Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women's Path to Parliament

Britton, Hannah E.

Africa Today, Volume 49, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 33-67 (Article)

Published by Indiana University Press DOI: 10.1353/at.2003.0036

For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v049/49.4britton.html

Access Provided by University of Kansas Libraries at 06/27/12 9:18PM GMT This case, resting fi rmly in a postcolonial African context, demonstrates that the power and infl uence that women developed during a liberation struggle may be used to transcend public and private political distinctions within the new regime. Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women’s Path to Parliament Hannah E. Britton

This paper argues that pre-transition mobilization by South African women fostered post transition success in constitutional mandates, party politics, and offi ce hold- ing. Informed by examples of failed postliberation gender movements in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Angola, South African women’s groups worked collectively and individu- ally to advance gender equality. Women mobilized around their gender identity to form a powerful multiparty women’s coalition, which became a vehicle through which women pushed for inclusion in the Constitutional Assembly. Using this external power-base, women’s branches of major politi- cal parties compelled their parties’ leaders to implement affi rmative-action measures for candidate recruitment and selection. These measures, particularly the gender quota of the African National Congress, have pressured all political parties to increase the number of women on their party-lists in subsequent elections.

Introduction

With the 1994 elections, South Africa moved from 141st to seventh in the world in terms of the number of women occupying seats in the national parliament, with more than twenty-six percent of the seats held by women. This gain was further enhanced in the 1999 elections, which brought the number to 29.8 percent. The South African case suggests that pre-transi- tion mobilization by women fosters post transition success in terms of constitutional mandates, party politics, and offi ce holding. Women’s path to offi ce included a period of multiparty coalition building, a stage of revising the electoral system to facilitate the election of women candidates, and a phase of pressuring the leadership of political parties to advance women’s status through the use of affi rmative-action measures and gender quotas. This case, resting fi rmly in a postcolonial African context, demonstrates

” ” nds that fi ed around around ed fi s activism on ’ good democratic ce may holders be fi So I worked quite hardSo I worked “ reactions to the increase of ’ ce. Finally, it discusses it South Finally, ce. fi eld of women and of women democratization,eld fi s movements and women s movements ’ eldwork funded eldwork Departmentby the U.S. of fi uence developed during a liberation struggle fl s (1994) forty-three-nations (1994) case study presented ’ and party leaders ’ rst explores from women how highly divergent fi s activism does necessarily not last once a nation ce. ’ ce. Within the the Within ce. fi fi ce. It if there substantial no were differences between and men fi “ s powerand in ’ cial for electing to of women this study compares the South African case withother models fi

there in ought women to be parliament more and in the party s participation in liberation and reform did ensure not movements ’ The issueThe of descriptive representation raises the question of how Based on nine months of Basedof on nine months rmative-action measures that have been found internationally to be the fi ndings on the impact of women Education, (Smuts 1996). Indeed,(Smuts descriptive representation of of a mirror of societal hierarchies and patterns of discrimination, as Anne asserts: Phillips grounds, to get women intoto get of women from the time that I came in to establish the idea that on 1991:63). (Phillips fi democra- compares (1994) Waylen Georgina contradictory. are government tization in movements Latin America and Eastern Europe and their place in conventional political after roles the transition. Chow- Najma Nelson J. Barbara and hury opportunities to reform political and cultural systems, they found have that evidence thatevidence women reaches the democratic consolidation phase. While often revolutions create be a more random sample from those who elect. Consistent under repre- under Consistent elect. who those from or betweenwomen, black and white, then those elected undoubtedly would sample random more a be sentation of any social category already establishes that there is a problem women inwomen national of member of the Democratic Party,tative democracy in an interview stated: she when raised the critical question about represen- women Path to Parliament Path resulting underrepresentation of problems many had Africa has South from a tragic history discrimination of and oppression. Questions of race and will been central be the have to to continue representation and gender legitimacy and stability of the national democratic system. Dene Smuts, tion for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), the multiparty body nego- tiating the constitution. Second, examines it within worked women how their separate political parties the election rules to implement and other af most bene their gender identity to demand recognition by political parties and Conven- that women that parliamentarians African may be used to transcend and public political private distinctions within the regime. new in existing international research mobilizedhave women on how for rep- resentation in of religious, socioeconomic, ethnic, and political backgrounds uni

africaTODAY 34 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 35 HANNAH E. BRITTON

