The Imprisonment of Alexei Navalny

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Imprisonment of Alexei Navalny BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP 9137, 16 March 2021 The imprisonment of By Ben Smith Alexei Navalny Contents: 1. Alexei Navalny 2. Background of discontent 3. Reaction 4. Sanctions 5. The “Magnitsky” legal frameworks 6. Further reading www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The imprisonment of Alexei Navalny Contents Summary 3 1. Alexei Navalny 4 Crackdown halts protests 4 2. Background of discontent 5 Dangerous moment 5 3. Reaction 6 UK 6 EU 6 Council of Europe 7 G7 7 4. Sanctions 8 Sanctions 15 October 8 US and EU co-ordinated announcement, 2 March 8 4.1 Co-ordination? 9 5. The “Magnitsky” legal frameworks 10 6. Further reading 11 Cover page image copyright Click & browse to copyright info for stock image 3 Commons Library Briefing, 16 March 2021 Summary Russian Opposition Leader Alexei Navalny returned to Russia in January 2021, after recovering in Germany from Novichok poisoning. He was immediately arrested and imprisoned over a conviction that the European Court of Human Rights had previously declared violated his human rights. That brought thousands of Russians onto the streets, in some of the biggest demonstrations against the Government. At least a thousand were arrested. The demonstrations were widely ascribed to growing discontent with the Government over corruption and declining living standards,. The events have propelled Navalny to a new level of prominence and shown the Government increasingly resorting to repression. EU criticisms of Navalny’s treatment caused relations between the EU and Russia to nosedive, with the Kremlin announcing the expulsion of European diplomats, a move seen as a calculated humiliation. The EU remains divided, however, over how to respond. Some countries would like to see the Nord Stream 2 pipeline between Russia and Germany cancelled, but Germany argues against mixing business and politics. The Council of Europe, the body that oversees human rights in Europe and of which Russia is a member, has also condemned Russia’s treatment of Navalny. The UK has used the fact that it is chairing the G7 and the UN Security Council to encourage a strong international response. Short of cancelling the Nord Stream 2 or imposing other large-scale economic sanctions, sanctions targeted against individuals for corruption and human rights abuses are the most likely international reaction. The US, the UK and the EU all have legal frameworks specially designed for this kind of sanction – often known as Magnitsky sanctions, after the Russian auditor who died in a Russian jail after uncovering massive fraud. Sanctions over Navalny will be an early test of transatlantic and cross-Channel collaboration after the US presidential transition and Brexit. 1. Alexei Navalny Anti-corruption campaigner Alexei Navalny has long been a leading figure opposing the present Russian Government. In August 2020 he was poisoned with a nerve agent from the Novichok group and was urgently transferred to a hospital in Berlin, where he recovered. On 17 January 2021 he returned to Russia and was immediately arrested. A few days later he released a video describing what he said was President Putin’s “palace” on the Black Sea coast, and it soon clocked up 100 million views. President Putin denied that either he or his family owned any such property, while critics said that the residence had been built for Putin by billionaire businessmen who support him. More than a quarter of Russians watched the video. A Moscow court sentenced him on 2 February to two years and eight months’ imprisonment. That brought thousands onto the streets in more than 100 cities to call for his release. In Moscow some 40,000 came out. More than 2.500 people were arrested on the day of his sentencing. Crackdown halts protests An independent monitor estimated that some 10,000 people had been arrested over the two main weekends of protest in January, and more than 1,000 were sentenced to jail terms in Moscow and St Petersburg alone. The response from the security agencies seemed to be having the desired effect. On 14 February Navalny’s chief of staff called off the street protests, asking people to make light displays instead. