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The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System
The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System Chi Kong Chyong, Pierre Noël and David M. Reiner September 2010 CWPE 1051 & EPRG 1026 The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System EPRG Working Paper 1026 Cambridge Working Paper in Economics 1051 Chi Kong Chyong, Pierre Noёl and David M. Reiner Abstract We calculate the total cost of building Nord Stream and compare its levelised unit transportation cost with the existing options to transport Russian gas to western Europe. We find that the unit cost of shipping through Nord Stream is clearly lower than using the Ukrainian route and is only slightly above shipping through the Yamal-Europe pipeline. Using a large-scale gas simulation model we find a positive economic value for Nord Stream under various scenarios of demand for Russian gas in Europe. We disaggregate the value of Nord Stream into project economics (cost advantage), strategic value (impact on Ukraine’s transit fee) and security of supply value (insurance against disruption of the Ukrainian transit corridor). The economic fundamentals account for the bulk of Nord Stream’s positive value in all our scenarios. Keywords Nord Stream, Russia, Europe, Ukraine, Natural gas, Pipeline, Gazprom JEL Classification L95, H43, C63 Contact [email protected] Publication September 2010 EPRG WORKING PAPER Financial Support ESRC TSEC 3 www.eprg.group.cam.ac.uk The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System1 Chi Kong Chyong* Electricity Policy Research Group (EPRG), Judge Business School, University of Cambridge (PhD Candidate) Pierre Noёl EPRG, Judge Business School, University of Cambridge David M. Reiner EPRG, Judge Business School, University of Cambridge 1. -
The Media As a Mirror of Putin's Evolving Strategy in Ukraine
Tomila Lankina and Kohei Watanabe ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Lankina, Tomila V. and Watanabe, Kohei (2017) ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine. Europe-Asia Studies. pp. 1526- 1556. ISSN 0966-8136 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2017.1397603 © 2017 University of Glasgow This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68226/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 Tomila Lankina* and Kohei Watanabe** ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring Betrayal’? The Media as a Mirror of Putin’s Evolving Strategy in Ukraine Abstract We develop a novel Russian-language electronic content analysis dictionary and method to analyse Russian state media’s framing of the Euromaidan protests. -
Security Aspects of the South Stream Project
BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT FOREIGN AFFAIRS October 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is published in the following language: English Author: Zeyno Baran, Director Center for Eurasian Policy (CEP), Hudson Institute www.hudson.org The author is grateful for the support of CEP Research Associates Onur Sazak and Emmet C. Tuohy as well as former CEP Research Assistant Rob A. Smith. Responsible Official: Levente Császi Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department BD4 06 M 55 rue Wiertz B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Publisher European Parliament Manuscript completed on 23 October 2008. The briefing paper is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. © European Communities, 2008. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. EXPO/B/AFET/2008/30 October 2008 PE 388.962 EN CONTENTS SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT ................................ ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................iii 1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 2. THE RUSSIAN CHALLENGE................................................................................... 2 2.1. -
Brussels Admits EU Law Does Not Apply to Nord Stream 2 the European Commission Has Admitted There Is No Legal Ground to Apply Matter Before the End of the Year
Energy Reproduced with permission by Energy Intelligence for Oxford Institute of Energy Studies Intelligence Issue Vol.17, No. 186, Thursday, September 21, 2017 Vol. 17, No. 186 Thursday, September 21, 2017 Special Reprint from International Oil Daily for Oxford Institute of Energy Studies . Copyright © 2017 Energy Intelligence Group. Unauthorized copying, reproduc- ing or disseminating in any manner, in whole or in part, including through intranet or internet posting, or electronic forwarding even for internal use, is prohibited. Brussels Admits EU Law Does Not Apply to Nord Stream 2 The European Commission has admitted there is no legal ground to apply matter before the end of the year. EU energy laws to Gazprom’s Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project despite its Observers believe Brussels’ mandate is plagued with problems, starting long-drawn opposition to the plan. with the fact that it would not ensure that Moscow must negotiate. PrintIn a Sep. 12 letter sent to a member of the European Parliament by the "If the commission does secure the mandate, it would acquire certain le- commission and leaked to the press, the commission’s legal service said gitimacy to negotiate, and it would be difficult for Russia to refuse entering that the application of the EU’s Third Energy Package regulations to off- negotiations; nonetheless Russia could still refuse to negotiate,” according shore import pipelines such as Nord Stream 2 "would raise specific legal to Katja Yafimava, senior research fellow at the Oxford Institute for Energy and practical questions, arising ... from the fact that Union rules cannot be Studies. Even if Russia does agree to negotiate, Yafimava doubts whether made unilaterally binding on the national authorities of third countries.” Moscow will accept the application of EU energy law to the project. -
The Environmental Impacts of the P Nord Stream Gas Pipeline in The
The Environmental Impacts of the Nord Stream Gas Pipeline in the Baltic Sea Juha-Markku Leppänen SYKE Marine Research Centre Content Nord Stream is a natural gas pipeline through the Baltic Sea linking Russian gas fields to the central Europe . The Nord Stream ggpppjas pipeline project . Environmental concerns . Environmental Impact Assessments . Permitting process . CoConstructionnstruction . First results of the environmental monitoring The Nord Stream gas pipeline project . Most extensive single construction in the Baltic Sea . Total length of 1124 km . 2 parallel pipelines . 55 billion m3 gas per year . Total investment of 7, 4 billion € Construction Monitor . First pipeline completed . Second pipeline to be ready in 2012 Main environmental concerns before the construction . Physical damage to the seabed • Increase in water turbidity • Release of nutrients and hazardous substances • Impacts on bottom currents . Dumped munitions and barrels • leakage, poisoning . MitiMunitions cl earance • sediment disturbance • fish,,, seals, birds... Ship wrecks and other cultural heritage . Scientific heritage . Nature reserves . Fisheries, maritime transport, safety Permitting process before commencement of the construction . The pi peli ne passes th e t errit ori al wat ers or EEZ of Russia, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Germany . Espoo Convention: Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context requires • Contracting Parties to notify and consult each other on all major projects that might have adverse environmental impact across borders • Individual Parties to integrate environmental assessment into the plans and programmes at the earliest stages • RiRussia no tCttiPttEt a Contracting Party to Espoo Concen tion Permitting process before commencement of the construction . TbdTransboundary const ttidtbdruction and transboundary impacts require both national and international permitting processes . -
Nord Stream 2: Background, Objections, and Possible Outcomes Steven Pifer
NORD STREAM 2: BACKGROUND, OBJECTIONS, AND POSSIBLE OUTCOMES STEVEN PIFER APRIL 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Nord Stream 2 is an almost-finished natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany. The Biden administration opposes it and has come under congressional pressure to invoke sanctions to prevent its completion, in large part because the pipeline seems a geopolitical project targeted at Ukraine. The German government, however, regards the pipeline as a “commercial project” and appears committed to its completion, perhaps in the next few months. U.S. sanctions applied on Russian entities to date have failed to stop Nord Stream 2, raising the question of whether the U.S. government would sanction German and other European companies for servicing or certifying the pipeline. Such sanctions would provoke controversy with Germany at a time when both Berlin and the Biden administration seek to rebuild good relations. The two sides have work to do if they wish to avoid Nord Stream 2 becoming a major point of U.S.-German contention. THE PIPELINE The European Union currently imports about 40% of its natural gas from Russia, or about one-third Nord Stream 2 is actually a pair of natural gas of its total gas consumption.4 Gazprom began pipelines that, if/when completed, will run some discussions with European companies on a direct 1,200 kilometers along the bottom of the Baltic Russia-Germany gas pipeline in 2001. At that time, 1 Sea from Ust-Luga, Russia to Greifswald, Germany. it shipped gas to western Europe via pipelines that The two pipelines, collectively referred to as Nord mainly transited Ukraine, and also Belarus and Stream 2, are projected to have the capacity to Poland (the Yamal system). -
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin?