1 s ” ” ’ women s position s position ’ nal analy- nal — s Liberation ce holding holding ce ’ fi fi rst as working working as rst fi double militancydouble “ ght for greater female s position in struggles fi ’ ce. Ugandan expert Aili fi s rights as human rights, ’ increasingly able to have have to able increasingly s Affairs, and an increased ’ are s participation in the national lib- ’ cally the Eritrean People (Beckwith 2000:443). must Women fi ” tedboth South Africa and Eritrea. fi s roles in the struggles: ’ nding the opposite trend is also possible. fi s movements s movements These successes new are supported and initi- ’ s organizations [have expanded] their agendas ’ 2 s (2001) studys (2001) using of women their in roles the ’ s movement for politicals movement representation and voice ’ W. Byanyima W. discovered (1992) that, unlike earlier 3 s political power is translated not into of ’ ce, domestic rape, violence, reproductive rights, sex women fi “ s rights issues forcefully, to more ’ 658). In Eritrea, it is still too early to make a a make to early too still is it Eritrea, In 658). feminist activists have to negotiate their feminism within – “ South African clearly women operating were from Beckwith Not allNot comparative researchgender on and democratization is so In many the tensions ways created by women s working with during women the liberation as equals only to aban- ’ representation all at of women elected of levels of eration struggle assisted post-transition advances in gender suchequity, as the creation of the Directorate of Women (Tripp 2000:657 (Tripp Sondrasis; Hale however, representation . . . and broach to publicly many different issues education, . . . female genital surgeries, women sexual harassment, disparaging representation in of women the media representation in of of women activists. militancyof women of double notion The precisely describes locationsthe of women multiple for national liberation and their position in the struggle for gender libera- tion are akin Karen to what Beckwith has termed the an impactthe on creationof democracy within and a role the subsequent democracy. of consolidation struggles in Africa, Ugandan women Eritrean liberation struggle, and speci Front, indicates that beginning are women slowly to challenge and renegoti- theate gender system within Eritrea. with male leadership simultaneously in worked militancy. They double of Marie similarly Tripp asserts that in women Uganda have continued to gain andvoice strength: to take women on don them as subordinates after the war pervasive was throughout Africa. in most cases women or institutional representation. Until the midlate to 1990s, the pattern of men ated by a global women global a by ated (Brown et al. 2002:72). nonfeminist organizations that nonetheless provide resources, contacts, and scope for feminist activist goals with the in men their identity group or nation to gain democracy and then working against the within men their identity group or nation to challenge militancy, double this of implications notes Beckwith control. patriarchal that including bleak. Several researchers are are researchers Several bleak. work alongsidework to gain men liberation, the with yet they men work and the institutions they hope to reclaim may serve to re-inscribe the patriarchal theypower also mean to challenge. As time progresses, women Women had the neither resourcesWomen the nor time to consult with another one to learn from their experiences. Cross-national collaboration and strategiz- ing to come later was and has bene c fi rmly rmly fi Meara, ’ s power and ’ uence party fl of the nation to ” c cultural,historical, c uence. fi fl silent backbone “ cant. Most important is women how fi ce This globally. case, resting fi uence from the antiapartheid era into a Without the speciWithout fl ce, constitutional protection, and power- and protection, constitutional ce, . fi incation of women all sectors of the movement cantly, they pushed the resistance movement movement resistance the pushed they cantly, fi fi The path women followed to the to South followed path 1994 African women The elections pro- The pretransitionThe uni uence within their political parties. During the liberation struggle, uence may be used to transcend and public distinctions private that have fl fl a force political of considerable and power in public in a postcolonial African context, demonstrates that women that demonstrates context, African postcolonial a in and Dlamini 1988; Liebenberg 1995; Lodge 1983; Russell and Walker 1989; Perhaps1982). signi most toward mass action with their protests of the Pass Laws in 1913 and the the and 1913 in Laws Pass the of protests their with action mass toward 1950s (Kadalie 1995; 1982; Walker and inside 1993). active Wells were They South Africa during the antiapartheid struggle, and they mobilized within the ranks of the African National Congress (ANC) in exile. Many women in exile used their international status to pursue higher education or seek military training, which earned them substantial power within the exter- nal party structures. provided the foundation for a post transition focus on gender issues. Women long been recognized as the backbone of the struggle (Davies, O (Davies, struggle the of backbone the as they essential were to every facet of the antiapartheid recognized and have movement been long vides an example a revision of how election of rules combined with speci SouthThe African case demonstrates can women how use the political skills, knowledge, and leverage they have developed in liberation struggles candidates viable and gain themselves make to and grassroots movements in leaders and been have not would in safe a relatively position to demand their voices be heard. They were also able to build multiethnic,coalitions had previously none where existed, multiparty which again may be another outgrowth their of militancyidentity double of (Beckwith 2000:445). translated their knowledge and in Building Coalition should not beshould studied not in merely termsof election rules and institutional fac- tors, though these factors signi were plan of action to secure electedful positions within their parties of in long immobilized in women South The the African West. case, however, to 1991 from and socioeconomic years, factors of this case, they known have may not the about four of span a In changes. importance of election rules and institutional such factors, may or have had not demand to power the the from moved they elections, 1994 the African democracy. Had theyfor liberation, been have they not would in a position to in not been as active or as integral to the struggle cracy; however, they also were developing, articulating, and by the late late the by and articulating, developing, were also they the antiapartheid struggle to challenge the racist government however, and bureau- cracy; 1990s demanding a gender analysis within the framework South for a new cultural and socioeconomic factors to achieve the seventh highest percent- holdingage of women national of