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 5 Commons Library Briefing, 16 March 2021 2. Background of discontent The Russian economy has managed only slow growth in the last few years, recovering slowly after shrinking in 2016. Forecasts suggest a contraction of 4 per cent in 2020, leaving average real incomes falling by 11 per cent since 2013; increasing numbers of Russians live in poverty. In spite of the economic damage inflicted by the Covid pandemic, the Government scrapped a big investment plan in 2020, in order to protect its national wealth fund. From being largely happy with the country’s direction in early 2018, Russians became far more dissatisfied following the announcement in June of that year of a sharp increase in the pension age. That did not stop about 78 per cent of the electorate voting Yes in the referendum held at the end of June 2020 on reforms allowing Vladimir Putin to serve another two terms as President after the 2024 election (if he stands). President Putin’s approval ratings fell to 60 per cent in summer 2020. That might seem like solid support, but it was the lowest approval since 2014, before the annexation of Crimea. Worse, his approval among voters aged 18-24 fell to 20 per cent; about 36 per cent of this age group had voted for Putin in 2019. Meanwhile, Alexei Navalny’s approval increased from 9 per cent to 20 per cent after he’d been poisoned. The poisoning, the daring return to Russia, the Putin’s palace video and the prison sentence have raised Navalny’s profile as leader of the Russian opposition. One observer put it like this: “Navalny is the most revolutionary figure Russia has seen since independence in 1991”. Dangerous moment The Russian Government’s policy towards Navalny used to be to ignore him. The assassination attempt having failed, his presence in a Moscow jail presents a risk to the Kremlin as he may be considered a martyr. The fall? in living standards is coming at a time when the popularity boost from foreign policy exploits like Crimea may be fading. A parliamentary election is due for September 2021. Analysts say Navalny may remain in prison until the next presidential election, scheduled for 2024, as there is another case against him pending. One Moscow-based observer argues that the present moment is a watershed for the Putin Kremlin, whose enforcers can keep on arresting protesters and imprisoning critics and no longer care about presenting a positive vision for the country. She goes on: “The drama surrounding Navalny’s poisoning was the fuse, but the fire it lit is being fed by the public’s fatigue and frustration with the Putin regime and its inability to change”.1 1 Tatiana Stanovaya, ‘Vladimir Putin’s Russia is destabilising itself from within’, Financial Times, 7 February 2020 6 The imprisonment of Alexei Navalny 3. Reaction UK On 27 January 2020 Foreign Office minister Wendy Morton called for Navalny’s immediate and unconditional release. Upon the news that Navalny had been sentenced, Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said on 2 February: Today’s perverse ruling, targeting the victim of a poisoning rather than those responsible, shows Russia is failing to meet the most basic commitments expected of any responsible member of the international community. The UK is chairing the UN Security Council at present and on 2 February tried to call an informal meeting of the Security Council. It did not go ahead, reportedly over fears of “causing tension with Russia”. EU On 5 February, while the EU’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell was meeting Kremlin representatives in Moscow, Russia expelled diplomats from Germany, Sweden and Poland for the alleged offence of attending anti-Putin demonstrations. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said: “The European Union is an unreliable partner. Further degradation of ties is fraught with negative and very, very unpredictable consequences.” There were calls for Borrell’s resignation over what some saw as an unwise trip leading to a “brutal, calculated public humiliation” on the part of the Kremlin. The Navalny row will “freeze already icy relations even harder” according to many observers. Germany, Poland and Sweden each expelled a Russian diplomat in retaliation. Baltic states, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, and Poland have called for Magnitsky- style sanctions against Russian officials involved in the imprisonment of Navalny. EU divisions But the EU is divided over Russia. In February Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Czech Republic and Romania called for travel bans and asset freezes on more Russian individuals. Critics have also said that the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, which is being built between Russia and Germany, should be halted over the Navalny case. The new US Administration may increasingly support a tougher line against the project. A bill passed during the Trump Administration had already imposed sanctions in connection with the pipeline and the Biden Administration has described the Nord Stream 2 as “a bad deal for Europe”. The German economy minister, however, said in February that Nord Stream 2 should be kept separate from politics, and joined France and Austria in defending doing business with Russia in spite of human rights violations. President Macron, particularly, has tried to engage the Russian leadership in dialogue, although the results have been “thin – non- existent really” according to a French Russia expert. A German commentator at the Brookings Institution argues that the EU should take a stronger line, including using the EU’s new Magnitsky sanctions legal framework: European governments should target the assets and estates that Putin’s henchmen and oligarch enablers have amassed in Europe.
