APPENDIX ONE
L YCIAN TOMBS1
A typology ofLycian tombs
The tombs of Lycia have attracted scholarly attention ever since Lycia was 'rediscovered' by Westerners in the early nineteenth century, but particu• larly since the Second World War, through the work of French, German, Austrian, Danish and British archaeologists and art-historians.2 The influ• ence of Lycian tombs was considerable in antiquity; there is evidence for it on Cilician tombs. 3 In the most thorough modern treatment of the tombs, Zahle lists ap• proximately one thousand and eighty-five known examples. They are di• vided amongst four types: monumental or heroon-type tomb (six known); pillar tomb (35); Gothic sarcophagus4 (60); and rock-cut house-tombs (about 950).' The earliest tombs are pillar tombs, dating to c. 540; house• tombs and sarcophagi seem to have appeared first in the mid-fifth century. 6 It can be safely said that these tombs largely represent a local phenomenon, only superficially touched by Iranian influences, which mainly impinged upon the iconography used in the late fifth and early fourth centuries. 7 It seems likely that pillar tombs and heroa were marks of personal dis• tinction. 8 The heroa known fall into two broad chronological groups; two are of the mid-fifth century, and the remainder belong to the period 390- 360. The two fifth-century heroa seem curiously out of place, and it is ar• gued below (pp. 186-89) that at least one of them, the so-called Building 'G' on the fifth-century acropolis at Xanthos, was not in fact the tomb of a historical personage at all, but a hero-cult centre; the other, a building at Apollonia,9 may well have had a similar function, 10 though again it is usu-
1 This appendix derives heavily from Keen 1992a, 199 5 and 1996a. 2 This present treatment is in no way intended to be a comprehensive guide to the Lycian tombs,forwhidi see Dehour-Levie 1982; Zahle 1983; Bnms-0~ 1987; Jacobs 1989. 3 See Er 1991. 4 FortheLycianGoth.icsarcq:,hagus: Zahle 1983: 15-17. ' See Zahle 1983 142-43 for the figures, made approximate by W1certainty about the exact mnnber of house-tombs to be foWld at the site ofLimyra. 6 Zahle 1983: 198. 7 On whidi cf. Shahbazi. 197Y, Bordihardt 1990b: 47. 8 Bryce 1991: 84. 9 Kjeldsen, Zahle 1976. LYCIANTOMBS 183 ally identified as a tomb of a historical personage, largely on the basis of parallels with Building G. The later heroa, genuine 'ruler-tombs' were a phenomenon of the early fourth century, 11 and probably a development of the pillar tombs. The earliest was the Nereid Monument (p. 147); the re• maining three such tombs12 were are response to this tomb, 13 claims by rul• ers in other cities to similar heroic qualities; in other words, a direct chal• lenge to Erbbina's authority. The evolution of heroa is fairly easily de• duced, from the genuine heroa of the mid-fifth century, influenced by both Greek architecture from the west and oriental tombs such as that of Cyrus at Pasargadai (p. 65). It has long been believed that the pillar tombs were tombs of the ruling dynasts of Lycia. 14 However, the right to have oneself buried in a pillar tomb seems to have been a sign of political rank, rather than necessarily a sign of a rigid caste-system. It seems most likely that the pillars were tombs for individuals, rather than family tombs, simply on the grounds of the limited size of the burial chamber; therefore the other members of a pillar-owner's family must have been buried elsewhere. The use of the pillar as a method of burial began to wane in the early fourth century; there is a late fourth-century pillar from Hoiran, 15 but this is in many respects atypical, and seems more likely to be an imitation of Greek funerary stelae. In northern Lycia it is still possible to see beehives constructed on the top of wooden pillars, 16 and a link has been suggested between these and pillar tombs,17 but this must be a case of the tombs (which may have been of wood before stone tombs became common; p. 184) influencing the shape of the beehives (if indeed there is any connection at all). Though a number of sarcophagi are inscribed with the name of the owner (e.g. the sarcophagi of Pajawa [p. 171 n. 5] and Merehi18 at Xan• thos), none of these can be equated with names known from the coinage record. The sarcophagus subsequently became the universal method of burial in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. If Zahle's theories about the social divisions represented by the tomb typologies are correct (p. 182) it might perhaps be argued that the increased popularity of the sarcophagus was due to a more egalitarian atmosphere removing social barriers to such burials; but perhaps it rather represents an increasing Carian influence on
10 Keen 1992a: 56n. 19. 11 Keen 1992a: 54 &n. 8. 12 The Heroa ofLimyrn, Trysa and Phellos (pp. 158-59). 13 See Mark&einer 1993: 123. 14 Z.ahle 1980: 38; 1983: 32-33, 64-65, 107-11. 1~ Dehmir-Levie 1982: 41-49. 16 Mellink 1969: 290-99; Kjeldsen, Zahle 1975: 346. 17 Dinstl in GHHIL, 205 no.134. 18 Dernargne 1974: 88-96, pis. xxi, xxxii, 46-53; idil 1985: 81-82, pis. 85.2-85.4, 86.