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South Africa's Relations with Gabon and the Ivory Coast

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South Africa's Relations with Gabon and the Ivory Coast South Africa’s relations with Gabon and the Ivory Coast: 1969-1994 Emmanuel NDZENG NYANGONE Dissertation presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at the University of Stellenbosch Promoter: Professor Albert M. Grundlingh March 2008 Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this dissertation is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature:…………………………………… Date:………………………………. Copyright © 2007 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Abstract Security (war or peace), economy, technological progress, cultural development and issues of identity are some of the aspects that characterise the nature of relations between countries. Traditionally, the objectives of a country’s foreign policy concern security and welfare. But, the search for national prestige, for autonomy or for a change in the world’s power relationships or ideological re-orientation can all inform the foreign policies of many states.1 South Africa is no exception; during the stewardship of Prime Minister BJ Vorster, his objective was the launching of a policy of détente. As a consequence, South Africa was subjected to continuous external criticism. At the insistence of the discrimination apartheid policy, South Africa was excluded from a wide range of intergovernmental agencies and conferences, was isolated by the international community and became the object of an economic boycott by the vast majority of African states. It therefore was clear that the increasing hostility towards South Africa’s domestic policy would isolate the country further. The world’s reaction to South African’s domestic policy demonstrated that foreign opinion had an influence on domestic policy, and that it imposed constraints on the conduct of foreign policy. To extricate itself from this situation, South Africa initiated the policy of rapprochement called détente policy during Vorster’s time in office. Vorster had no illusions about the need for safety in South Africa, thus his main ideal as Prime Minister was to establish normal and friendly relations with African states. Vorster hoped to improve South African’s international position by improving relations with Black Africa through the policy of détente. It is with regard to this policy, undertaken during the period of the African continent’s rejection of South Africa’s race discrimination policies and this country’s exclusion from the community of African states, that the present study investigates and analyses South Africa’s relations with the Ivory Coast and Gabon from 1969 to 1994, viewed from South African and French source material. In other words, this study analyses the interaction 1 South African Yearbook of International Affairs, 2001/2002, p. 73. i that took place in the past with regard to the South African government’s relations with the governments of Gabon and the Ivory Coast, which directed human activities in the political, economic, military and cultural fields. This investigation and analysis were undertaken in order to understand why the Ivory Coast and Gabon became involved with South Africa when the African community and even the international community had called for the isolation of this country due to its apartheid policy, and how these relations would improve and be strengthened in the future. ii Opsomming Sekuriteit (oorlog of vrede), ekonomie, tegnologiese vooruitgang, kulturele ontwikkeling en identiteitskwessies is van die aspekte wat die aard van verhoudinge tussen lande kan beïnvloed. Tradisioneel het die oogmerke van ‘n land se buitelandse beleid sekuriteit en algemene welsyn in die oog gehad. Maar die soeke na nasionale prestige, outonomie of ‘n verandering in die wêreld se magsverhoudinge of ‘n ideologiese re-oriëntasie is alles faktore wat die buitelandse beleide van state kan raak. Suid- Afrika was geen uitsondering nie en onder die premierskap van BJ Vorster was die oogmerk ‘n beleid van détente. As gevolg van die diskriminerende apartheidsbeleid was Suid-Afrika die teiken van onder andere volgehoue eksterne kritiek. Op die aandrang van Afrikastate is Suid-Afrika van ‘n wye reeks inter-regeringsagentskappe uitgesluit, terwyl die land ook deur die internasionale gemeenskap ge-isoleer is en die oorgrote meerderheid Afrikastate ‘n ekonomiese boikot toegepas het. Dit was derhalwe duidelik dat die toenemende vyandigheid ten opsigte van die land se binnelandse beleid, die land verder sou isoleer. Die wêreld se reaksie op Suid-Afrika se binnelandse demonstreer dat buitelandse meinig wel ‘n uitwerking op binnelandse beleid gehad het en dat dit beperkinge op die buitelanse beleid geplaas het. Ten einde die situasie die hoof te probeer bied, het Suid-Afrika ‘n toenaderingsbeleid