~. I c&:ffzA9m Vol. 1 No. 4 REPI February 1986

I

FOCUS or WOM ~JLI~I~Th C&2YAOM Vol. 1 No. 4 REPORT February 1986

Contents

Editorial ...... 1

South African Women Organizing ...... 2

Let Us Build Each Other Up ...... 11

Women in the Bata-stan ...... 12

Southern Divestment at York University ...... 14 REPORT Dalhousie Divests ...... 15 is produced 5 times a year by a vol The and ...... 16 unteer collective of the Toronto Com mittee for the Liberation of Southern The U.S. Scene: Africa (TCLSAC), Shell Pickets & Savimbi Visit ...... 19 427 Bloor St. W. Toronto, M5S 1X7 South African Notebook: Tel. (416) 967-5562. Talks? Submissions, suggestions and help COSATU Speaks Out with production are welcome and in Buthelezi: The Immoderate "Moderate" vited. Creating Disorder ...... 21

The Rewriting of South African History ...... 25 Subscriptions Part of My Soul ...... 27 Annual TCLSAC membership and Southern Africa REPORT subscrip Our Readers Write ...... 29 tion rates are as follows: SUBSCRIPTION: Individual ...... $15.00 Institution ...... $30.00 MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Contributors Regular () ...... $30.00 Jonathan Barker, Nancy Barker, Claudette Unemployed Chase, Student ...... $15.00 Shirani George, Lee Hemingway, Susan Hurlich, Senior Jo Lee, Meg Luxton, H6lne Castel Moussa, $50.00 John Saul, Doug Sider, Heather Speers, Sustainer ...... to Joe Vise, Mary Vise. $200.00

Overseas add $5.00 Cover photo by Margie Bruun-Meyer 1=09nMIL Women and the South African Liberation Struggle The lead article in this, our Interna tional Women's Day issue of South ern Africa REPORT, describes the involvement of women in the lib eration movement in South Africa. Tracing the impressive legacy of women's activism, the article gives particular attention to the forms and content of women's struggles today. It draws on recent writ ing (some of it reviewed in South ern Africa REPORT Vol. 1, No. 2) which gives a clear sense of the issues women in South Africa confront, how they organize, how they struggle, and the gender spe cific oppressions they bear under . The article is a long one because women have a long and many-stranded history in the poli tics of freedom in South Africa. Implicit in the lead article on .women organizing" and in some of the other pieces on women un der apartheid - working for Bata in Kwazulu, creating a play in Cross roads, being Winnie Mandela - are the themes of a lively debate about WHEN in the evolving liberation movement is the right moment to raise issues specific to the experience of women. At the Nairobi Women's Conference, a representative from the South African liberation move ment said: "Our enemy is the sys tem and we cannot exhaust our en ergies on women's issues." That Now. For we don't want to wake by women will continue to be de the presentation of such a position up in years to come and find that bated in South Africa, of course, and is not confined to international con women have been left behind in the future issues of Southern Africa RE ferences is clear from the words of struggle. PORT will seek to keep in touch Amanda Kwadi of the Federation of There is less controversy re with that debate. What the present South African Women: garding the parallel debate about article does make crystal clear is the fact that the iron cage of apartheid We're in whether or not to have separate the middle of a liberation twists the lives of women in spe struggle, but women's liberation is women's organizations: very few women dissent from the idea of cific ways which do give them spe not necessary at this stage. We are cial needs and special insights in the far more concerned about total lib "fighting side by side with our men", but at the same time there is general struggle to overthrow it. Moreover, eration; and automatically our own whatever the outcome of ongoing will follow. acceptance of the need for separate organizations "to take up the prob debates about women's action, such the article's most Yet many other women, in the lems which only we as women face". action - and this is trade union movement for example, important point - is already hap and elsewhere, have a different view The terms and timing of ques pening: women are organizing and of when women's issues should be tions related to women's unity with raising their voices and their issues pushed: men and the best process of action in the struggle.

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 1 W(DM(NM1 South African Women Organizing "Now is the time for women to say: A closer look at the struggles We will hold hands together and and organization of South African change the country," declared Al women reveals that they are very bertina Sisulu at a recent South clearly structured by the context of African Women's Day rally in Jo the broad resistance movement. At hannesburg. There has been a the same time, however, women's revival, since the early 1980s, of struggles have helped to shape that women's organization within the movement. Women's resistance has broadly defined liberation move raised new issues for the liberation ment in South Africa. The Federa o movement, or has raised old issues tion of South African Women (FED in different ways, ways that reflect SAW), dormant for some twenty the perspective of women and their years, has been resurrected and is specific oppression under apartheid. active in the Transvaal. The United ,_"You Have Struck a Rock": Women's Organization (UWO) was 5 Women's Struggles in the 1950s formed in in 1981. The Z launching of the United Democratic Women's organizations today owe a) much to the legacy of the Front (UDF) in 1983 prompted the previous formation of other women's organi > period of massive political activity zations, as affiliates, in other cen N by women of all classes and races. tres. Black Women Unite is an affil Women who were active in the Fed iate of the black-exclusive National eration of South African Women Forum. during the 1950s have been centrally "Now is the time for involved in forming the current or 1984 marked a highpoint of ac women to say: We will ganizations. Many of the present tivity for the women's organiza hold hands together and leaders are in fact veterans of that tions. The 30th anniversary of proud era. The distinctive green FEDSAW was widely commemo change the country." and black uniforms of today's or rated and, in the main cities, "fo ganizations date from the 1950s and cus weeks" on "women in the Albertina Sisulu the Women's Charter, the manifesto anti-apartheid struggle" were held, of FEDSAW, is today being dis to culminate in mass Women, shot and hacked to death. rallies on cussed by women who regard it as Women's Day, August 9th. The The recent revival of women's being as relevant today as it was ANC Women's Section, reflecting organizations and renewed activism thirty years ago. the revival, held its first women's in the liberation struggle is clearly conference in in 1981, and an aspect of the general upsurge By the 1950s, all the major or 1984 was declared the Year of of anti-apartheid resistance. But ganizations of the resistance move Women. The ANC Women's Sec is that all it is? The political in ment (including the trade unions) tion called for a national women's volvement of women tends to be pre had active female members who par conference to launch a united, sented - by the liberation movement ticipated in the numerous demon democratic women's front, paral and its supporters - in terms of strations, strikes and campaigns lel to the UDF and the then pro numbers ("mobilizing the other half that marked the post-war years. It posed trade union congress. While of the population") or as "drawing was these women who came to there is coordination between the women into the struggle", implying gether to form FEDSAW in 1954, women's organization affiliated with that the struggle has a fixed con to mobilize around the specific prob the UDF, there is as yet no national tent. Even those who don't take the lems of women under the apartheid women's federation. Since the pe class content of the liberation move regime and to fight against the gen riod of intense repression that began ment for granted, somehow overlook der attitudes and relations that were "putting brakes to progress", toward the end of 1984, many lead its gender content. And so we get pre ers of the women's organizations, the question of women in the lib venting women from taking their particularly those in the UDF, have eration movement discussed in the part in the struggle. FEDSAW was been detained, or in the case of Vic add-on' terms so familiar to women to note in a report that toria Mxenge, executive member of elsewhere who are treated more or Many men who are politically ac NOW, the Natal Organization of less as an afterthought. tive and progressive in outlook still

2 february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT The issue around which FED SAW mobilised massive support from amongst African and other women was the extension of passes and, by implication, pass laws, to women. This was effected in 1952 by the euphemistically titled Native (Abolition of Passes and Coordina tion of Documents) Act, which abol ished passes in name only, replacing them with the more efficient "refer ence books". A woman from the ru ral Transvaal best summed up the meaning of this Act. ...they call this thing the Abolition of Passes! It is the Abolition of Peo ple! We do not think our men want us to be abolished. They are too much abolished themselves. African women perceived the pass laws as an attack on their fami lies. The possibility of arrest meant the possibility that their children would remain uncared for. Not known at that time was the ex tent to which passes would be used to relegate women to the bantus tans. At this point, most threatened by the pass requirement were the considerable number of recently mi grated single women who would not qualify for urban residence. That thousands of women demonstrated during these years, even those who were relatively less or not at all af fected by the pass laws, attests to the remarkable unity and solidar ity that the issue of passes and the organization of women, generated. In the first seven months of 1956, approximately 50,000 women took part in 38 demonstrations across the country, and on August 9th, 1956, (ever since, Women's Day), 20,000 women gathered in follow the tradition that women declare our aim of striving for the to protest passes. The regime had should not take part in politics and removal of all laws, regulations, con "touched the women, had struck a discrim a great resentment exists toward ventions and customs that rock". women who seek independent ac inate against us as women ... ". tivities or even express independent It goes on, however, to situate the What were the implications and in opinions. struggle by women against their lessons of women's involvement subordination very firmly within the the liberation struggle during the The Women's Charter was adopted overall struggle against class and 1950s? Firstly, it was very clearly women, because at FEDSAW's founding conference. racial oppression, while insisting shown that African their specific gender, race and It begins much like any liberal, re that freedom for all people could not of oppressions, were very differ formist feminist manifesto: "We the be won "as long as women are kept class "touched" by the structures Women of South Africa ... hereby in bondage". ently

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 of apartheid. The forms of their the ANC, the issue was discussed. were tensions and conflicts - that resistance were different too. For In the ANC National Executive Re took the form of the women's orga example, they utilised pre-existing port of 1955, Oliver Tambo wrote: nization feeling that the men were support networks for very rapid either tailing or blocking their ini ... the women need special atten and efficient information dissemina tiatives. Lilian Ngoyi, President of tion and training to assist them to tion. Once mobilised, they exhib the ANC Women's League, felt com become leaders of the people. We ited a rambunctious determination, pelled to address the tensions: not easily impeded. Albert Luthuli, must ... make it possible for women The struggle of women is merely then President of the ANC (African to play their part in the libera part of the general struggle National Congress) acknowledged tion movement by regarding them of the African people. The impression what women had brought to the re as equals, and helping to emanci sistance movement: pate them in the home, even reliev seems to be gaining ground that the ing them in their many family and women are courageous and militant ... the weight of resistance has been household burdens so that women whilst the men are frightened and greatly increased by the emergence may be given an opportunity of be timid. This idea is harmful to the of our women. It may even be true ing politically active. ... harmony [which] now should ex that, had the women hung back, re ist. sistance would still have been falter Finally, the relationship between ing and uncertain ... Furthermore, In ocher words, women were being FEDSAW and the national liber women asked to withold their criticism of of all races have had far less ation movement, most particularly hesitation than men men in the interests of unity. in making com the ANC, its leading member, rep mon cause about things basic to resented a major attempt of a (rela Pass laws were not a gender them. tively) independently structured or specific issue. But there is no doubt that women led Secondly, the question of gen ganization to retain a specific focus the struggle against passes. In struggling der roles within the movement for of interest, while working within the against the pass laws, however, liberation was tabled - in word in framework of a broader movement. women were at tacking the lynchpin of the system the Women's Charter, and in deed There was certainly less attention of labour control, the fundament in the impressive participation of given by FEDSAW in those hectic of apartheid. The leadership of FED women. How far a questioning of years to combatting oppression by SAW saw this clearly. gender roles permeated the move men, and more given to combatting ment is difficult to assess, but at the the specific oppression the regime In this vast, unmeasured and as level of leadership of FEDSAW and was meting out to women. There yet inadequately organised poten tial of the resistance of women to passes lies one of the strongest weapons against the present govern ment, against apartheid itself. Resetting the Stage: Women and the 1960s A decade of mass resistance ended violently and abruptly with the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 and subsequent banning of the ANC and PAC (Pan Africanist Congress). FEDSAW was never officially banned, but most of its leadership were banned, jailed or forced into exile. By the early sixties, FED SAW was no longer active. During the decade of politi cal quiescence that ensued, changes were taking place within the apart heid capitalist society which were setting the stage for the next phase of mass struggle, a phase which Florence Matomela, vice-president of FEDSA W, addressing the founding would come to include the reappear meeting in 1954. ance of women's organizations in a leading role. The basic structures

