native forms by lexical items considered to be prestigious. Where as in
Zinza, such replacement is influenced by minimal socialization with elders where they could get genuine stock of native lexical items. This growing distance in terms of socialization has created a room for Zinza lexical items to be forgotten among the current young generation. Drawing inference from the utterances put forward in favour of this non linguistic factor, it is true that the decline of socialization gap has influenced the youth to consume whatever is available to them in terms of lexical usage. This condition has created many replacements in Zinza lexical items while such items have their equivalents in Zinza.
4.3.5 Advancement of Science and Technology
Science and technology have played a very significant role in the development of human kind. People in different parts of the world have devoted much of their energy, time and resources to produce several objects to simplify their life. These objects are made using traditional or modern technology depending on the level of development reached in such particular society. The good news is that, when such objects are produced or manufactured they are named in the language of such speech community for communication purpose. The study found that the Zinza have stopped using native lexical items in naming objects manufactured under modern technology.
These objects have similarities in terms of function with those objects made under traditional technology. It seems that the discovery of new products as the result of technological advancement automatically invents a new name. The list of lexical items that have changed due to technological advancement is presented in Table 4.
22 below. 108 Table 4. 22: Zinza Lexical Items which have Changed Due to Development of
Science and Technology
S/N Item under old Descriptions Item under Description technology modern technology 1 Endoso Wooden spoon Echijiko Steel spoon 2 Amategula Hard bricks Ebuloku Hard bricks made locally made up of the using clay soil mixture of cement and sand 3 Kubhaziila to mend a cloth Kushona To mend a using hand cloth using needle textile sewing machine 4 Echitukulu Traditional Echikapu An industrial basket made of processed grass plastic basket 5 Omutolo A squash plant Idomoola A plastic water water vessel vessel Source: Field Data (2016)
Science and technology were also observed in the earlier studies reviewed to have an influence on lexical change. It was pointed out that, new scientific discoveries and the advance of knowledge generally can lead to lexical change (Sanchez, 1961).
These findings are in favour of Sanchez’s finding although in the reviewed study the reason for this change was not pointed out. From the data presented in Table 4. 22, it is clearly seen that, the Zinza lexical items change because of variation of objects made from different technologies. For instance endoso ‘wooden spoon’ is replaced by echijiko ‘steel spoon’. Just because of deviation of material content, the objects
109 have been named differently to show that these objects are not the same despite the fact that both of them serve same function. Lexical items in modern technology have been totally replaced in normal conversation. It is impossible to hear such items in communication. This is due to the fact that the society no longer possesses such objects as part of valued utensils. Such particular objects have been substituted by industrial products covering the same functions.
4.3.6 The Influence of Immigration
Man has been frequently moving from place to place in his life time. Some of his movements are done willingly while others are forcefully done. The movement may be due to the search of economic or social opportunities. In some occasions, it may be because of geographical calamities such as drought, flood, and earthquake. In this study, it was clearly witnessed that; the presence of new comers from different places in Tanzania especially areas around Lake Victoria has influenced lexical change at
Kome Island. Their arrival in the island is motivated by economic opportunities such as employment in fishing, agriculture, trade and livestock keeping. Since the immigrants are not conversant with the Zinza lexical item, they opt to use any lexical item of their own when trying to learn this language. The following respondents were quoted as reference for these study findings.
Informant B: Wageni wanapokuwa Kome hujifunza Kizinza huku wakitumia misamiati wanayo ifahamu wao ambayo si ya Kizinza. (When the immigrants settle in Kome, they learn Zinza language using lexical items they are familiar with. These lexical items are not of the Zinza language).
110 Informant F: Makabila kuwa mengi katika kisiwa cha Kome kumechangia uzungumzaji wa lugha za makabila mengine. (The existence of several tribes in
Kome Island has contributed to the use of other ethnic languages).
Informant G: Kutahililana amakabila kukozile abhazinza bhanuge ebhigaambo byaabho. (Immigrants have caused the Zinza to discard their lexical item).
In subsection 2.2.3.8 in the reviewed literature, it was described that when speaker’s interaction is relatively local, whether spatially or socio-economically, lexical items may be protected from a competitor by the network of speakers that use the item.
These go on continuously reinforcing each other’s lexical entries for the established word (Steel et al, 2000). The findings of this study support steel et al findings. It was narrated that in the old times the Island was occupied by the Zinza only. One could not expect to hear any other language rather than Zinza language only. That is why, the society was using Zinza lexical items only. This helped to protect Zinza items to a great extent as Steel et al claim. These lexical items come either from Kiswahili language or ethnic languages. Surprisingly, the Zinza have remained silent with such freedom in lexical selection and instead they have joined these languages using even the immigrant’s ethnic lexical items. Regarding the data provided, it can be stated that initiating the use of whatever lexical items among the immigrants in this Island has gradually motivated replacement of Zinza proto lexical items.