africaTODAY 36 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 37 HANNAH E. BRITTON

7 s ’ s ’ t the women Finally, interviewees Finally, ’ 6 s section of the ’ Some completed degrees completed Some s movement when they when s movement 4 ’ Second, interviewees dis- interviewees Second, 5 s exile] to come and ’ t care whether are you ’ t care what party belong you ’ cant delays or backsliding for women fi s movement with an umbrella organization organization umbrella an with movement s ’ s movements ins movements Europe and the Americas. During ’ s liberation until after a democratic transition in ’ s issues secondthe to liberation struggle: ’ issues affecting I don women! — a white woman or a black woman or Inkathaor ANC, we to. (Sifunasonketo. 1996) league with is an structure as independent it on decide to its own. only So not we had to educate ourselves on the ANC, as was called it that at time, there wasn When I started being in involved a women must come together as women. Example, 1989: women, women, 1989: Example, women. beforeEven [the as end of] the struggle, even before were we free together come must mainly three-fourths white to Zimbabwe went women, and called from women Lusaka [in the ANC discuss the explosive situation in our from country. Women Nationalist Party [discussing] the of women! Issues role are issues, dear. my When comes it to your baby or your child or even to your husband, they don s movement. The women were aware were of the women dangers The s movement. of postponing ’ Equipped with this knowledge and armed with this ideal, the women women the ideal, this with armed and knowledge this with Equipped focusing on the goals and needs and of women providing a forum for cross- party and cross-race discussion on gender issues. This vision and process started during the later stages of the struggle, as a former exile, Kimberly, envisioned a national women presented stories of political training and advice from these during women their time in the exile camps and military training camps. cussed their meetings with international activists women and academics internationalat conferences and UN conferences. the struggle for women South Africa. As they had witnessed in international liberation struggles, couldhesitation result in signi women issues. Robin, another discussed ANC MP, and she how other feared women putting women Kimberly describes a turning point for theliberation struggle and the are leaders now in parliamentand in their parties. in democratization, development,or economics. and of successful women successful of and researchmy in South Africa, I interviewed ninety over had who women in manyworked are the of whom movement, in now parliament. Through these interviews evident was that it South African learned women of these other models in various First,ways. several received degrees women and training from educational institutions in Europe and Africa; many of them in exile intended to launch a national women national a launch to intended exile in returnedto South Africa. This goal informed was the by examples of failed post-transition in gender movements Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Angola, related: s ’ s move- ’ s ’ WNC was “ bring to cult fi s groups under umbrella its by ’ s issues, evenif that them put at ’ s liberation will come auto- come will liberation s s place in formal and nonformal poli- ’ ’ s organizations that united to ensure that ’ (WNC 1994:19). uencing the electoral system. ” fl s National Coalition (WNC) became an through avenue ’ However, the unity However, that created was tenuous. was There 8 t want a two-staged struggle. Because our experience ’ issues affecting had we women, to educate move- the whole becausement, raised when we an issue [relating to gender] it was seen as divisive. that were told] the [We struggle is for national and liberation, women through women with interaction our with But, matically. the inout world the various conferences were attending we in the anti-apartheid learned we movement, There a lot. is contradictionno between national liberation and women liberation. And since there is contradiction, no that felt we we don up on theit agenda again. (Sebe1996) is that once you postpone an issue, it is very dif s voices be would heard in shaping the South new African society. ’ (Goetz 1998:246). Originally, the WNC the was brainchild of women The Women The A central goal of the WNC to create was a national women Many of the founders within were the ANC, inter- the women but ” advocacy and welfare organizations, as well as trade union, professional ment withment an national inclusive agenda. WNC hard The worked to reach representatives