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT W( Dman% of apartheid - the migrant labour uprising which spread throughout active in FEDSAW, but many were system and the bantustans - were the country, ushering in the new from a younger generation of black refined and reinforced. Now that phase of persistent opposit;on to women who had grown up under the African women were forced to carry apartheid on all fronts. As the apartheid government and Bantu passes, the regime was able to en regime has, in desperation, prof Education system, and who had be force control over their movement. fered "reforms" to the trade unions come politically active throughout Ever tighter restrictions on the mi and to the urban black communi the Black Consciousness Movement gration of women from the bantus ties, their organizations have con (BCM). The ideology of Black Con tans to the urban areas were put in solidated and strengthened. It was sciousness held that the psycholog effect. The execution of forced pop in this context of extensive, organ ical liberation of blacks was a pri ulation removals began in the 1960s. ised mass resistance, and in the con ority if they were to develop a pos Thirteen years later 3 million peo text of increased focus on women's itive black world view and liberate ple had been forcibly relocated and issues globally, that women's orga themselves from "the white man". 1.7 million slated for the same fate. nizations re-emerged with particu it developed in South Africa in the Women suffered the cruelest impact, lax prominence at the beginning of late 60s amongst mainly black stu being torn away from homes, land, the 1980s. These organizations can dents, but during the early 70s, and community support networks be seen to reflect the tradition of the BCM explicitly turned toward and dumped in desolate rural settle women's struggle inherited from the "the ordinary black people", adopt ments. While men went off in search 1950s and to embody the experience ing a strategy of forging links be of contract work in a market char of women struggling in trade unions, tween black intellectuals and black acterised by rising structural unem squatter camps and community or urban and rural communities. The ployment, women struggled to sur ganizations. Black Women's Federation reflected vive and watched their children die. "Our Group Spirit Is So the general orientation of the BCM, Not surprisingly, despite the restric Strong": Women's Self-help its position of black-exclusivity, and tions, women continued to leave the emphasis The first prominent stirrings of on black solidarity and desperate conditions in the bantus self-help. Fatima women's renewed political organiza Meer, the first tans and migrate to the urban ar president of tion came with the formation of the the BWF said that the eas, there to risk raids and arrest, to purpose of the organization was: search for informal or illegal work, Black Women's Federation (BWF) to join partners and re-build com in 1975. Some of the delegates who ... to galvanise black women, to munities in the swelling peri-urban came together in Durban late that bring them together and consolidate squatter slums. year to found the BWF had been grievances and create opportunities The percentage of black women in the labour force rose steaeily dur ing the 1960s and more steeply dur ing the 1970s, from 7% in 1970, to over 22% in 1981. Black women remain employed predominantly as domestic workers and ac farm work ers, particularly as casual labour un der conditions of horrific exploita tion. However, the number of black women working in factories has risen significantly, now constituting ap proximately 13% of the black labour force. The 1970s saw the growth of an independent (mainly black) trade union movement in which women became increasingly involved. The 1973 Durban strikes, out of which this movement grew, marked the first real shock to the regime since the 1950s. The period of political tran quility was thoroughly shattered in 1976 by the Soweto students'

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 5 w(MM(Ka

"We Need to Act Now": Women in Trade Unions. In the later seventies, black women workers led some promi nent strikes (Heinemanns, Sea Har vest and Frametex) in which they demonstrated an enthusiasm and militancy that won them both the respect and attention of the male dominated union movement and the active support of the community (e.g. the Fattis and Monis boy cott). Older, more conservative unions have long been entrenched in the garment and textile industries where women workers constitute the vast majority of the labour force, but great strides have been made, in recent years, in unionizing women in other industries where they are con centrated - food, shoes and services. Great strides that is, consider ing the immense problems of organ Sewing dresses in a backyard in Ten ising black women workers in South for them to do something to help movement emerged in the major Africa (and here not even dealing themselves and to help the general townships, particularly in Soweto, with domestic and farm workers South African situation to move to where the Zamani Soweto Sisters who are not covered by basic labour ward change. Council, an umbrella co-ordinating legislation). The very high rate of unemployment for women (which in The Soweto students' uprising broke body for women's self-help groups, was formed. Many of the groups 1983 even the notoriously underes out only 6 months later and many timating official figures put at 14% of the leaders of the 3CM and have remained politically conserva tive, concentrating on developing as compared to 5.8% for men) mil the BWF were soon in detention, itates against women in any sector banned or jailed. In October 1977, skills in sewing and knitting and learning the tricks of petty enter organising or striking, for they can the BWF was banned along with be, and are, too easily dismissed the other major Black Conscious prise. On the other hand, there is and replaced from the long lines ness organizations. But during its potential for more political organi of the unemployed. Industrialists brief history, the organization be zation in the fact of women coming facing worker organization can take gan literacy, health and nutrition together, collectively resolving im the option, which the government classes for women in urban and ru mediate daily problems, developing is promoting, of relocation their fac ral areas, compiled a booklet on the organizational skills and confidence tories to the bantustans where no legal disabilities of African women and, in short, empowering them wage legislation is in effect, where and started to organise women in selves. A woman from a vegetable unions tend rural development projects and cot growing cooperative remarked that to be violently sup pressed by local security forces, and tage industries. ... it is not for the sake of the gar dens that we are doing this. Our where thousands of women, desper The idea of community- and ate for income, form a bottomless women's self-help organization was group spirit is so strong that we will not stop if things do not work the pool of dirt-cheap labour (see the ar not initiated by the BCM. It has ticle on Bata in this issue). Besides its roots in fact in the stokfela, mu first time. As a group we must be equal... it is a struggle to be equal, these broader deterrents, there is tual savings clubs, in burial soci the double shift - women's respon eties and women's prayer groups. to get everyone to share in the dis cussions and the work. sibility for the maintenance of the But it was certainly developed, ideo home - and suspicious (and often vi logically and practically, during the Women's organizations are mak olent) husbands to hinder union par 1970s, remaining a central concept ing connections with women's small ticipation. Even if a union can be in women's organising today. In self-help groups to develop that po formed, there is little solid protec the mid-70s, a women's self-help tential. tive legislation for women to hinge

Africa REPORT february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT ~27~ :3Mh demands around. Only since 1981 Such initiatives of women unionist has minimum wage discrimination have produced results. Women's on the basis of sex been made ille demands - favourable maternity gal. Of course employers easily get agreements, equal pay for equal around the law; women's jobs are work - have begun appearing in ne differently categorised and unequal gotiations, and sexual harassment pay for equal work persists. cases have been taken up. A set Although the numbers of women of women's clauses was included in in the trade union movement are the manifesto of the recently formed very small, their involvement has national Congress of South African powerful strategic importance for Trade Unions (COSATU). placing the issue of gender sub A way remains to go, however, gender ordination squarely on the agenda especially on the important and re of the working class struggle in specific issues of child care or South Africa, and indeed, on that productive health. The separate that of the liberation movement gener ganization of women promises issues will appear more and ally. For many trade union leaders, these more on the bargaining tables: both male and female, are active in the community organizations, and We need to act now for we don't women trade unionists today, as in want to wake up in years to come the 1950s, have been dynamic par and find that women have been left ticipants and leaders in the women's behind in the struggle. We need to organizations. In the democratic break down every division between labour movement, unity, equality men and women, by taking on the and democracy are the prevailing problems face to face. One thing organizational ideologies. The issue is for sure, if we don't address the of gender oppression - at the hand problems the bosses will play the of bosses and fellow workers - is con women off against the men. sequently very directly posed. The issue of the double shift re In recent years women trade mz.:ns an intractable one. A union unionists have started grumbling workshop discussion on tht issue re out loud about the subordinate vealed some resistance to the idea tasks to which they are relegated of transforming women's domestic within the unions and the various role. NA that double shift might be ways in which their participation seen to have a double edge. Women in the unions is discouraged. Add workers, with one foot in the "pro the difficulties of arranging to come ductive sphere", the other in the "reproductive realm" of home late after union meetings and, household, says one woman organiser, cost of living, education and com munity, are best placed to under This makes [the woman worker] re stand the implications of broaden treat. She doesn't want to lose her Rally at the founding of COSATU. ing the reach of working class strug family for the union, even if she's gle beyond the factory floor to take committed to it. So the organiza shop stewards or chairpersons, de up issues that affect working class tion becomes weakened. The peo spite their loyalty and capabilities. life more generally. Women are thus ple who weaken it are those who say These frustrations, a contradictory likely to the be the ones promoting they are committed, but don't see sense of being afraid to talk and the collaboration of the trade unions the need to assist in the liberation not being heard, and the feeling and community organizations which of women. that the specific problems of worr- .1 has proved so powerful a weapon of Some of the women who have be workers are not being addressed, anti-apartheid struggle, particularly come union officials report that they have prompted calls for caucusing in recent months. At the same time, do not experience particular diffi among women officials and separate women workers carry with them to culties as women, organising men. meetings of women union members. the community and domestic or They refer to a saying that women In 1983 the Federation of South ganizations the tools of discipline, can explain things better to work African Trade Unions (FOSATU) unity and democratic organization, ers than men can. Others feel that Women's Committee was formed forged and tempered in trade union women are barred from becoming to deal precisely with these issues. struggle.