4.4 Reflection of the Findings to the Theoretical Framework
This current study was guided by theoretical framework called Assimilation Theory.
It is here described that, the study findings of the current study have offered much reflection to the theoretical framework used. According to Bloomfield (1932) and
Haugen (1950) Assimilation Theory holds that, speakers of the borrowing language
111 always employ certain predictable strategy to language change and structure of the loan word to fit the system of their own language. The current study findings support Bloomfield’s, Winford’s and Haugen’s arguments. This is because, the lexical items related to new innovations have been assigned affix before the root.
Since all names of objects in Zinza start with vowel prefix, one can predict that any new name of the object borrowed will have to be attached vowel prefix as it is a rule in Zinza. In addition, borrowed verbs which behave differently from Zinza verbs have under gone removal of prefix from their roots. This is because, verbs in Zinza do not carry prefix as a rule. McMahon (1994) insists that, assimilation strategies that speakers employ are not random. The existence of this rule limits assimilation strategies speakers employ to borrowed words to be not random just like what
MacMahon above insists.
Winford (2007) presents that, the central phenomenon used regularly and which are connected to Assimilation Theory, are loan word integration, loan word adaptation and loan word nativization. Basing on the key issues raised in the theory, the current study findings are applicable to the theoretical framework selected. In Zinza, all of these central key terms in Assimilation Theory were witnessed in the current study findings. The presence of numerous replacements in several domains of language use that are used alongside proto Zinza lexical items show loan word integration. The tendency of attaching affix to novel borrowed items due to advancement of technology covers the issue of loan word nativization in Zinza language. Lastly, accommodation of foreign lexical items that did not have equivalents in Zinza reveals loan word adaptation. Although there are important issues of this theoretical framework as reflected in these current study findings, this theoretical framework is silent regarding the factors behind such assimilation of loan words. The study 112 findings regarding linguistic and non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change are hardly handled in Assimilation Theory. There is genuine reason to integrate even the source of such assimilation in this theoretical framework to avoid dilemma during research proceedings.
4.5 Chapter Conclusion
This chapter has presented the data and discussed the findings from the field. The chapter has portrayed that there is a good list of several lexical items in Zinza that have been replaced and those which have been lost. The chapter has also fairly presented both non linguistic and linguistic factors responsible for this situation.
These linguistic factors cover the nature of Zinza language and language contact. It was examined that the nature of this language in some linguistic aspects, contributes to lexical change in this language. Regarding non linguistic factors, several factors were described to have paid a special role in lexical change in this language. Some of these factors are internal while others are external.
113 CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0 Introduction
This chapter summarizes the entire study, provides a conclusion, and finally recommendations. It is divided into four sections. The first section covers introduction, the second section deals with a summary of the findings. The third section provides a conclusion and finally gives recommendations.
5.1 Summary of the Study
This study was based on the assessment of Zinza lexical change at Kome Island. The study was guided by three specific objectives. These objectives included: to explore the extent at which Zinza lexical items have changed at Kome Island, to examine linguistic factors contributing to Zinza lexical change at Kome Island and to describe non linguistic factors behind Zinza lexical change at Kome Island.
The data for this study were obtained from four villages, namely Luhiza, Isenyi,
Bugolo and Buhama involving a total of sixty respondents from these villages. To capture the required data, the study employed different data collection techniques.
These include, introspection, elicitation and semi structured interview.
The findings of the study revealed that, several lexical items in Zinza language have changed. This is proved due to the existence of many Zinza lexical items which have been replaced and those which have been lost in different domains of language use.
These domains are home, agriculture, livestock keeping, and fishing. Furthermore, the study came up with specific factors responsible for Zinza lexical change. These factors covered both linguistic and non linguistic factors. With regard to linguistic factors, in contrast to what was presented in the literature review, the language under
114 the study was accused of being responsible for deliberate changes of its lexicon. It was pointed out that, the tendency of Zinza language to have high tone, long vowel word syllable initial, decline of lexical specification, semantic modification and existence of morphological elongation at a word level, are the catalysts for lexical change in Zinza lexicon.
The other linguistic factor observed was language contact. Through language contact, borrowing of lexical items was manifested to have a significant contribution to Zinza lexical change. Most of the Zinza proto lexical items are replaced by the borrowed items. According to Hall (1964), when words are borrowed, they are usually adopted to the structure of the borrowing language. In Zinza the study found that, the borrowed items have their matching parts in this language. This process has created production of lexical items that are less significant in this speech community.