of all South African in yet women, many methods its ways fell short of this goal. One former ANC exile, revealed Kimberly, that the process of drafting the platform known of action, now as the Women which women mobilizedwhich women for action during the negotiation period. Formed were severalwere points among of contention the representatives of the parties, especially those infused with religious implications, like abortion. The WNC any resolutions chose on those to avoid issues primarily because the ensuing dissention threatened goals kept its to dissolve It unity. its focused odds with party leadership. constitutional the in participating action, of platform national a crafting on negotiations, and in from the negotiation processes. expanded It quickly from to include women “ and religious bodies viewed during this study maintained that the WNC had been by led from women all parties and became a foundation for cross-party networks strategizing. and It included women of all included women It races, classes, and political parties, and claims to activities personal-empowerment and efforts, development national tics, (Ginwala 1992; Schwartz 1994). Anne Marie Goetz states the in 1991, it is a coalition it in of women 1991, women a broadhave agenda focused on women Robin adamant was that South African learn women from other national liberation struggles and push for women 1994 in political parties had been who substantively excluded and symbolically nationally and indeed globally unprecedented in size and in the diversity diversity the in and size in unprecedented globally indeed and nationally having 90 women over membership, its of

africaTODAY 38 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 39 HANNAH E. BRITTON

” cally, in cally, s fi ’ ght- fi s movement: ’ s Charter] ’ Although there was was there Although “ t still be ’ s Charter. brought We ’ able to bring together groups across “ t reach needed where it to reach. t think [the it Women ’ ’ It is amazing that in two days we were able s Charter and then start a women ’ “ s realities. faced the task Women of reclaiming ’ rst step in for women working together and in trying fi s groups together and they said yes. ’ s Charter] didn ’ cult issues. In CODESA, very small issues us up hold fi cant cant s organization. Just before the ANC unbanned [was] fi ’ Given this bias, Kimberly stillfeels the charter an was important (Tripp 2000:655). (Tripp 9 ” organization . . . Contacting all the people took an elite focus. 1996) (Sifunasonke and then we [were] unbanned so we reorganized ourselves. ourselves. reorganized we so unbanned [were] we then and Then also the question of the Women be very honest, I don To When we came as women, we decided we wantedwomen to have one and it adopt must we comes, time that when said had We then close the Women the together. women I remember very well called we all the other women reach to it wanted We reach. to it wanted we where reached the rural area, the are who women [in a system of] polygamy, arewho deprived and really need and it, the ones need who to abort or not. If had we done that, wouldn we ing about this abortion thing. would have made Women their decision, and that would have been that. unfortunately But it [the Women What is remarkable most the activities about of the WNC is that its Coalition building is tricky always business, coalition but building alliance that lasted through the elections. Indeed, the WNC is often seen as Africa South in group interest only the such a broad spectrum of political, racial, ethnic, class, religious, and other interests their power and worth while respecting tradition, culture, and customary law. to maintaingroups able were a clear focus and a viable coalition for as long as they did, despite overwhelming ideological differences and a history of unparalleled tension, violence, and hatred. Faith Gasa, an Inkatha repre- sentative of the WNC, stated, This a signi was to understand another one to sort out very dif sentation. milestone in the quest for a nonracial, multiparty women Charter, as not was inclusive had as women hoped. some Speci opinion,her there a bias was toward elite, urban While women. this bias did lead to the of non-elitenot exclusion rural to their led it underrepre- women, within apartheid South Africa complicated was by a history of distrust and difference. periods There were of confusion and criticism of the move- as Juliement, Ballington reports, to in able but was the end the movement sustain unity among members its from 1992 to 1994: (Pandy 1992:7). Unlike(Pandy 1992:7). CODESA, which continuously underwent break- downs in communication and structure, the WNC forged a gender-based