Recommended publications
  • After WTO Membership: Promoting Human Rights in Russia with the Magnitsky Act Ariel Cohen, Phd, and Bryan Riley
    BACKGROUNDER No. 2687 | MAY 14, 2012 After WTO Membership: Promoting Human Rights in Russia with the Magnitsky Act Ariel Cohen, PhD, and Bryan Riley Abstract n a few months, Russia will become Russia’s accession to the World Ia member of the World Trade Talking Points Trade Organization (WTO) will put Organization (WTO). U.S. businesses U.S. companies at a disadvantage will not be able to benefit from the ■■ Because of Russia’s imminent with their global competitors unless concessions Russia made to join the accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), U.S. com- Congress first exempts Russia from WTO unless Congress first repeals panies could be placed at a severe the application of the Jackson–Vanik the Jackson–Vanik Amendment, a disadvantage in Russia due to the Amendment, a tool from the 1970s powerful tool that the U.S. success- continued application of the Jack- designed to promote human rights fully used to promote human rights son–Vanik Amendment. that no longer advances that goal. in Soviet Russia and other countries ■■ The U.S. should grant Russia per- Russia admittedly suffers from weak which restricted emigration dur- manent normal trade relations rule of law and pervasive corruption, ing the Cold War. Failure to repeal status, but only after updating its but Congress should pass new human Jackson–Vanik could place U.S. tools for protecting human rights rights legislation rather than try to companies at a disadvantage while in Russia by replacing the Jack- uphold Jackson–Vanik beyond its companies in other WTO members son–Vanik Amendment with the utility.
    [Show full text]
  • Russo-EU Relations: Impact of the Navalny Factor
    www.rsis.edu.sg No. 049 – 19 March 2021 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. Russo-EU Relations: Impact of the Navalny Factor By Christopher Cheang SYNOPSIS The EU announced on 2 March 2021 new sanctions against Russia over the imprisonment of Alexei Navalny, the opposition figure. This development only confirms the already tense Russo-EU relationship but will not lead to a point of no return. COMMENTARY EUROPEAN SANCTIONS which covered travel bans and asset freezes of four top Russian officials in response to the jailing of the opposition figure Alexei Navalny did not come as a surprise. The officials are Viktor Zolotov, head of Russia’s National Guard; Igor Krasnov, the prosecutor general; Alexander Kalashnikov, the Federal Penitentiary Service chief; and Alexander Bastrykin, who heads the Investigative Committee. Zolotov and Bastrykin are seen as close to President Vladimir Putin. Russia has pledged to respond to the sanctions but can be expected to calibrate its moves. Its focus in the future will be on maintaining strong links with individual European Union (EU) countries, principally Germany. EU’s importance to Russia In an interview in mid-February, Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov stressed that Russia was prepared to sever its links with the EU, should the grouping impose sanctions in the wake of Navalny’s imprisonment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Media As a Mirror of Putin's Evolving Strategy in Ukraine
    Tomila Lankina and Kohei Watanabe ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Lankina, Tomila V. and Watanabe, Kohei (2017) ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine. Europe-Asia Studies. pp. 1526- 1556. ISSN 0966-8136 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2017.1397603 © 2017 University of Glasgow This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68226/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 Tomila Lankina* and Kohei Watanabe** ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring Betrayal’? The Media as a Mirror of Putin’s Evolving Strategy in Ukraine Abstract We develop a novel Russian-language electronic content analysis dictionary and method to analyse Russian state media’s framing of the Euromaidan protests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Siloviki in Russian Politics
    The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role.