This is because, their concepts can be expressed by using proto Zinza lexical items.
In terms of the third objective, the study finally found several non linguistic factors for Zinza lexical change. These factors comprise of intergenerational language transmission, the influence of intermarriage, education, decline of socialization gap, development of science and technology, and the influence of immigration. Among these factors, some of them were not reported in the reviewed literature to be the causative agent of lexical change.
5.2 Conclusion
This study has shown that, lexical change in Zinza is not only realized in home domain but also in other domains of language use. These include agriculture, livestock keeping, and fishing domain. The findings indicated that, the Zinza use some other languages’ words whose similar concepts exist in Zinza. It was reported
115 that, Kiswahili words are introduced in Zinza by the educational beneficiaries at the expense of Zinza lexical items. This is because the use of such lexical items signifies one being educated. In this context uneducated person is the one who understands words from Zinza language only.
Apart from Kiswahili, there were other Bantu languages donating lexical items that already exist in Zinza. These languages include, Kerewe, Sukuma, Jita, Ha, and
Haya. The non-Bantu language ‘Luo’ was found to have started supplying loan words in this language though in a minor cases. The other area assessed with regard to lexical change is lexical loss. Lexical loss was also found in Zinza. In all the four domains listed, livestock keeping domain had a larger list of lexical items reported to have lost. The reason for this is because of change of modality of how to domesticate animals in present days. Previously, those who were responsible to deal with cattle were only the Zinza. Nowadays, there has been a tendency of hiring people from other tribes to assume such responsibility. As a result, proto Zinza lexical items used in livestock keeping die every now and then. It is thus important to put it clear that, one cannot speak of Zinza replacement in exclusion of foreign lexical items.
Therefore, this study is very significant on the ground that it provides a complete picture of how lexical items have changed in various domains where Zinza is used. It is thus concluded that, the extent of Zinza lexical change at Kome Island is high.
Taking into account the findings revealed under this study, it can be projected that the future of Zinza language is at danger zone walking towards extinction.
5.3 Recommendations
The existence of several replacements in Zinza language in different domains of language use is not healthier to this language under the study. Deliberate measures
116 need to be taken into consideration to rescue the situation. The following general recommendations and recommendations for further studies are provided.
5.3.1 General Recommendations
In the light of the findings and the conclusion drawn from this study, the following general recommendations are made in order to rectify the situation.
The study has revealed that through borrowing, the Zinza proto lexical items are endangered as they are waved away in regular language use by foreign lexical items expressing the same concept. It is recommended that there is a need for Zinza speakers to have the spirit of using proto lexical items in communication. This will help to preserve their lexical items.
It was found that children know how to speak Kiswahili before they speak Zinza language. Parents and community at large are recommended to retain the value of this ethnic language for identity and local socialization. This will help to grantee intergenerational language transmission.
The immigrants at Kome Island were pointed out to have contributed to the Zinza lexical items as they use whatever lexical items they understand in communication.
In most cases these items do not belong in Zinza language. It is recommended that, the non-native Zinza learners are reminded that a language is what its speakers say not what people think they ought to say. This will assist to avoid introduction of immigrant’s preference lexical items in Zinza just because they don’t know Zinza lexical items.
117 The elders are advised to pass proto Zinza lexical items to the current generation.
This will help the current generation to be familiar with such valuable lexical items in their daily communication.
5.3.2 Recommendations for Further Studies
This study covered only one aspect of language that is lexicon. Therefore this study recommends further study to be carried to explore whether or not the other linguistic aspects such as phonology and syntax have been subjected to changes.
The study recommends further study to be carried to thoroughly to examine the decline of lexical specification among the language users in Kome Island so as to retain this unique practice of this speech community.
Moreover, since the findings of this study cannot be approved to be the base of generalization in different places within Sengerema district where Zinza is chiefly spoken, similar studies are recommended to be done to assess this linguistic aspect in the district as a whole.
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127
LIST OF APPENDICIES
APPENDIX I: GUIDING QUESTIONS FOR SEMI STRACTURED
INTERVIEW
Ukizingatia maeneo mbalimbali kam vile nyumbani, kilimo, ufugaji, na uvuvi; tafadhari toa ushirikiano wako unapoulizwa.
Nyumbani
Ukizingatia vidokezo vifuatavyo, {mavazi, vyombo vya chakula, malazi, mahusiano katika familia}:
a. Kwa kufuata vidokezo vilivyotolewa kuna maneno gani ya Kizinza yaliyobadirika?
b. Katika mabadiriko hayo kuna mbadala wowote wa maneno hayo?