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 7 When the police began raiding the Crossroads camp and demolish ing nearby squatting areas outside Cape Town in 1975, the women of Crossroads decided to form a com mittee. It was mainly women who were "illegal", who faced arrest and deportation. The Committee played a watchdog function, keeping track of raids and arrests, visiting lawyers and officials. The state, with tear gas and whips, persisted in its per secution and its plans to erase urban squatting settlements, and hundreds of women were arrested and sent to the Transkei, only to return on the next train. When bulldozers came, women sat down in front of them. The Crossroads women attribute their remarkable tenacity to two things: the degree of their suffer ing and their unity. "We are really struggling hard, and so we thought we must stay together." That unity was realised and re inforced in the way that the women organised - holding frequently open meetings, electing representatives, reporting back immediately after each new development. The women again - -s in numerous instances in the lustory of South African women's struggle - showed an amaz ing disregard and disrespect for red tape, trampling over channels and protocol in their dealings with gov ernment, in situations where men, /10 long subordinated to bureaucratic discipline, would supplicate and compromise. And that is what the women saw the men to be doing After a raid at Crossroads. when a group of men unilaterally de "We Thought We Must Stay determination, to comply with the cided to take over the leadership of Together": The Women of regime's favourite and often effec the community soon after the Min Crossroads tive tactic of sowing division among ister of "Cooperation and Develop the oppressed (a divide and rule ment" had conceded to the Cross The internationally publicised tactic, most recently evidenced in roads community the right to stay struggle of the women of the Cross the Riekert legislation which offers in the Cape area, but to be moved roads squatter camp against the some small taste of security to those to another site. forced removal of their commu with legal urban status while defin It was funny really, because it was nity has also had both strategic ing everyone else as permanently the women who started the struggle and symbolic importance for the migrant). The Crossroads women - but for a time it was decided that women's organizations and the lib were also refusing the appellation we should have only one committee eration movement in general. For of "surplus people" who could be and that it should be men. But now the Crossroads women were refus dumped in the bantustans, out of things are all right again because ing, physically, and with courageous sight and out of mind. they want the women's group again

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT - they say things doesn't go right like they did when we was doing it. The quote glosses generously over the considerable frustration felt by the women, now wearied by years of defiance, when they experienced the men as basically messing things up, creating divisions and mistrust in the community. For all their personal and polit ical tension with men, the women of Crossroads did not see their or ganization as being in opposition to men. But they did see them selves as that much more compe tent, brave and obstinate than men, better versed in the ways of the com members al munity. No doubt this reflected the A meeting of community extremely disproportionate amount The Issues Affecting People: port for the "political" campaigns of work of black women that has Women and Community Orga as opposed to the "grassroots" cam gone into building and maintaining nizations paigns is divided along gender lines. 'community' in South Africa. The The development of the community Certainly two reasons given for the record of such women, as organisers formation of separate women's or of community life, under the most organizations and the women's or ganizations has been closely inter ganizations were that issues of rele adverse conditions, has been truly vance to women were not being ad outstanding. For this reason and woven. The broad-based commu nity organizations have mobilized dressed and that comr-unity organi because of the very vulnerable situa zations were not sufficiently demo tion that apartheid had thrust upon in the urban townships around na tional political issues - such as the cratic to give the sometimes more them, an interest in maintaining sol reticent women a vote. idarity and unity has been especially commemoration of special days, the close to the hearts of the women. Free Mandela Campaign and the Furthermore, women in the com The lessons of Crossroads campaign against elections to the munity organizations "were not women's struggle for the liberation tri-cameral parliament - and around given the chance to develop". As movement? There are many: the local or grassroots issues - such as one woman argued: power and significance of the strug resistance to the puppet "local au If political issues are the focus, and gles of those sections of the op thorities", rent increases and ris not the issues affecting the people, pressed population which have been ing food prices. They have also women will show less interest. If marginalized by apartheid's design; supported local strikes in organis people are not given the chance to the reaffirmation of the strength ing boycotts. Significantly much of participate, women are discouraged of democratic, grassroots organiza the work of the community organi and eventually stay away. tion' the propitious deployment of zations today is done in collabora publicity and international solidar tion with the other local organiza Because of the Special Prob lems We Face: Women's Orga ity; and above all, the importance tions, most importantly those of the nizations Today and potential of women's strate women and of the youth. gic location within black communi The breadth of support that Responding to this sentiment, ties. The ANC has begun appeal the community organizations have women's organizations havre taken ing to this potential, calling upon achieved stems both from this col on the task of reaching out to women to surreptitiously undertake laboration and from the link cre women of all classes and back township surveillance, to hide mil ated between "grassroots" issues grounds who would otherwise be itants and arms. The centrality and more broadly political issues. wary of political organization, fo of women to the community is be The formation of the UDF to which cussing on issues of immediate rel ing acknowledged and reinforced in many of the community organiza evance, like child care and health. the close collaboration of women's tions have affiliated has strength Through their federal structure they organizations, community organiza ened them as a national force, but try to incorporate a range of local tions, youth organizations and trade some feel to the detriment of locally women's groups - squatters, self unions in the recent effective town relevant campaigns. One wonders to help and church groups, in urban ship resistance campaigns. what extent the promotion and sup- and to a lesser extent in rural areas.

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 c v Frances Baard, veteran Kona Mokhoera, Federation of Transvaal Women organizer in FEDSAW, ANC SACTU. The particular challenge they face Constitution. The slogans of the While many working women may is that of forging a basis for unity organizations make the same con feel bitter about the double bur among these diverse groups. At the nections: "GST (General Sales Tax) den they carry, they resignedly pass same time, women's organizations is buying guns to kill our children?' it off as "tradition" or as "man's provide a context for the politicisa Current and pending political devel nature". In the women's organi tion of women, allowing them to see opments are discussed in women's zations, the double shift is named the relationship between their im meetings, to assess their particular as one of women's specific oppres mediate problems and the system of impact on women. Almost two years sions and as reason for women to be apartheid, and allowing women to ago, a woman leader anticipated come politically active, rather than see themselves as political actors. the regime's proposal to "reform" as something to be struggled over We need women's organizations be pass laws (announced by President immediately. cause of the special problems that Botha last month) thus: "If they are we face as women. In our separate going to sophisticate the pass laws, The number of women ac women's groups we can talk about you can be sure that women are go tively involved in the women's or all these things. Because women ing to be hardest hit." ganizations is relatively small; in are not taught to be in competition The transformation of relations the broader resistance organizations with each other, we can talk eas within the home is an issue that has generally, a little larger. But the ily to each other. We can look at proven controversial and telling in significance of women's independent how women see themselves, why we all liberation struggles and in the organizations within the the liber think we are weak, and we can learn post-revolutionary phases. Women ation movement is great. Yes, the to have confidence in ourselves and who have fought side-by-side with liberation movement is gaining in our abilities. their men in the struggle, have not numbers as women are drawn into The recuperation and commem found their men working side- by the struggle. But of far more con oration of the history of South side with them in the kitchen, be sequence in the longer term, is the African women's struggle has been fore or after the revolution. Where promise that women's involvement an important focus of the activity the prevailing line on women in the holds for the broadening and deep of the women's organizations, im liberation movement in South Africa ening of the meaning of struggle parting a sense of political tradi is that they "must play their equal and of liberation. Women's orga tion and power. The integration of part in the struggle", the question nizations are the means to realis "women's issues" and "political is of a more equitable domestic divi ing that promise. As was said at sues" characterizes their campaigns. sion of labour cannot logically be ig a Women's Day meeting two years Thus the United Women's Organi nored. Some women, particularly in ago: " We must be committed to lay zation's themes for 1983 were child the trade unions, are pointing out ing the foundations for the new so care, the Koornhof Bills and the this contradiction to their brothers. ciety we want."

Africa REPORT february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT - WDmgm

"People of Crossroads", lino-cut Let Us Build Each Other Up

BY BEVERLEY COUSE the community against state designs and she is banished to the "home Artists in Canada Against with all tactics available to them. lands". In this sequence, the women Apartheid The play Imfuduso remains an in dramatize the poverty and isolation Imfuduso is the title of an evoca portant part of their resistance cam of life in the Transkei. Mrs. Luke tive, comic and gutsy play written, paign. All the parts in Imfuduso is then dumped in a barren area performed and produces by twelve are played by the twelve members of of the Ciskei, with no work, water Xhosa speaking women of the Cross the women's committee: the Cape or housing. Undaunted, she hitch roads community. Its purpose is to Town and Transkei police; the Cape hikes back to Crossroads only to find send a strong, clear message: Town magistrate; the government that the dwellings are being demol minister, P. Koornhof; other state ished for a second time in a state ef "We want to stand together with the officials; the Transkeian women; and fort to get rid of the black blacks ... we are standing for them residents. the women of Crossroads. The ... to give them assurance. We de Still undaunted, she urges residents structure of the play is episodic, to rebuild their cided to make a play to show our shacks yet again, in loosely linked by the story of one defiance people and then to show the world of state policies, and joins defiant woman. This provides the how it is." them in triumphantly singing: "We focal point for the stories of several shall not move". The Crossroads Women's com other women. Mrs. Luke, a Cross mittee, a powerful and influen roads resident, is arrested for being Imfuduso does indeed accom tial body, has played an important in a white area illegally. The court plish what Robert Kavanagh says part in organizing and defending identifies her as a habitual offender the best of popular theatre should:

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 it communicates on a level "deeper on the social suffering shown to be cult to find women's cultural groups that words" and can "fuse an au caused by political factors. Its con which exist solely for the purpose dience of individuals into an expe tent is not so much militant, as it of their own advancement. Here rience of intense cultural identity". is a mirroring of a specific situation the strength of Masakhane ('let us The play is hardly a dry treatise, and an offering of advice on how to build each other up') must be under however. It is a wonderful mix deal with it. Why have only the stood. When women, at a commu ture of movement, song, realistic women of Crossroads dared to make nity level, join together, the purpose and representational tableaux. Ex this statement? is to lend support, economic, social and spiritual, and to build together. aggeration, buffoonery and punning the men haven't got "It's because The goal is self-sufficiency within a spice even the harshest sequences. spirit as we do. They're not strong The white policeman in charge of community. Thus, when women's like we. And if they do things, they removals, for instance, is played by singing/dancing groups do popular, know the law is going go catch them a very large Crossroads woman in township or traditional pieces, the quickly... but we as women ... we a too tight uniform and moth-eaten statements made come directly from think less that the law will catch red wig. The intended comic effect " their own life experiences. More is always gained. Thus, both struc US. over, the presence of men is always turally, and in intent, Imfuduso is a Imfuduso is not just a vibrant ex assumed, in the attitude and con mix of serious and popular elements. ample of popular theatre at its best, tent of the presentations, and these but it is also a sound challenge to The play itself is not the total are always done in a communal con all politically conscious artists and text. experience, however: individuals to use their talents to "The play will be like a scripture stand for the truth. Black female artists in South to the whole life of the blacks, to As Imfuduso, seen in context, Africa face several dangers, how the whole world and South Africa. demonstrates, the art of black South ever. Aside from the weight of That's why we have a play like Im African women cannot be inter political oppression, constant cen fuduso." preted by the quidelines of white, sorship and surveillance, they do It is meant to be a catalyst to action, western feminism, which still basi not have the freedom of movement and so the women have taken the cally looks for the self-actualization the creative spirit craves, or that play to other settlements, such as of the individual, or for the en is needed, to simply organize, re Glenmore, where they encouraged hancement of a unique art form. hearse and produce. Thus, "gifted" their audience with these words: Women's organizations in the town performing artists find their ca reers being shaped by the largely "We come here to give ships, for instance, are not usually you people for, by or about women exclusively: white-dominated entertainment in a tip. If you want to tell the gov in fact, too exclusive a preoccupa dustry and exile too often has been ernment something, you must stand tion with gender specific issues may the painful choice that has enabled together. The only thing that will be viewed with suspicion. Although many South African artists to con help you is you must stand together it is mainly women who hold the im tinue using their talents in full ex in one spirit." portant job of spreading and main pression. But stories of courageous, Imfuduso doesn't intend to deal taining culture through mothering creative artistic statements - like with race relations, but concentrates and teaching roles, it would be diffi- Imfuduso - abound. Women in the Bata-stan