teenoor Afrika begin volg.Vorster het nie illusies oor die noodsaak gehad om veiligheid vir blanke Suid- Afrika te probeer bewerkstellig en een van sy ideale was om deur middle van détente normale betrekkinge met Afrikastate te handhaaf en daardeur ook Suid-Afrika se internasionale posisie te verstewig. Dié studie ontleed breedweg Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Gabon en die Ivoorkus tussen 1969 en 1994, ten tye van apartheid en die land se uitsluiting van die breër Afrikagemeenskap. Suid-Afrikaanse sowel as Franse bronnemateriaal word gebruik. Daar word gelet op die interaksie tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se verhoudinge met die regerings van Gabon en die Ivoorkus ten opsigte van politieke, ekonomiese, militêre en iii kulturele velde. Hierdie ondersoek is gedoen ten einde te probeer vasstel hoekom die Ivoorkus en Gabon betrokke geraak het by die Suid-Afrikaanse inisiatiewe ten tye van die res van Afrika en die internasionale gemeenskap se verwerping van apartheid, en die verdere verloop van die verhoudinge na apartheid. iv Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to the following trusted advisors, friends and mentors for their inspiration and support over the years, both in my life and for the completion of this thesis. Special thanks are due to: Professor Albert M Grundlingh, who acted as supervisor for this thesis and who, in the early part of my study at Stellenbosch University, so generously shared with me his vast knowledge, his enthusiasm for the subject and his constant encouragement. I sincerely thank him for his relevant and crucial contribution to the present study. Even though he had many other commitments, he made time available for this task and I hold in high esteem his significant and valuable input. Mrs Corinne Harmsen, Departmental Officer of the Department of History, who was always available to deal with any queries. She always received me with much kindness at her office and spared me some of her precious time to talk about my study. All archivists and librarians of the South African, French and Gabonese Departments of Foreign Affairs, the South African National Archives, the South African Department of Trade and Industry, the Stellenbosch University Library, and the University of Paris X – Nanterre. Les Bourses et Stages du Gabon, my sponsors, who acted on behalf of the Gabonese Government, for the financial assistance given to me. My father, Thomas Nyangone Ndzeng, who passed away on 27 September 1998, my mother, Helene Mengue Mbele, my sister, Marie Akoma, my brothers, Dieudonnée Nna and Jean Clement Mbiaga, whose did all in their power to provide me with every possible assistance to ensure my success. v Finally, my most heartfelt thanks to my wife, Doline Nyangone M, and my daughter, Emmanuelle Grace Etomo Ndzeng, who accepted the limits on the time I had to spend with them, for their love and encouragement. vi Contents Abstract i Opsomming iii Acknowledgements v List of Tables xi Abbreviations xii Maps of South Africa, the Ivory Coast and Gabon in Africa xiv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Aim and scope 4 1.3 Methodology and approach 6 1.4 Sources and literature 8 1.5 Scope 13 CHAPTER TWO: SOUTH AFRICA’S DETENTE POLICY 15 2.1 Introduction 15 2.2 The nature and characteristics of the détente policy 16 2.3 Motivations for the détente policy 22 2.4 Promotion of the détente policy 31 2.5 Difficulties of the détente policy 33 2.6 Conclusion 34 CHAPTER THREE: AMBIVALENCE WITHIN THE OAU 37 3.1 Introduction 37 3.2 Establishment of the OAU 39 3.2.1 The Addis Ababa Summit Conference 39 3.2.2 The OAU Charter 41 3.3 The OAU’s diplomatic offensive against South Africa 41 3.4 South Africa’s reaction 46 vii 3.5 The proposal of the Ivory Coast for dialogue with South Africa 48 3.6 The Ivory Coast’s proposal for dialogue causes division within the OAU 58 3.6.1 Meeting of the Council of Ministers (15-19 June 1971) 58 3.6.2 Assembly of Heads of States and Governments (21-23 June 1971) 64 3.7 Conclusion 73 CHAPTER FOUR: DIALOGUE POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH AFRICA BY THE IVORY COAST AND GABON 75 4.1 Introduction 75 4.2 The philosophy behind the policy of dialogue 76 4.3 Dialogue policy strategy 81 4.4 Dialogue policy activities 85 4.5 Consequences of the policy of dialogue 93 4.6 Conclusion 97 CHAPTER FIVE: THE ROLE OF FRANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA’S RELATIONS WITH THE IVORY COAST AND GABON 100 5.1 Introduction 100 5.2 France’s Africa policy 102 5.3 French-South African relations 111 5.4 Franco-South African dialogue initiatives with Francophone Africa 114 5.5 Conclusion 118 CHAPTER SIX: SOUTH AFRICA’S FOREIGN POLICY REGARDING GABON 123 6.1 Introduction 123 6.2 Military assistance 124 6.3 First mission for technical aid to Gabon (21-27 September 1969) 130 6.4 Economic
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