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin? Nona Mikhelidze No. 12. April 2021 This publication has been funded by the European Union under the Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886. ABSTRACT April 2021 . 12 Seven years after the annexation of Crimea and amid an ongoing war in Ukraine, Russia has tried to move towards military escalation in the Donbass region making clear that the status quo emerged in 2014 as a “new normal” cannot last. The Minsk II Agreement negotiated between Ukraine, Russia, France and Germany in the framework of the Normandy Format in February 2015 remains unimplemented despite numerous rounds of mediation. Western economic sanctions against Moscow succeeded in limiting the Kremlin’s military EU-LISTCO Policy Paper Series. Paper EU-LISTCO Policy advance beyond Donbass and deterred it from making further territorial gains. However, these measures failed to impact on Russian decision-making regarding resolution of the conflict. Influencing Russia’s foreign policy is not an easy task, as the country’s conduct of international relations is shaped by domestic factors and the authoritarian nature of its governance. Still, the West needs a strategy in response to the international and domestic wrongdoings already committed by the Kremlin and as a preventative measure to deter Moscow’s future aggression. In order to face the Russian challenge, the West should first design clear rules for its own foreign-policy behaviour based on the primacy of human rights and democracy and then define how to defend universal values abroad, including in Russia. -
Nord Stream 2 – Germany's Dilemma
NO. 32 APRIL 2021 Introduction Nord Stream 2 – Germany’s Dilemma Kirsten Westphal The Nord Stream 2 project presents the German government with the dilemma of choosing between energy and foreign policy interests. Geopolitical arguments often prevail in the political discourse. Yet, a weighing of priorities requires a look at the energy policy context, too. When it comes to balancing interests, there are no easy or “cheap” answers. With a focus on the energy context, it has to be emphasized that a cooperative approach toward energy transformation promises the greatest dividend for a balance of interests, but it presupposes a minimum consensus within the Euro- pean Union (EU), along with the United States (US), Ukraine, and Russia. By mid-April 2021, there were still nearly the German government to take a political 130 km missing from the Nord Stream 2 stance. pipeline (100 km in Denmark and 30 km in Germany), which stretches from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea and is built Foreign Policy Changes in two strings of 1,230 km each. US sanc- tions had halted construction work for more Nord Stream 2 was launched by Gazprom than a year starting in December 2019. and five European companies in 2015, one As a result of the sanctions, the continued year after the annexation of Crimea. In its construction, insurance, and certification dealings with the project, the German gov- of the pipeline is now a Russian matter. ernment took a fallback position early on, The package of US sanctions (Countering relying on existing German law and an eco- America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions nomic-technical position, and therefore it Act [CAATSA], the Protecting Europe’s classified the expansion of Nord Stream as a Energy Security Act [PEESA], and the Protect- commercial project. -
Nord Stream 2 and Turkstream – Update on New Us Sanctions
IG CIRCULAR – NORD STREAM 2 AND TURKSTREAM – UPDATE ON NEW U.S. SANCTIONS Nord Stream is a system of offshore natural gas pipelines from Russia to Germany. It includes two lines running from Vyborg to Greifswald forming the original Nord Stream (NS1), and two lines running from Ust-Luga to Greifswald termed Nord Stream 2 (NS2). NS1 is owned and operated by Nord Stream AG, whose majority shareholder is the Russian state company Gazprom, and NS2 is owned and will be operated by Nord Stream 2 AG, a wholly owned subsidiary of Gazprom. NS1 was completed on 8 October 2012. Work to lay NS2 took place between 2018–2019 but has been disrupted by US sanctions. Prior to the imposition of U.S. sanctions, it had been expected to become operational in mid-2020. TurkStream is a natural gas pipeline running from Russia to Turkey. It starts from Russkaya compressor station near Anapa in Russia crossing the Black Sea to the receiving terminal at Kıyıköy. Construction on TurkStream started in May 2017 and gas deliveries to Bulgaria via the pipeline began on 1 January 2020. This Circular concerns efforts by the United States to enhance the sanction provisions targeting the construction of the NS2 and TurkStream pipeline projects and those who provide vessels and services in connection with either project. The recent efforts are mainly focused on two pieces of legislation – the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) and the Protecting Europe’s Energy Security Act (PEESA). While the wording in the CAATSA and PEESA sanction authorizations is different, both Acts have the potential to reach the activities of non-U.S. -
The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations
September 2017 FEUTURE Online Paper No. 5 The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU-Turkey Relations Nona Mikhelidze, IAI Nicolò Sartori, IAI Oktay F. Tanrisever, METU Theodoros Tsakiris, ELIAMEP Online Paper No. 5 “The Moscow-Ankara Energy Axis and the Future of EU -Turkey Relations ” ABSTRACT The Turkey-Russia-EU energy triangle is a relationship of interdependence and strategic compromise. However, Russian support for secessionism and erosion of state autonomy in the Caucasus and Eurasia has proven difficult to reconcile for western European states despite their energy dependence. Yet, Turkey has enjoyed an enhanced bilateral relationship with Russia, augmenting its position and relevance in a strategic energy relationship with the EU. The relationship between Ankara and Moscow is principally based on energy security and domestic business interests, and has largely remained stable in times of regional turmoil. This paper analyses the dynamics of Ankara-Moscow cooperation in order to understand which of the three scenarios in EU –Turkey relations – conflict, cooperation or convergence – could be expected to develop bearing in mind that the partnership between Turkey and Russia has become unpredictable. The intimacy of Turkish-Russia energy relations and EU-Russian regional antagonism makes transactional cooperation on energy demand the most likely of future scenarios. A scenario in which both Brussels and Ankara will try to coordinate their relations with Russia through a positive agenda, in order to exploit the interdependence emerging within the “triangle”. ÖZET Türkiye Rusya ve AB arasındaki enerji üçgeni bir karşılıklı bağımlılık ve stratejik uzlaşma ilişkisidir. Ancak, her ne kadar Rusya’ya enerji bağımlılıkları olsa da, Batı Avrupalı devletler için Rusya’nın Kafkasya ve Avrasyadaki ayrılıkçılığa ve devlet özerkliğinin erozyonuna verdiği desteğin kabullenilmesinin zor olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. -
Terrestrial Ecology
Chapter 11: Terrestrial Ecology URS-EIA-REP-204635 Table of Contents 11 Terrestrial Ecology ................................................................................... 11-1 11.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 11-1 11.2 Scoping ............................................................................................................ 11-1 11.2.1 ENVIID ................................................................................................ 11-2 11.2.2 Stakeholder Engagement ...................................................................... 11-2 11.2.3 Analysis of Alternatives ......................................................................... 11-4 11.3 Spatial and Temporal Boundaries ........................................................................ 11-4 11.3.1 Spatial Boundaries ................................................................................ 11-4 11.3.2 Temporal Boundaries .......................................................................... 11-11 11.4 Baseline Data .................................................................................................. 11-11 11.4.1 Introduction ....................................................................................... 11-11 11.4.2 Secondary Data .................................................................................. 11-11 11.4.3 Data Gaps .......................................................................................... 11-14 -
System Development Map 2019 / 2020 Presents Existing Infrastructure & Capacity from the Perspective of the Year 2020
7125/1-1 7124/3-1 SNØHVIT ASKELADD ALBATROSS 7122/6-1 7125/4-1 ALBATROSS S ASKELADD W GOLIAT 7128/4-1 Novaya Import & Transmission Capacity Zemlya 17 December 2020 (GWh/d) ALKE JAN MAYEN (Values submitted by TSO from Transparency Platform-the lowest value between the values submitted by cross border TSOs) Key DEg market area GASPOOL Den market area Net Connect Germany Barents Sea Import Capacities Cross-Border Capacities Hammerfest AZ DZ LNG LY NO RU TR AT BE BG CH CZ DEg DEn DK EE ES FI FR GR HR HU IE IT LT LU LV MD MK NL PL PT RO RS RU SE SI SK SM TR UA UK AT 0 AT 350 194 1.570 2.114 AT KILDIN N BE 477 488 965 BE 131 189 270 1.437 652 2.679 BE BG 577 577 BG 65 806 21 892 BG CH 0 CH 349 258 444 1.051 CH Pechora Sea CZ 0 CZ 2.306 400 2.706 CZ MURMAN DEg 511 2.973 3.484 DEg 129 335 34 330 932 1.760 DEg DEn 729 729 DEn 390 268 164 896 593 4 1.116 3.431 DEn MURMANSK DK 0 DK 101 23 124 DK GULYAYEV N PESCHANO-OZER EE 27 27 EE 10 168 10 EE PIRAZLOM Kolguyev POMOR ES 732 1.911 2.642 ES 165 80 245 ES Island Murmansk FI 220 220 FI 40 - FI FR 809 590 1.399 FR 850 100 609 224 1.783 FR GR 350 205 49 604 GR 118 118 GR BELUZEY HR 77 77 HR 77 54 131 HR Pomoriy SYSTEM DEVELOPMENT MAP HU 517 517 HU 153 49 50 129 517 381 HU Strait IE 0 IE 385 385 IE Kanin Peninsula IT 1.138 601 420 2.159 IT 1.150 640 291 22 2.103 IT TO TO LT 122 325 447 LT 65 65 LT 2019 / 2020 LU 0 LU 49 24 73 LU Kola Peninsula LV 63 63 LV 68 68 LV MD 0 MD 16 16 MD AASTA HANSTEEN Kandalaksha Avenue de Cortenbergh 100 Avenue de Cortenbergh 100 MK 0 MK 20 20 MK 1000 Brussels - BELGIUM 1000 Brussels - BELGIUM NL 418 963 1.381 NL 393 348 245 168 1.154 NL T +32 2 894 51 00 T +32 2 209 05 00 PL 158 1.336 1.494 PL 28 234 262 PL Twitter @ENTSOG Twitter @GIEBrussels PT 200 200 PT 144 144 PT [email protected] [email protected] RO 1.114 RO 148 77 RO www.entsog.eu www.gie.eu 1.114 225 RS 0 RS 174 142 316 RS The System Development Map 2019 / 2020 presents existing infrastructure & capacity from the perspective of the year 2020.