BY SUSAN BAZILLI but an increasing number of women "Every morning at seven I go to the Susan Bazilli, a Canadian Lawyer re work at home, doing piece work. factory to fetch my lot. There could cently in South Africa, visited the Bata be 20 or 30 pairs. I fetch whatever plant in Kwazulu, talked to workers, Bata employs the out-workers on is there and try to finish it off in a a temporary basis and filed this report. and pays them at day. I take it back the next morn a rate of about R3 to R4 for ten ing when I pick up the next lot. If pairs of shoes. The company de there are shoes to be sewn, I make A Bata factory is located in Keate's cides how many pairs of shoes, if between R30 and R40 a week, de Drift, in the middle of barren and any, are given to each worker, and pending on the number I am given rural Kwazulu. Of a workforce of the women take their quota home to take home. 700, 90% are women. Most of to sew the uppers onto the soles by the women work inside the factory, hand. "Imay have to work until midnight

Africa REPORT february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT Kwazulu, sew uppers on shoes. or 1 or 2 in the morning to get the for their families. The women who sick pay, maternity benefits, insur work done. We have to work by can work at home are temporary em ance plans and disability benefits. dlelight when it is dark. But the ployees and have not security of em "The inside workers can use the work has to be taken back in the ployment. company medical clinic, but not morning." the outside workers. We can only The workers asked to work inside 'I am the main support for my fam use the clinic to get injections and where they would get a standard ily: my 8 children, my sister-in-law, tablets for contraceptives. We can wage. Workers were told that there my mother, and myself. My mother not go to the clinic for any other rea was no room at the factory. Bata works inside the factory. She puts son. We can't bring our families to does not have to pay them a stan shoelaces in shoes and is paid R30 the clinic - even if we work inside dard wage. The home-sewers wages a week. It is very hard work. We the factory." vary with the number of shoes that share the money and try to get by. Sometimes, because there is so much The majority of workers at the they are given. If they are given no Kwazulu Bata plant have joined the shoes in the morning, they are paid work, we have to get help with the sewing and share the wages." National Union of Textile Workers nothing. (a COSATU affiliate). Bata has re "We were told we had no alterna Child care is done at home, while fused to recognize the union, but its tive, no choice. We didn't want to the women sew. presence makes a difference. work outside. We were told they "The children are very young. Ei "There is no pay for maternity leave. did not have the space inside the ther I get up very early and pre Before the union, we used to get 7 factory. The inside workers get an pare their meals for the day or I pay days after confinement. If women someone to take care of them." annual bonus, benefits and wage in took more time they were fired. Af creases. We have no benefits, except Bata has stated that there are ter the union, we get 2 weeks before, at the end of the year we get some company health clinics with a doc and 2 weeks after the birth." chickens and cakes." tor and nurses for the employees There was no doctor in the clinic Many of the women in Keate's at all their plants in South Africa. Drift are the sole source of support They also claim that they provide (continued on page 28)

february 1986 Southern AfricaAfrica REPORT february 1986 omm______Divestment at York University The Student - Trade Union Alliance BY GENE DESFOR not large. However, the Pension Fund at Gene Desfor is Associate Professor at York is substantial with about York University and Co-chairperson of $180 million. In December, 1984, the York University Divestment Com this fund had about $18 mil mittee. lion worth of investments in corpo rations participating in the South York University is moving toward African economy. divesting all its holdings in corpo The Pension Fund membership rations that invest in South Africa. at York includes the full-time em The divestment process at York has ployees at the university. Any signif proceeded surprisingly fast and has icant change in policy regarding in been free of the bitter and destruc vestment of the Pension Fund could tive battles that have often plagueds only be achieved with the support other North American universities." of those enrolled in the plan. What Perhaps it is still too soon to con-' better way is there to obtain this clude that the university will divest, support then through the unions for the agreements have not been representing the employees? finalized. However, the process is The moving quickly in that direction and Pension Fund is managed by there is no evidence of significant or the Board of Trustees, who have the ganized opposition. The situation authority to invest the Fund at at York is interesting not only be their discretion, subject to the re cause it has moved so quickly but strictions and limitations in all the David Himbara, York U. Divestment also because of the divestment strat relevant legislation. The Board of egy used. Committee Trustees is composed of represen ees, these three are, numerically, the tatives from the employee unions, The York Student Movement major ones on campus. the administration and the Board of Against Apartheid (YSMAA), an Governors active student group on campus for YSMAA requested that these a number of years (the campaign unions appoint representatives to a After the York University Di to remove Sonja Bata from York's new group that would be organized vestment Committee was formed Board of Governors was one of their specifically to address the question and divestment began to have an more prominent successes), initiated of divestment. The union response audible profile, the YUFA represen the drive to have the university was encouraging with all three ap tative on the Pension Fund Board adopt a divestment policy. YSMAA pointing representatives without de of Trustees asked the Board to con realized that broadening its base lay. These representatives met to sider the question of investments in of support in the divestment battle form the York University Divest South African linked corporations. would be critical. Rather than the ment Committee (YUDC). It should The Board decided to seek the ad conventional route of seeking sup be noted that one of the first deci vice of the All University Pension port through the councils of the var sions of the YUDC was to write to Committee. This committee was es ious faculties or through the Sen President Harry Arthur requesting tablished under YUFA's collective ate, they chose to enlist the backing that he join with YUDC in develop agreement to consider issues rele of the unions on campus. The full ing a policy on divestment. vant to the operation of the pension time faculty is represented by YUFA In retrospect it is apparent that plan, but has no formal links to the (York University Faculty Associa the YSMAA's move to approach the Board of Trustees. tion), the support staff by YUSA unions was particularly important Seizing the moment, YUDC (York University Staff Association) de for a number of reasons, not the cided to introduce a motion to and the part-time teaching faculty the least of which is the financial posi All University Pension Committee by CUEW (Canadian Union of Edu tion of the university. York is a rela meeting calling for total divestment. cational Employees. While there are tively young university, just twenty YUDC first requested the YUFA other unions representing the secu five years old. As a result, the en Executive Committee to endorse rity staff and physical plant employ- dowment funds of the university are the motion, which it did. Then

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT ______t&i©nL wm the YUSA Executive also agreed to the motion. Moreover, President Harry Arthurs provided h;s personal Dalhousie Divests support for the motion and asked BY PAUL KEEN also been decided that no substan the Administration reprcsentatives tial compromise would be condoned On January 14, 1986, the Board of to vote for the YUDC motion. by the coalition. It turned out that On January 25, 1986, the All Governors of Dalhousie University there was no need t0 worry about ei voted unanimously to divest of all University Pension Committee met ther a second meeting or a compro holdings with companies financially and, not surprisingly, passed the mise. The bill was passed in its en involved in South Africa. In doing motion instructing the Board of tirety. The only amendment allowed so, Dalhousie became only the sec Trustees to divest the Pension Fund for the creation of a joint Board ond Canadian university to commit of all holdings of corporations with Senate-student committee to over itself to a policy of divestment. investments in South Africa. The see the process and to decide which Board has not yet scheduled its next The Board's decision was un companies in Dalhousie's portfolio meeting. doubtedly influenced by the success are deemed to "have interests in It is interesting to speculate of similar motions previously passed South Africa". on why the unions and President by the Student Union, the Faculty The unanimous decision tacitly Arthurs would support divestment. Association, and the Senate. Board accepts the need to apply economic There can be no doubt that the members were also reacting to the pressures against South Africa, and moral question is important; peo presence of an organized and active the impossibility of maintaining an ple do not want their money used student coalition. The group, only apolitical stance in the matter. The to support a criminal regime based formed earlier that month, was more decision signifies a growing recog on institutionalized racism and bru the product of concerned individu nition of the fact that the case of tal repression of the black majority. als who had discovered that they South Africa leaves no room for neu President Arthurs and York Univer shared a common goal than the re trality; that even for those groups sity have demonstrated leadership sult of careful long term planning. foresworn against political stances, in recognizing the efforts of those Significantly, the motion which a non-decision amounts to an ac who fight racism, for example by the passed had been introduced by ceptance of one's continued support granting of an honorary degree to Steven Ellis, one of the three stu for the country's economy. And fi Walter Sisdlu in June, 1985. dents sitting on the Board of Gov nally, the decision reflects the grow That is where divestment cur ernors. A petition which had been ing irrationality of maintaining in rently stands at York. One might circulated less than a week before vestments in South Africa. ask, why have things gone so well? by the student coalition, bore the But if the decision was econom There are two factors that should be i-ames of over fifteen hundred stu ically expedient, then the Board's considered. First, the conditions in dents and was submitted at the reaction also demonstrates a sensi South Africa make investment there meeting. A standing-room-only tivity on their part to the problem attended the Board meeting, highly risky; even conservative fi crowd of double standards. In his argu nancial analysts are recommending the vast majority of them students. ments on behalf of the bill, Ellis avoiding South African linked cor It marked the first time that the pointed to Dalhousie's traditionally porations. Equally important is the student body en masse had exer international character, suggesting strategy of the YSMAA to seek and cised its recently won right to ob that the meeting itself could never obtain the support of the unions serve Board meetings. Quite obvi have taken place in South Africa: and then YUDC's getting President ously, the purpose of this presence many of the students in attendance Harry Arthurs backing. was not lost on the Board members. were black. Students in attendance main Finally, there is reason for opti And so the responsibility shifts mism from the York experience (if tained a respectful silence through to the joint divestment committee divestment becomes a reality, as the out the meeting, a tactic which which must attend to the more con evidence indicates it will). First be had been agreed upon the previous crete details of the process. But cause another major Canadian uni week. It was felt that a more vo in accepting the principle of divest versity will have removed a substan cal demonstration might ultimately ment, Dalhousie has demonstrated been counter-productive, given tial amount of money from support have itself to be accountable to its own ing apartheid. Also, because a strat the relatively conservative nature of stated values, and to the victims egy that involved a central role for the Board. Had the motion not of apartheid. It is hoped that unions in divesting a large institu passed, a stronger form of demon the decision will !end weight to tion will have demonstrated its va stration could have been organized lidity. for a subsequent meeting. It had (continued on page 28)