    [Show full text]
  • Nord Stream 2
    Updated August 24, 2021 Russia’s Nord Stream 2 Natural Gas Pipeline to Germany Nord Stream 2, a natural gas pipeline nearing completion, is which accounted for about 48% of EU natural gas imports expected to increase the volume of Russia’s natural gas in 2020. Russian gas exports to the EU were up 18% year- export capacity directly to Germany, bypassing Ukraine, on-year in the first quarter of 2021. Factors behind reliance Poland, and other transit states (Figure 1). Successive U.S. on Russian supply include diminishing European gas Administrations and Congresses have opposed Nord Stream supplies, commitments to reduce coal use, Russian 2, reflecting concerns about European dependence on investments in European infrastructure, Russian export Russian energy and the threat of increased Russian prices, and the perception of many Europeans that Russia aggression in Ukraine. The German government is a key remains a reliable supplier. proponent of the pipeline, which it says will be a reliable Figure 1. Nord Stream Gas Pipeline System source of natural gas as Germany is ending nuclear energy production and reducing coal use. Despite the Biden Administration’s stated opposition to Nord Stream 2, the Administration appears to have shifted its focus away from working to prevent the pipeline’s completion to mitigating the potential negative impacts of an operational pipeline. Some critics of this approach, including some Members of Congress and the Ukrainian and Polish governments, sharply criticized a U.S.-German joint statement on energy security, issued on July 21, 2021, which they perceived as indirectly affirming the pipeline’s completion.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Federation State Actors of Protection
    European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Free phone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9494-372-9 doi: 10.2847/502403 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9494-373-6 doi: 10.2847/265043 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C © European Asylum Support Office 2017 Cover photo credit: JessAerons – Istockphoto.com Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained herein. EASO Country of Origin Report: Russian Federation – State Actors of Protection — 3 Acknowledgments EASO would like to acknowledge the following national COI units and asylum and migration departments as the co-authors of this report: Belgium, Cedoca (Center for Documentation and Research), Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons Poland, Country of Origin Information Unit, Department for Refugee Procedures, Office for Foreigners Sweden, Lifos, Centre for Country of Origin Information and Analysis, Swedish Migration Agency Norway, Landinfo, Country of
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Reaction to the Magnitsky Act and Relations with the West
    RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 120, 23 November 2012 2 Analysis Russia’s Reaction to the Magnitsky Act and Relations With the West Ben Aris, Moscow Abstract The reaction of the US and EU to the death of Sergei Magnitsky by issuing travel bans to 60 Russian offi- cials, and the Magnitsky Act in the US, has become an issue of contention in Russian–Western relations. The Kremlin views the Magnitsky Act as a politically-motivated attempt to interfere in Russian domestic affairs. At the same time, in spite of some mild reforms during the Medvedev Presidency, the Magnitsky case has not had a big impact on either Russian domestic governance or political debate. he death of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky on Sep- documentaries on YouTube on the “Russian Untouch- Ttember 16, 2009 in a Moscow pre-trial detention ables” and “Hermitage TV” channels). centre was a tragedy and his human rights were almost In November 2008 Magnitsky was arrested on certainly violated. Magnitsky was a Russian national related tax evasion charges, which Browder claims were and a lawyer with the American firm Firestone Dun- instigated as a retaliatory measure by the same officers can. He was representing the UK registered and highly that were involved in the tax rebate scheme. While in successful fund Hermitage Capital, which had fallen prison he fell ill. It later emerged that Magnitsky had foul of the Kremlin. His death became a lightning rod complained of worsening stomach pain for five days prior for tensions between Moscow and Washington and led to his death. Browder and his associates have also found to the passage of the “Justice for Sergei Magnitsky Act” convincing evidence that Magnitsky was beaten while in into the US Congress in 2011, which has driven a wedge jail and died after medical aid, to which he was entitled, between Russia and US foreign relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Migration Processes and Challenges in Contemporary Russia St
    MIGRATION PROCESSES AND CHALLENGES IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA ST. PETERSBURG CASE STUDY Marya S. Rozanova WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television. For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO Board of Trustees Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chairman of the Board Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chairman Public Board Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hundred Russian Whistleblowers the Subject Referring to Protection Of
    Report of the International Human Rights Group Agora The hundred Russian whistleblowers The subject referring to protection of individuals who reveal information about violations to the public gets more and more topical not only in Russia, where the whistleblowers are regularly subjected to retaliation, including murders, violence, prosecution and imposing of disciplinary measures, but also in the rest of the world. The questions relevant to protection of whistleblowers have become subject to discussions in the UN, OSCE, Council of Europe, OECD, the bodies of the European Union and the G20. Up to date the national legislations of more than 60 countries envisage various measures aimed at guaranteeing of security and protection from retaliation of individuals who objectively act in favor of society by revealing of inaccessible information. The review of the subject relevant to protection of whistleblowers shall include the existing materials in the field. Mainly the Project on basic principles of laws on reporting of facts about corruption and illegal activities1 realized by Transparency International and the report of experts of this organization published in 2012 on ‘Corruption Reporting and Whistleblower Protection’2 describing in details the existing international and foreign approaches that may be used at elaboration of mechanisms for protection of individuals who report violations of greater size. The assurance of access to information is one of the problems closely related to the protection of whistleblowers. According to a report of Team 29 ‘The right to know’ the practice in Russia when it comes to assurance of access to information is not always in conformity to the international requirements and often contradicts to these requirements3.