Kilimo
a. Kuna maneno gani ya Kizinza yaliyokuwa yanatumika kwenye shughuri za kilimo lakini siku hizi hayatumiki?
b. Kutotumika kwa maneno hayo kuna mbadala wake?
c. Je ni maneno gani ya kilimo yaliyokuwa yanatumika lakini siku hizi hayatumiki na hakuna mbadala wowote kueleza dhana hiyo.
Ufugaji
a. Kuna maneno gani ya Kizinza yaliyokuwa yanatumika kwenye shughuri za ufugaji lakini siku hizi hayatumiki?
b. Kutotumika kwa maneno hayo kuna mbadala wake?
c. Je ni maneno gani ya ufugaji yaliyokuwa yanatumika lakini siku hizi hayatumiki na hakuna mbadala wowote kueleza dhana hiyo
128
Uvuvi
a. Kuna maneno gani ya Kizinza yaliyokuwa yanatumika kwenye shughuri za uvuvi lakini siku hizi hayatumiki?
b. Kutotumika kwa maneno hayo kuna mbadala wake?
c. Je ni maneno gani ya uvuaji samaki yaliyokuwa yanatumika lakini siku hizi hayatumiki na hakuna mbadala wowote kueleza dhana hiyo?
Mwingiliano wa Lugha
1. Ni maneno gani yanayotumika katika lugha ya Kizinza ambayo yamekopwa kutoka lugha zingine?
2. Kukopwa kwa maneno hayo kunaletwa na upungufu wa maneno katika lugha ya kizinza? Eleza.
3. Kwa nini manakopa maneno kutoka lugha zingine wakati kuna mbadala wake katika lugha ya Kizinza?
129 APPENDIX II: TRANSLATION OF SEMI STRACTURED INTER VIEW GUIDE
Taking into account several areas such as home, farming, livestock keeping, and fishing; kindly give your cooperation when responding to what you are asked.
Home
Regarding the following clues (clothes, domestic utensils, shelter, family relation).
a. By using the clues provided, what are lexical items that have changed?
b. In such lexical items, are any replacements for those items?
Farming
a. What are Zinza lexical items that were used in farming but currently are not used?
b. Are there replacements for such items?
c. What are farming lexical items that were used and there is no replacement to express such concept?
Livestock Keeping
a. What are Zinza lexical items that were used in livestock keeping but currently are not used?
b. Are there replacements for such items?
c. What are livestock keeping lexical items that were used and there is no replacement to express such concept?
Fishing
a. What are Zinza lexical items that were used in fishing but currently are not used?
b. Are there replacements for such items?
130 c. What are fishing lexical items that were used and there is no replacement to express such concept?
Language Contact
1. What are borrowed lexical items that are used in Zinza?
2. Is this borrowing influenced by shortage of lexical items in Zinza?
3. Why do you borrow lexical items from other languages while you have their counter parts in Zinza?
131 APPENDIX III: INTROSPECTION GUIDE 1. Ni kweli maneno haya ya Kizinza yamebadirika ? ( Ndiyo au Hapana) omutwe, omukono, amatwi, guuku, kaaka, munywani, ebhicha, ibhambikizo, ameso, enyindo, olubadi, omwambi.
2. Kuna mbadara wa maneno hayo yaliyo badilika?
3. kuna maneno gani ya kizinza ambayo hayajabadilika ?
4. Ni maneno gani ya kizinza ambayo yamepotea?
5. ni maneno gani ya kizinza yaliyo badilika ukiacha haya niliyotaja?
6. Je nikweli kubadilika kwa maneno haya kunaletwa na elimu?
7. Kwa maoni yako kubadilika kwa maneno ya kizinza kunalewa na nini?
132 APPENDIX IV: TRANSLATION OF INTROSPECTION GUIDE 1. Is it true the following Zinza lexical items have undergone changes? (Yes or No) omutwe, omukono, amatwi, guuku, kaaka, munywani, ebhicha, ibhambikizo, ameso, enyindo, olubadi, omwambi.
2. Are there replacements of such lexical items that have changed?
3. What are Zinza lexical items that have been maintained?
4. What are Zinza lexical items that have been lost?
5. What are other Zinza lexical items that have changed leaving aside the mentioned one?
6. Does education cause lexical change?
7. In your opinion what causes lexical change?
133 APPENDIX V: ELICITATION TECHNIQUE
Areas to elicit linguistic data cover Zinza phonology, morphology, lexical specification and semantics.
Zinza Phonology
General Hypothesis
Zinza phonology influences changes of its lexical items
Morphology
Zinza morphological words support lexical items of its lexical items.
Lexical specification
Because of existence of other lexical items, the Zinza have discarded other lexical items specialized to married women.
Semantics
Meaning extension or reduction causes lexical change in Zinza language.
134