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 __ o 71______The University of Toronto and South Africa

BY PETER ROSENTHAL South African government banned virtually meaningless anyway, this "amendment" was in direct The prominence of the "Babb affair" reporters from areas where the most contra at the University of Toronto warrants severe repression was taking place). diction to the motion for divest our attention and we are grateful to Pe All constituencies of the Univer ment. The mover of the divest ter Rosenthal for preparing a succinct sity came out strongly in favour ment motion objected that Govern and informative account of it from his of divestment, including the tradi ing Council rules prohibit amend point of view. This is not a point of tionally conservative University of ments that are contrary to the mo view which a number of members of Toronto Faculty Association. tion. The Chairman of the Gov the Southern Africa REPORT edito erning Council ruled against the ob The Governing Council of the jection, the amendment passed, the rial collective are in agreement with, University of Toronto is dominated however, and one which, in any case, amended motion passed, and Pres by executives of large corporations, ident Connell had defeated divest warrants further discussion. We invite many of which have investments in comments for our next issue. ment (for the time being). Many South Africa. Many other members members of the university commu The major political topic on the of the Council are faithful follow nity were disgusted. University of Toronto campus this ers of the Administration. The few academic year has been the Univer independent voices on the Govern The official representative to sity's relationship to South Africa. ing Council have no realistic hope of Canada of the South African regime The question of divestment created passing any motions. In fact, there is named Glenn Babb. In spite of a lot of interest; the invitation to has never been any substantial reso the fact that 72% of the people of the South African "ambassador" to lution passed over the opposition of South Africa are denied (solely be speak on campus created a furor. the President. cause of their colour) any say in the government that appointed him, The first round began in Novem Nonetheless, the fate of the di ber, 1984 when the U. of T. Di vestment motion was not clear. Babb has the nerve to call himself "ambassador". Soon after he ar vestment Committee initiated a mo Given the strong revulsion against be tion to the Governing Council that the South African regime, Govern rived here in August, 1985, it the University of Toronto divest its ing Council members might have felt came clear that Babb's main func are holdings in companies with invest that they could not vote against the tion is public relations. There ments in South Africz. motion. (In fact, a leading Admin reports that he was personally cho sen by "President" Botha to try to The President of the University istration supporter on the Govern ing Council told me "How could we cut into the divestment movement appointed an "advisory board" to in Canada. consider the question. It was not vote against it? It would look like surprising that this board recom we support apartheid.") Babb was invited to be "Hon mended against divestment. The ourary Visitor" at a debate at the board was not at all representative To insure that the University University of Toronto's Hart House of Toronto would not divest, Pres of campus opinion; incredibly, one on November 14, 1985. To forestall ident Connell came up with a clever of the members of the board was a opposition the event was announced (though, in my view, really hypo director of a large corporation that only a few days before November critical) ploy: he offered an amend invests in South Africa! 14. The student debaters argued the ment to the motion, stating that the question "Resolved that the West University President George University would divest only from should not divest its holdings in Connell enthusiastically endorsed those companies that did not obey South Africa" (double negatives are the report in June 1985. the Canadian Government guide the least one can do to accommo The motion on divestment was lines concerning such investments. date South African "ambassadors"), to be voted on by the Govern Since those battling apartheid and then they allowed speakers from ing Council on September 19, 1985. are convinced that all investments the floor. Over the summer, each day's tele in South Africa help to prolong the vised news emphasized the brutal agony of black South Africans, and Lennox Farrell, a prominent ity of South African rule (until the since the Canadian guidelines are member of the Black community,

Africa REPORT february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT omngtmno0 W&Wn gave an impassioned speech about the evils of apartheid and the gall of the "ambassador" attending a meeting where a black person like Lennox could speak. In frustration over the bantering nature of the de bate, Lennox picked up a ceremo nial mace and hurled it in the direc tion of the South African "ambas sador". Babb was not injured in any way, but Lennox was charged with assault. (Lennox' trial is presently set for March 25, 1986; contribu tions to his defence fund can be sent c/o Roach-Smith, 688 St. Clair Ave. W., Toronto.) After Lennox was taken away by police, several other people spoke from the floor. Then it was time for the "Honourary Visitor". As Babb rose, so did a chant from the crowd: "Freedom yes, apartheid no". Babb Demonstration outside U. of T. law building. stood stony-faced; the chanting con tatives of the State of South Africa, too inferior to participate in gov tinued. After several minutes the and to anyone who abets or co ernment. Perhaps some people can speaker declared the debate over. operates in the crime of apartheid. understand how upsetting this can President Connell told the Gov There is no doubt that Babb is an be by imagining how they would re erning Council that Babb would be international criminal. It might also act to Hitler's ambassador being an reinvited, and that the University be argued that those who give Babb "Honourary Visitor" at Hart House. would "use its full authority", in a podium are thereby accomplices in Showing such respect to an official cluding "taking disciplinary action", the crime of apartheid. representative of apartheid is an at against those who interfered with There are other considerations in tack on all black people. Babb's "right to free speech". addition to the criminality of Babb's As Keegstra discovered, it is President Connell, and those speaking on campus. The South a criminal offence to communi who jumped on his bandwagon, African government is almost uni cate statements that promote ha never dealt with the arguments versally treated as an outlaw regime. tred against an identifiable group. against allowing Babb to speak on Its delegates are not allowed to par Babb should not be allowed to vi campus. They talked as if they ticipate in any international events. olate the laws against promoting thought that "free speech" should The racists that conduct such racial hatred, and the University of be absolute; it is hard to see how extraordinary repression of black Toronto should not aid him in his such a position could be defended in people need reassurance that they attempts to perpetuate the subju a serious debate. If free speech is to are "respectable" in some quarters. gation of black people. be absolute much of the Canadian For the University of Toronto to Early in the new year, it was an Criminal Code will have to be re host their "ambassador" gives such nounced that a group of law stu vised (it is against the law to counsel reassurance. Any such appearance dents had invited Babb to speak at or conspire with anyone to commit of Babb would be followed by promi the U. of T. on January 17, 1986. an offence, to cause a disturbance nent articles in the South African Many members of the University by shouting, to give obscene perfor press indicating that at the Univer community objected to this invita mances, to incite racial hatred, and sity of Toronto the South African tion. Four professors (George Ban so on). regime's policies are regarded as croft, Frederick Case, Keith Ellis, Repeated U.N. resolutions have "debatable" rather than "criminal". and me) made an application for an declared apartheid to be "a crime Another important considera injunction against Babb being al against humanity". The U.N. Con tion is the effect on black residents lowed to speak, vention of the Suppression and Pun of Toronto. The city's most presti The day before the injunction ishment of the Crime of Apartheid gious institution offered a podium to was to be heard, the law students states that international criminal re a person who represents the outra courageously withdrew their invita sponsibility shall apply to represen- geous notion that black people are tion, stating that they had come

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 OEM@ TZM20 WEW2a

apply to the University of Toronto, and that even if it did apply he would still find that Babb's right to speak would take preference over the right of professors to equality before the law. I had not expected the injunc tion to be granted, but I had hoped tbat our applying for it would help to increase people's understanding of the criminal nature of apartheid -5 and help to build the divestment movement, in addition to provid ing visible opposition to Babb's ap 0 pearance. In my view, the appli cation did make such contributions - and was therefore worthwhile. a, 0 There was very heavy security > on the afternoon of January 31. The "debate" was to be held in Symbolically gagged students sit outside debate between Babb and U. of T. a small, fully-enclosed room called professor William Graham. the "moot court". Tickets were given out to the law students group which invited Babb and to the Hart to realize that even debating Babb speaking would violate international House debates committee (which co would give apartheid more credibil and Canadian law. He also ar sponsored the event); the few re ity than it deserved, and that an gued that his speech would violate maining tickets were given to law official representative of the South the professors' (three of whom are students. African regime would not be able to black) rights to equality under the A spirited demonstration of make a worthwhile contribution to Charter of Rights, and would consti three to four hundred people gath a debate. We did not abandon our tute racial harassment in the work ered outside the law school. Shortly application for an injunction since place. In addition, Roach main after the "debate" began, the there was still Connell's outstanding tained that the professors' world demonstrators moved to the police invitation. The Judge ruled, how wide reputations would be damaged barricades closest to the moot court, ever, that he could consider an in by being associated with a univer and began shouting things like "Free terim injunction when we knew a sity that was seen to be collabo Mandela, Jail Babb". specific date for the invitation. rating with apartheid. The lawyer Suddenly several hired by the University Administra mounted po Several law students formed an licemen appeared. A tion countered some of these argu minute later other student group, with the ex two of the mounted policemen rode press purpose ments, but he did not deny that of reinviting Babb. into the startled crowd. They President Connell reaffirmed Babb was a criminal under interna the moved slowly and nobody was in outstanding invitation, but tional and Canadian law and that still did jured, but those large horses are not mention a date. his speaking would be a criminal act. very frightening. Many people found it shocking On January 28, there was a press that a university president who conference to announce that Babb The judge reserved his decision had talked so much to the next morning, about free speech would be speaking on campus in the at which time for an interna he refused to grant the injunction. tional criminal would afternoon of January 31. The short interfere with He did the rights time interval between the announce not question our allegations of peacefully demonstrat that Babb's speaking ing students and ment and the event was calculated would be a faculty by allowing criminal act, but mounted to make it difficult for those opposed he found that police on campus. (There the professors "had no standing" to were never to Babb's speaking. any mounted police on bring such an action. He also ruled the U. of T. campus before, even On January 29, Charles Roach, against us on several other grounds, during the much larger and much the lawyer for "the four professors", the most surprising of which was his more militant demonstrations of the managed to get a court hearing. He holding that the Canadian Charter sixties and seventies.) presented the argument that Babb's of Rights and Freedoms does not (continued on page 28)