    [Show full text]
  • Brott Och Straff I Ryssland: Fallet Magnitskij AV WILLIAM BROWDER INLEDNING AV MATS JOHANSSON
    BRIEFING NR: 2 ISBN 91-7566-878-9 · Februari 2012 BRIEFING: Brott och straff i Ryssland: Fallet Magnitskij AV WILLIAM BROWDER INLEDNING AV MATS JOHANSSON INLEDNING: korruption, bland annat inom den presidentvalet den 4 mars. Vilket Sergej Magnitskij var en av Ryss- statliga energijätten Gazprom. 2006 väcker frågan om på vilka villkor lands ledande affärsjurister fram till sin svartlistades Browder av den ryska re- utländska företag kan göra affärer i död 2009, 37 år gammal. Då mörda- geringen, klassad som ett hot mot den Ryssland. Det avslöjar hur brott och des han under en sjukhusvistelse på nationella säkerheten, och utvisades. straff hanteras i en rövarstat som allt grund av sitt försvar för lag och rätt Nu står han medåtalad i processen tydligare visar sitt förakt för spelregler i processen mot funktionärer som mot den döde Magnitskij. i mellanstatliga och internationella stulit företag tillhöriga det utländska Bifogad dokumentation utgör under- relationer. investmentbolaget Hermitage. Ingen laget för den hearing som hölls i den Utomlands har fallet väckt starka uppsatt ansvarig har ännu straffats. amerikanska senatens utrikesutskotts reaktioner och ingår numera i under- Tvärtom har den ryska staten nyligen underkommitté för Europa den 14 visningen vid Harvard. Det är dags att vidtagit den ovanliga åtgärden att åtala december 2011 under rubriken ”The även Sverige reagerar och agerar. Så Magnitskij efter hans död. State of Human Rights and The Rule skedde nyligen när den svenska reger- Den ryska mörkläggningen ska inte of Law in Russia”. ingen tillsammans med den brittiska ske i tysthet. Fallet behandlas nu i den Innehållet tecknar bilden av en stat tog upp fallet i Europarådets minis- amerikanska senaten på initiativ av som saknar grundläggande skydd för terkommitté med krav på en effektiv den demokratiske senatorn Ben Car- individen.
    [Show full text]
  • Nord Stream 2: Background, Objections, and Possible Outcomes Steven Pifer
    NORD STREAM 2: BACKGROUND, OBJECTIONS, AND POSSIBLE OUTCOMES STEVEN PIFER APRIL 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Nord Stream 2 is an almost-finished natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany. The Biden administration opposes it and has come under congressional pressure to invoke sanctions to prevent its completion, in large part because the pipeline seems a geopolitical project targeted at Ukraine. The German government, however, regards the pipeline as a “commercial project” and appears committed to its completion, perhaps in the next few months. U.S. sanctions applied on Russian entities to date have failed to stop Nord Stream 2, raising the question of whether the U.S. government would sanction German and other European companies for servicing or certifying the pipeline. Such sanctions would provoke controversy with Germany at a time when both Berlin and the Biden administration seek to rebuild good relations. The two sides have work to do if they wish to avoid Nord Stream 2 becoming a major point of U.S.-German contention. THE PIPELINE The European Union currently imports about 40% of its natural gas from Russia, or about one-third Nord Stream 2 is actually a pair of natural gas of its total gas consumption.4 Gazprom began pipelines that, if/when completed, will run some discussions with European companies on a direct 1,200 kilometers along the bottom of the Baltic Russia-Germany gas pipeline in 2001. At that time, 1 Sea from Ust-Luga, Russia to Greifswald, Germany. it shipped gas to western Europe via pipelines that The two pipelines, collectively referred to as Nord mainly transited Ukraine, and also Belarus and Stream 2, are projected to have the capacity to Poland (the Yamal system).
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
    September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov
    [Show full text]