18 february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT ______o- M,"~tha______The U.S. Scene: Shell Pickets & Savimbi Visit BY JAMES CASON AND For the first part of 1986, in George Shultz, Secretary of Defense MICHAEL FLESHMAN fact, mu-h of the anti-apartheid Caspar Weinberger and a string of One year after they began, the movement was focused on UNITA other high level government officials daily demonstrations at the South leader Jonas Savimbi's ten day tour from the National Security Coun African embassy in Washington of the east coast. Boosted by a cil, the CIA and the Joint Chiefs of ended last November with an emo well-connected Washington lobby Staff. And after a half-hour White tional rally and a "Day of Recom ing firm, on a $600,000 a year re House meeting with President Rea mitment". Demonstrations at the tainer from UNITA, Savimbi has gan, Savimbi declared himself "sat embassy and other sites around the positioned himself to become the isfied" with U.S. support and the country, which played a major role linchpin of a major right-wing coun President told reporters "We want last year in transforming the debate terattack against the anti-apartheid to be very helpful [to Savimbi's on South Africa in this country, will movement. Hailed as a conservative cause]." continue at irregular intervals, but "freedom fighter" by some and men Throughout the visit to the U.S. the daily protests have ended and tioned as possible U.S. presidential Savimbi was accorded treatment the movement is candidate by others, Savimbi has moving on to de usually reserved for visiting heads vote its become the early favorite for right energy to other tactics. of state: at the State Department wing point man on foreign The first major new campaign policy is he was first greeted at the diplo was launched January 9 when sues in 1986. matic entrance by the chief of pro the Free South Africa Movement's In his well-publicized visit to the tocol, then whisked up to Secretary (FSAM's) Randall Robinson joined U.S. in early February, the UNITA Shultz's seventh floor office and fi United Mine Worker President leader buttress d this position by nally invited to address an audience Richard Trumka in announcing a meeting with Secretary of State of State Department empl-yees. national campaign against Royal Dutch Shell's investments in South Africa. The initial press conference was also attended by UAW head Owen Bieber, who spoke for the AFL-CIO, AFSCME President Ger ald McEntree and a string of other prominent labour leaders. Accord ing to the organizers, the campaign will include pickets at local Shell gas stations, calls for consumers to re turn credit cards and demands for divestment of Shell stock. For the first time in U.S. history, it appears that major American unions have pledged substantial resources to an anti-apartheid campaign, including full-time organizers and resources to create local boycott committees in key cities. But aside from a sit-in at Shell's downtown Washington offices, as of early February local boycott com mittees were still being put together and a longer term assessment of this new effort will have to wait until the next issue of Southern African RE PORT. Savimbi & Pik Botha in South Africa, Sept. 1984.

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 ______TM 0 0 0 W7&~L-

Other stops on the tour included appearances at the Heritage Foun dation and American Enterprise In stitute and meetings with influen tial members of Congress. The South African backed rebel leader also made appearances on Nightline and the McNeil-Lehrer newshour and was interviewed by just about every major east coast newspaper. One particularly troubling interview for the anti-apartheid movement, was a two hour stint with the pub lishers of Jet and Ebony, two mass market black magazines with circu lation totaling almost two million. But not everyone welcomed the about U.S. national interests as well failed to ignite broad opposition. rebel leader. AFL-CIO leader Lane as their own corporate interests as This is partly a function of history Kirkland was forced to cancel a din they make their decisions about" in the early 1970s substantial sectors ner with Savimbi after heavy protest whether to continue their $2 bil of the U.S. left supported Savimbi from labour activists, and the Con lion a year oil business in Angola. and partly because Congressional gressional Black Caucus flat out re State's surprising late January turn and other liberals fear charges that fused to meet with him. Demon around appears largely a reaction they are "soft on communism". strators in Washington, New York to a right wing campaign against Much of the success for last and Boston protested the visit and Chevron/Gulf's "traitorous" opera even in his press appearances Sav tions in Angola. year's massive public mobilization imbi was badgered with questions against apartheid belongs to the More ominously, according to about his South Africa support FSAM's skillfull use of the media. and most reports Savimbi left Washing his intentions to harm Americans by And the key to ending U.S. aggres ton in early February with assur blowing up Chevron/Gulf's oil facil sion against Angola will undoubt ances that at least one new ship ities at Cabinda in northern Angola. edly be the anti-apartheid move ment of $15 million worth of lethal ment's ability to link Savimbi to In the last few months, in fact, aid would be speeding to him within his sponsors in Pretoria. So far, several strong statements against two weeks. however, progressives have demon a U.S.-UNITA alliance have come Unlike South Africa, where U.S. strated neither the unity, nor the from church leaders, academics, progressives have clarity that effort requires. In the civil rights activists and anti seized the politi cal initiative public relations battle for American apartheid forces. One hundred one with campaigns such as the Free South Africa Movement hearts and minds, Savimbi and the members of Congress signed a let and divestment, aid to Savimbi right are clearly ahead. ter last November opposing aid and has more recently over five hundred aca T 4EW w demics came out against admin % MR.t4m MANDELA - I anKS1 istration plans to back the rebel ER- P W9D ENT NONDELA,7MT IS movement. SIR. VL T'S On the other side of the issue, You WAKr 10 TA"LKAB= QUAR WPM OF PW w4mo? (31 however, one hundred nine mem S W:PW %,M?at: bers of Congress have already lined ML. up in support of aid to Savimbi JEmFxwusww91c9? and they appear to have gained T":" P11:91 ground in recent weeks. Just be fore Savimbi landed in Washing ton, conservatives forced a reluctant State Department to publically de clare that the Chevron Oil Com pany's presence in Angola was not helping U.S. negotiators and that the company "should be thinking

feray18 othr fiaRPR february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT South African Notebook

the agenda of the democratic forces Union of Mineworkers, in particular, in South Africa for 1986. It will has found out; there are also vast be, in the words of ANC President numbers of non-unionized workers Oliver Tambo, a year of 'attack, ad to organize and links with the un vance, give the enemy no quarter'." employed to be forged. More imme diately, a primary task of the new union is to restructure itself inter COSATU Speaks Out nally better to do battle with capital For example, The formation of the new Congress on a day-to-day basis. "general unions" which have joined of South African Trade Unions along indus (COSATU), bringing together in are now reorganizing one trade union central 33 pre trial lines. existing unions and over 500,000 The trade union movement has workers, is a development of ma also become more overtly politicized Talks? jor importance. A chief prior in recent years, participating ac A recent communication to South ity will be strengthening the trade tively in stay-aways, consumer boy ern Africa REPORT from Yusef union movement for industrial ac cotts and the like; the first in Saloojee, official representative in tion. Union activity, particularly dications of what COSATU's po Canada of the African National in a period of retrenchment, is still litical role is likely to be suggest Congress of South Africa, makes the highlv vulnerable, as the National a further positive development of following point: "There have al ready been insinuations and sugges tions of 'talks' between the ANC and the Botha government. The ANC position on this matter has been made crystal clear: the ANC does not reject the principle of ne gotiations; however, any negotia tions mu,7t be about the mechan ics of the transfer of power to the people as a whole and on the ba sis of the Freedom Charter. Nego tiations would have to be preceded by 'talks'. The preconditions of any such 'talks'have been clearly spelle3 out by the ANC: *the release of Nelson Mandela and his colleagues as well us all political prisoners and detainees; *the removal of the police and the army from the black townships; *the lifting of the State of Emer gency; *the unbanning of the ANC. In any event, neither 'talks' nor ne gotiations would be held in secret nor without the consultation and approval of the democratic forces within the country." In the mean time, Saloojee affirms, "a height ened and sustained mass political and armed confrontation ... is on Cosatu founding rally December 1985

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 ~o~ Os~©J

the mines and other large industries in the future; for equal pay for equal work, especially for black women; for immediate lifting of the state of emergency and the withdrawal of the troops from the townships. It remained to be seen how these and other demands would be fol lowed up, but it was hard to avoid the impression that another impor tant step had here been taken to wards the consolidation of a dis tinctive "working-class politics" in South Africa. This impression was given even greater force a few days later when Jay Naidoo, COSATU's new general secretary, met with the African National Congress in Zim babwe. In that meeting, he later re ported, "I told the ANC and SACTU del egation we did not want superfi cial changes, or black bosses to re place white bosses, while the repres sive machinery of State and cap ital remained intact. I expressed very clearly to them our commit ment to see a society which was free of apartheid, but also free of the ex ploitative, degrading and brutaliz ing system under which black work ers suffered. This meant a restruc turing of society so that the wealth of the country would be shared among the people."

In short, "COSATU was looking at alternatives which would ensure that any society that emerged would accuratelyreflect the interests of the working-class'. Of course, there is no reason to think that Naidoo spoke to deaf ears when he made these kinds of points during his Cosatu founding rally - December 1985 Harare meeting with the liberation that tendency. Thus Chris Dlamini, of Elijah Barayi, new president of movement. But his comment does COSATU's first vice-p;-esident, led COSATU, to speak and he imme suggest one kind of answer to the off the unions inaugural rally at diately called for the resignation of important letter from Chris Leo King's Park Stadium in Natal on P. W. Botha and all homeland lead published elsewhere in this issue: it December 1 (see photo) by announc ers. Barayi also delivered a quite is not radicals outside South Africa ing that "time has run out for em specific ultimatum to Botha: abol who are front and centre raising the ployers and their collaborators". In ish influx controls within six months question of a possible socialist fu deed, he added, "the unity gained or COSATU would take (unspeci ture for South Africa, but those en through the formation of COSATU fied) action. There were other pro gaged directly in the struggle inside has foiled the rulers' divide-and-rule nouncements: support for disinvest the country itself. It behooves us to strategy". Then it was the turn ment now and for nationalization of take their preoccupations seriously.

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT ______~~

;71:::

; ; WYIY *WWY Wit W+

National Union of Textile Workers arrive at COSATU rally - December 1985. to the South African government Buthelezi: The Immoderate But there is much more to which employs him. Yet that gov "Moderate" Buthelezi's immoderation than that. There is also the singularly ernment has found that, given a long No doubt we will soon have another leash, Buthelezi serves their basic brutal role he plays in Natal poli visit to Canada by Chief Gatsha game plan of divide and rule very tics itself. It is an open secret that Buthelezi, headman of the Kwazulu well indeed. He is an outspoken foe Buthelezi has built his power base in bantustan. It will be funded by of both the ANC and the"'UDF and Kwazulu at least as much by force the South Africa Foundation or recent months have found his impis some other such worthy body, all and intimidation as by charisma (squads of bully boys) and youth and tribalist rhetoric. This is es in the aid of presenting Buthelezi corps - working with tacit police as a "moderate" black who op pecially true in the most rural ar support - acting as a physical ham eas of Kwazulu where the combina poses economic sanctions against mer against the UDF and against South Africa. Of course, "moder tion of isolation and of chiefly power community activists in Natal (while ate" is a word designed to magnify structures have hung heavily over lo also exacerbating tensions between Buthelezi's appeal in North Amer cal communities. But the menace of Africans and Indians there). The ica and since words have mean the strategy of intimidation imple details are truly horrific and many ings, or at least resonances, in peo mented by Inkatha (Buthelezi's po of them can be found in a useful ple's minds we should scan this one litical movement) has always spread information dossier compiled by the closely. It is not the way Buthelezi more widely than that. Amongst Community Resource and Informa is viewed at home, certainly. How the ugliest of numerous relevant in tion Centre (Freeway House, 9 De could it apply to the lone reasonably cidents was the 1983 assault on Korte Street, Braamfontein 2017, visible black political figure who op the Ngoye campus of the University South Africa) and entitled Inkatha: poses any talk of sanctions against of Zululand where Inkatha thugs Black Liberation or National Reac South Africa; his is an immoderate, killed, beat and raped dozens of tion?. Also illuminating was a pic wildly conservative position surely. students for the "disrespect" they ture story which appeared last year (Incidentally, the fact that Buthelezi had shown towards Buthelezi. But in Durban's City Press under the forms a minority of one on the like so many other frightening facts accurate title : "Here's the proof: sanctions question didn't stop the about Buthelezi this event was little Top Inkatha men are leading the no Toronto Star from headlining their publicized abroad. torious impis in their terror cam reprint of one of his diatribes on the It is true that Buthelezi is just paigns in Durban"; their long-range subject: "South African blacks (sic) ambitious and independent enough cameras caught some of Buthelezi's reject disinvestment as a strategy"!) to be an occasional embarrassment trusted lieutenants in the act of or-

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 ganizing "impis" about to go on the cent pamphlet from the Catholic the full brunt of the government's rampage against UDF members. Institute for International relations onslaught. Two thirds of our na Never quite the "spokesman for (South Africa in the 1980s: Update tional and regional executive mem the six million Zulu" that many No. 3, available from CIIR, 22 Cole bers are out of action through death, newspapers in Canada and else man Fields, London N1 7AF, Eng detention or trial. At least 2000 where have sometimes claimed him land) correctly insists, the so-called rank and file members of the UDF to be, Buthelezi's recent excesses "disorder" in South Africa is, in re are in detention." ality, in attempting to savage the grow "a mass movement". To the Moreover, this grisly national CIIR much of ing mass resistance movement have the so-called "black pattern could be concretized with on-black" violence of which we reduced his popularity even fur read examples drawn from virtually ev so much in ther. As the CRIC dossier men the press makes perfect ery South African black commu sense as well: tioned above concludes: nity - though perhaps the small "An opinion survey conducted by "South African blacks are proving town of Cradock in the Eastern the Institute of Black Research that they cannot be governed as a Cape can be mentioned as pro showed that most Africans blamed people colonized from the white en viding a particularly graphic in Inkatha for the recent unrest in Dur clave, either by black collaborators, stance. There, Mathew Goniwe ban. It was found that Inkatha or by the naked violence of security "the dead man who haunts all our and the police were seen as start forces and riot police. They reject futures", in the words of Anton Har ing the trouble and being the most the garrison state ... Most signifi ber in the Weekly Mail - helped active in it thereafter. The survey cantly, they have identified the new lead the Cradock Resident's Associ reflected a considerable loss of sup black local authorities, the commu ation (CRADORA) to mount an im port for Chief Buthelezi - a find nity councillors, as the key to the pressive, broad-gauged programme ing that was supported in other state's attempt to control the town of political mobilization. For ex recent surveys ... " The survey ships and co-opt blacks. Commu ample, "where else in the Eastern figures were also presented in the nity councillors have been dealt with Cape has a Community Council re Weekly Mail (October, 1985) un mercilessly, killed and their houses signed en bloc and found such im der the headline "Buthelezi hasn't burnt. Almost 200 have resigned; mediate re-acceptance into the nor got majority urban Zulu support, only 3 of 34 councils set up in 1983 mal life of the township? For it shows poll". Thus even among still function. Black resistance has was Mathew Goniwe, the peace Zulu in urban Kwazulu-Natal the thus struck hard at the lynch-pin of maker, who gave the lead to those non-tribalist tandem of ANC-UDF state strategy towards urban blacks." around him. Under his guidance, Bishop Tutu outpointed Buthelezi Equally important, it must be the Youth Group (CRADOYA) ac and he had an even smaller minor emphasized that it has been pre companied the councillors to their homes where, in full view of the res ity of Zulus supporting him else cisely the South African government where in the country. Strange which has set itself the task of cre idents, they assisted them in remov that North American newspaper ed ating among the forces of opposition ing the strong mesh window-guards itors seem far more enamoured with as much as possible of that very "an and the high barbed wire fencing "tribal politics" than South African archy" that they falsely claim pre which has become standard equip Africans appear to be. existed their intervention. Egging ment in black areas for the proper on the Buthelezis is, as noted above, ties of community and town council one method, but even more preva lors"! Creating Disorder lent has been the tactic of physi The result? One night in June, Newspaper coverage falls short on cally eliminating - by arrest or mur the car driving Goniwe and three other fronts as well. Witness der - as many as possible of the of his closest associates was "inter Michael Valpy in a recent issue of leaders who do emerge to give fo cepted" on the road by unknown as Toronto's Globe and Mail playing cus to the energy and anger of the sailants; "over the next four days, into the hands of apartheid pro townships. That this has not been the mutilated and charred bodies pagandists by caricaturing the en more successful is, in itself, testi of the four men were discovered in ergy and anger that is being ex mony to the strength and matu isolated spots on the outskirts of pressed in South Africa townships rity of the forces ranged against the the city". Not surprisingly, the as, more or less, anarchical mob government. But the effort contin UDF, in an official statement at action. In fact, the most impres ues. Thus, as Trevor Manuel of the time regarding Goniwe's mur sive thing about the township op the UDF's National Executive noted der, felt "forced to conclude that the position has been the degree of self at one point last year (1985), "two defenders of apartheid (were) bent organization and political creativity years and one month after its incep on a murderous path to eliminate all manifested by Africans. As a re- tion, the UDF finds itself bearing popular leaders".

Africa REPORT february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT The Rewriting of South Afican H.i.story .

BY MIKE MASON \

Before the 1960's Africans were the outcasts of African history. The history of Africa was the narra tive of European triumphs - Por tuguese discovery, English explo ration, French conquest, Christian conversion, colonial administration, capitalist development. Even in the early 60s schoolboys and girls in Nigeria, which had become indepen dent, could tell you about the self lessness of David Livingstone and Albert Schweitzer, the intrepidness of Mungo Park and Heinrich Barth norities in them, needed historical not merely because of linguistic and and the ruthlessness of Cecil Rhodes pedigrees in order to repudiate the sentimental ties but because his and Herbert Kitchner. colonialist claim that it was Europe torical studies there had been pro which put Africa on the historical The story of the Africans them foundly transformed by the radical selves was normally left to anthro map. So African historians wrote currents of the 1960s. Most visibly, pologists whose main interest lay up a new kind of history, one em English historical thought had be in how African societies functioned. phasizing African initiative and the come infused with new ideas "from This they learned from personal ob African voice. Since colonialism was below". Besides these historical servation. Thus the societies about terminated in the northern half of ideas, students of South African his which they wrote were seen to ex Africa first, it was in countries like tory were influenced by ideas from ist in a particular moment: if the Nigeria and Ghana in West Africa anthropology, political economy and anthropologist wrote in 1935, then and Uganda and Tanzania in East sociology. new histories were it was the society as it existed in Africa that the At first the output of migrants 1935 that he understood. Little ac written. was limited to essays, generally read count was taken of the fact that As late as 1972 the relative back only by other experts in the field in 1935 virtually all African soci wardness of South African history of South African studies. Then in eties were ruled by colonial govern could still be pointed to. For, there, the mid 1970s, the first major books ments and were to some extent or it was white initiative and the white appeared, and these drew attention other affected by the Depression. voice which was still of supreme im both from students writing about Most societies were thought of as be portance. If we characterized the other parts of Africa as well as writ ing "traditional", that is, not really main themes of South African his ers interested in subjects like slavery having histories. This conception tory as being raids, Rhodes and in the Americas. of Africans (in common with other Randlords we would be exaggerat Probably the most important peoples in the non-European world) ing only a little. But all this was to thing these studies showed was the as not having history, had become change. uniqueness of widespread in the nineteenth cen capitalist develop From the late 1960s a trickle ment in South Africa in general and tury. of South African students had mi of apartheid in particular. Racist The history of Africa came to be grated to England to study. While a society in South Africa was not, written only from the late 1950s as couple of these were political exiles, as the earlier liberal historians had Europe's former colonies became in most were not. Virtually all were tended to assert, either a stage to dependent countries. These coun young, white, anglophone males. be passed through, nor an unin tries, or at least the literate mi- They had been attracted to England tentional side effect. In its mod-

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 Three books from the early 1980s may be recommended as rep Is resenting the achievements of the SE I revisionist school up to the eve of the present insurgency: Charles van Onselen's two volume Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914 (1982), and the single volume edited by Shula Marks and Richard Rath bone, Industrialization and Social Change in South Africa: African Class Formation, Culture and Con sciousness, 1870-1930 (1982). Van Onselen's volumes contain some of the most remarkable essays in social history published anywhere in the last decade. I have found three par Hatherley Distillery Ltd., 1892 - from Randlords & Rotgut. ticularly fascinating: "Randlords and Rotgut" about the produc ern was thus raised form, it was the planned con ism.) The question tion of alcohol and its use as a sequence of the strategies of min as to the historical relationship be means of social control over African tween the two. Then there was the ing and financial entrepreneurs who, miners, "Prostitutes and Proletari of the future of a from the late nineteenth century, difficult question ans, 1886-1914", which deals with diamonds and gold were dis white regime in a continent swept when the complicated positions of white by the winds of anti-colonialism and covered, sought to exploit African women within the leisure economy possible increasingly ruled by black govern labour for the greatest and "The Regiment of the Hills" profit. Thus everything which char ments, most of which were hostile about bandits. acterizes apartheid today was tailor to white majority rule. Finally, made in relatively recent times in or there was the rebirth of black work Industrialization and Social der to drive labour costs down and ing class and student protest in the Change which has contributions by keep profits up. And to this end 1970s, capped by the Soweto insur a couple of dozen authors provides practically everything else was sub gency of 1977. Thus, from the six an excellent sampler of the new his ordinated - from agricultural policy ties to the eighties, we can see sev tory. The first part of the book to moral legislation. eral generations of South African deals especially with labour migra How can we explain the late historians, each being influenced by tion and sharecropping while the blooming of this new, 'revisionist" and responding to different circum second, which I found most inter stances both within South school of African history? That Africa esting, deals with cultural questions. and is, why did it happen when it did without. Three essays in particular fascinated and not before, or after, and why History makes men and women me: Tim Couzens' on "moraliz did it take up certain questions and as much as they make history. In ing leisure time", Debbie Gaitskell's not others? It is almost impossible the 1970s, despite the militancy of on "mothers, daughters and purity" to come up with a simple, defini the black working class and the and Philip Bonner's on the "black tive answer to this question but rise of popular protest, the South petty bourgeoisie of the Rand". some things are obvious. For some African state was not really in dan Since excellent reviews of these South African liberals and progres ger. So historians, as well as writers books have already been published, sives the massacre at Sharpeville in adjacent fields like political sci no more needs to be said about (1960) and the subsequent repres ence, tended to stress how social and them. Interested readers might like sion of any visible form of opposi political control functioned. They to have a look at John Iliffe's com tion to the apartheid regime may were less interested in its weak ments on all three in the Journal have served as conclusive proof that nesses, or in the subterranean sur of African History, 25, 1984, pp. Progress and systematized racial op vival of resistance. But now, with 115-117, Leroy Vail on Marks and pression were quite compatible. (By the South Africa state seeming quite Rathbone in the Journal of South contrast, the abolition of slavery vulnerable, historians are looking at African Studies, 10, 2, April, 1984, in the nineteenth century is usu how forms of resistance have been pp. 290-295, and Rob Turrell's more ally considered a proof that it was sustained and how the objects of his abrasive remarks on van Onselen in incompatible with modern capital- tory have become its makers. Africa, 54, 1984, pp. 87-89.

26 february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT logue is Finally Closed", where she discusses the current situation in Part of My Soul South Africa, eloquently addressing the poverty of Botha's "reforms" and the role of multinationals in the Winnie Mandela's dignity, com oppression of the black population. mitment and courage are legend. This is a book for those famil Banned, harrassed and impris iar, to some degree, with South oned throughout her adult life she African history. While the histor thwarts apartheid's brutal attempts ical events are here, the focu. is to silence her. Defiant, confronta on the small, human moments of tional, above all angry - this is Win S those who made the history. Read nie Mandela. Compassionate, lov ing, tender, humourous - this too ers looking for a feminist analysis of Winnie's development from a tra is Winnie Mandela. Taped inter ditional young woman to the pow views with Winnie, her friends and erful woman she is today will be comrades, and letters between Win disappointed. She provides few de nie and Nelson have been edited by tails although the women to whom Anne Benjamin in Part of My Soul she attributes her development read to afford readers a unique glimpse like a litany of South Africa's heroic into some of the most intimate of women - Helen Joseph, Hilda Bern Winnie's - and Nelson's - life. stein, Ruth First, Albertina Sisulu, How does she do it? As surely Florence Matomela, Frances Baard, as do the love of her people and Kate Molale, Ruth Mompati, Lil her commitment to the struggle sus ian Ngoyi - Winnie's mentors, com tain her, so too does her anger. rades, sisters in struggle. Forcibly separated from her hus band months after their marriage, Beyond the individual insights imprisoned when expecting their Part of My Soul contributes to our first child, banned to the meanest understanding and appreciation of backwater of Afrikanerdom, Winnie the struggle of all South Africa's still triumphs. Her anger is born of black people. Apartheid's devasta her sense of justice, justice violated tion of the family, its indecent rend and mocked by the apartheid state; ing of human relationships - it's all anger as passionate today against here, but especially here is the tri police attempts to arrest her for vi umph of the individual, the wife and olation of her banning order as over husband, the children, the people twenty years ago when 'she kicked a against apartheid. member of the Security Branch har Winnie Mandela rassing her the day Nelson was sen The final irony Part of My Soul tenced to life imprisonment. To read Part of My Soul is to makes so clear is that the very re strictions apartheid imposed to si How can she keep going? From read South Africa itself. The histor ical moments are all here, told sim lence Winnie Mandela give voice the first moving tribute by Bishop to the reality of her existance; ply by many of the figures who made Manas Buthelezi other voices join to the power of her resistance shouts them. Especially powerful are the provide us understanding. through the forced silence not just descriptions by and of Nelson Man She is a window through which even for her but for all people. dela seen as husband, father and the most uninitiated eye is intro leader of his people in his most in I have ceased a long time ago to ex duced to the obscure twilight exis timate moments as well as when ist as an individual. The ideals, the tance of the banned and detained. meeting the State head on. Win political goals that I stand for, those Through her the invisible were made nie's recounting of her life of banish are the ideals and goals of the people visible. ment in Brandfort and the details of in this country. ... When they send At times the recollections, the ex visiting Nelson first on Robben Is me into exile, it's not me as an indi cerpts from letters between Winnie land and then in Pollsmoor Prison vidual they are sending. They think and Nelson are almost deceptive, so are among the book's highlights. that with me they can also ban the understated, so accepted somehow Especially important at the present political ideas. But that is a histor are their courage and resolve. time is her "The Chapter of Dia- ical impossibility.

Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 Women in thE Bata-stan (continued from page 13) until the union came. The work tion which enables unions to force They are paid generous incentives to ers had to pay for the medical ex employer recognition where there move, under the guise of providing penses and the transportation to the is majority membership. Several desperately needed jobs for the peo doctor. The nurse who worked in union members have been dismissed ple in Kwazulu. Another advantage the clinic described the use of depo for their activities. for the multinationals is the anti provera and the Pill: union legislation allowing them "The company continues to avoid to refuse to recognize the union. "Women are not forced, it's vol the union at all costs. We were dis untary. But they (the company) missed after a meeting with man can't afford to have women get agement. We told them why we "We are praying that the struggle ting pregnant. Women usually hide joined the union. We were told for union recognition is a success. their pregnancies as long as possi that our jobs had become redun We are putting our hope in our ble. They report late when they are dant. The company announced that union and the Canadian unions and about to deliver, because they want they were retrenching. The com all people interested in our struggle. to keep on working." pany has warned employees not to We could lose our jobs tomorrow if the company finds our that Because the factory is within talk about the union." we have talked to you. We are worried Kwazulu, the Bata workers are not about Bata is closing some if its plants covered by South African legisla- losing our jobs. Bata is planning to in urban areas, retrenching the take the jobs to another bantustan workers, and moving to 'decen factory. The wages are bad there tralized areas' in the bantustans. too. There is no union." U of T and South Africa (continued from page 18) The presence of the horses an to press the Canadian government gered the crowd. They marched to to break diplomatic relations with the other side of the building. There South Africa and throw Babb out were no police barricades on this of Canada. If they are not willing side, and many protestors got right to do that, the government could at up against the walls of the moot least require Babb to stay in Ottawa court. Their chanting was very au and refrain from public speaking dible inside. other non-residents (who are not The "debate" was predictable. international outlaws) are similarly Babb said that a lot of what we've restricted. heard is "communist propaganda", The struggle over Babb's ap that his government is reforming pearance has resurrected the ques and that progress will best be made tion of divestment, and many peo "without outside interference". ple are trying to force the Governing Dalhousie The law students had been Council to reopen it. warned that they would be expelled (continued from page 15) I find it very sad that a num if they disrupted Babb. Nonethe ber of people at the University of similar efforts being made in uni less, half a dozen found an effec Toronto feel that the "right" that an versities across the country. The tive way of protesting: They dressed international criminal has to "free joint committee will also examine in hoods and sheets like Ku Klux speech" should prevail over the right ways to encourage educational ac Klan members, and stood applaud of black people on campus and in tivities about apartheid and for its ing Babb each time he paused. the community to be free of racial victims. Both it and the stu Some sixty others sat silently in the harassment. The debate about dent coalition draw support from halls so that those attending the this will continue, heightened by a on-going anti-apartheid groups on "debate" had to step over them. "policy against racism" that inde campus (African Students' Associa Babb is off the U. of T. cam pendent members of the Governing tion) and off-campus (Metro Anti pus, hopefully for good. Many Council are expected to propose in Apartheid Coalition). people feel that it is important March, 1986.

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT _ngttazo

Our Readers Write South Africa. The international side I don't think this is the time to be of the equation grows out of an at putting energy into it where South In the letter which follows, Chris Leo tack on apartheid based on liberal ern Africa is concerned. There, the raises a fundamental issue, one which ideology. That works because it ap priority has to be an end to the ob touches not only on the work of South peals to the vast majority of people senity of apartheid, which is an of ern Africa REPORT but that of other in capitalist countries and because fense to anyone with a bit of human anti-apartheid activists as well. Leo the South African system is trans ity left, whether they be believers in may caricature Southern Africa RE parently vulnerable to it. The at capitalism or socialists. If a radical PORT's position just a bit, but we're tack has been very effective and has, critique of South Africa has any ef not inclined to agree with his position in only a couple of years, substan fect at all in Canada today, it will in any case. Worth debating, however, tially changed the climate of opinion be to undermine the liberal assault and we would welcome the thoughts - in Canada at least - about South on apartheid by lending credence to of readers on this and other matters Africa. the propaganda about alleged soviet linked to our mutual endeavors. What's needed now, in my view, domination of the ANC and other ... I don't think I agree with the way is to intensify that kind of attack black political groups. you [at Southern Africa REPORT] and to put on pressure for more That's my opinion anyway. are deploying your resources. In and more effective boycotting and Whether we can agree or not, I my view, the immediate priority vis economic sanctions. That's what's think there's always something to be a vis South Africa is to get rid of going to bring the regime down if learned by discussing these issues. the regime. The main reasons for anything does. There is, of course, the regime's present difficulties, as also a radical critique to be made I see it, are a combination of inter of South African society, and of all Christopher Leo national pressure against apartheid other capitalist and so-called social Department of Political Science and the extraordinary tenacity and ist societies - and I'm committed to University of Winnipeg courage of black resistance within carrying that critique forward - but 12 December 1985 I wk%1I*

PFW y TUAL' j

"It's Winnie Mandela. Since you won't let her live In her own house she's moved into yours."

Imr MWOT \ A"..pervMNS TWAT

february 1986 Southern Africa REPORT february 1986 South African Women on the Move By the Vukai Makhosikazi Collective ofJohannesburg

February 1986 * 266 pages $12.95 paperback * $35.95 cloth

T thehis remarkableexperience bookof women documents living under apartheid in South Africa today - women living in suffer ing and struggle, in the cities and bantus tans, working in factories and on farms or in many cases unemployed. The lives of these women are controlled by the laws and institutions of apartheid. But above all their lives are controlled by the fact of being women, African, and working class. This book talks for and about women in their struggles to make ends meet in the face of rising rents and the soaring cost of food. It tells of their fight for adequate housing or child-care facilities through work in township women's organizations, church groups, or unions. It depicts women fighting for a free and just society - free from racial oppres It is a lively-written, attractive book full sion, class exploitation, and sexual inequal of facts and information and illustrated ity. throughout with black and white photo read South African Women on the Move graphs. It not only provides fascinating is not just about women in South Africa. It is ing, but should also prove to be an essential by women in South Africa. It was written by tool and reference for people engaged in a women's collective made anti-apartheid organizing and solidarity work up of researchers, unionists, and rural field in Canada. workers. It is the product of three years of Also available: Perceptions of Apartheid: The interviews with women keen to tell the sto Churches and Political Change in South Af ries of their lives. rica, by Ernie Regehr, 309 pp, $8.95 pb.

ORDERING INFORMATION Bookstores andLibraries Please order directly from DEC Book Distribution, 229 College St., Toronto, Ont. M5T 1R4

Individuals Please prepay orders, making cheques or money-orders payable to DEC Book Distribution,and send to BET1EEN THE LINES, 229 College St., Toronto, M5TIR4 Phone (416) 597-0328

Please send me - copies of "SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN ON THE MOVE" at $12.95 each plus 10% for shipping and handling. My cheque or money-order for $ is enclosed.

Name

Address