’” (WNC ” fear that “ Nowhere in “ that brought brought that ” Where were you ‘ urgency “ cation. This clarity of the the of clarity This cation. (Ballington 1999b:2). The fi ” s rights culminated in the the in culminated rights s ’ s unity may best be found in its 247). ’ – found common agreement the about s common and exclusion a “ (Goetz 1998:246). (Goetz ’ ” (WNC 1994:19). As ANC MP Mary Turok, ” s movement (focusings movement particularlystruc- on ’ a strong tradition in South Africa of women rst recognized the launching at meeting of the “ fi ghting women for fi (Goetz 1998:246 (Goetz ” s activism within their nation. Goetz argues that the ’ an important source of organizational coherence for an an for coherence organizational of source important an such as the Federation of South African formed Women “ 10 s suppression, silence, and second-class citizenship. It was s Charter in 1954 ’ (WNC Here again, 1994:19). drawing were women upon — ’ ” ght South for it. Africa will be exception. want no do not We fi Third, the success of the coalition This unity based was on several factors. First, the impetus form to The exclusion of women from of women exclusion The the negotiations a trigger was point widely differentwidely and often opposed groups in of women the WNC into a rst, within the leadership and control of their individual political parties, exclusive focusexclusive on gender issues and a broad understanding of those issues. when thewhen Bill of Rightsand the Constitution new being were drafted? our daughters to turn on us in the years to come and ask: the world have women been have women handedthe world equality on a plate; everywhere they to had have history of women of history this pattern of subordination, and importantly more a shared resistance to the pattern, that a second was vital factor for uni of thepower patriarchy was WNC, all when the groups present national and provisional elections in April 1994 subordination and oppression in of women South African society and the need for change then a representative of the Black Sash, argued during CODESA, women had a responsibility to force their into the negotiations: way WNC an was extension of taking place and which determining were the future of South Africa had twice Women been1994:19). from removed this process of negotiation: fi and, second, within the multiparty negotiating body of CODESA. Clearly, this was exclusion extremely heterogeneous group the legacy of women tural weakness, and lack of cohesionand common purpose), the efforts of the various organizations WNC also faced challenges of symbolic and substantive representation with structure.its conducting avoided it formal Ultimately, voting because of inequalities. these much criticismmuch of the women the group based was in the women again would women be from excluded political key processes that were that fostered the creation of a pro-active body with a clear goal and focus; that triggerhowever, point have been alone not would enough to sustain a coalition. In served fact, the merely exclusion as a culmination of a long “ constituency distinct (Turok 1992:13). Women recognized Women 1992:13). (Turok this perhaps was the important most for their collectivemoment this was action. It seeking organizational an autonomous expression for interests that tran- scend party lines in from by women 1953 trade unions and political organizations, which drafted a Women

africaTODAY 40 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 41 HANNAH E. BRITTON s ’ and and ict, fl ” (WNC ” the groups s movement s movement 11 ’ s Charter ensured ’ consensus, a ect fl exibility, the coalition fl (South African Constitu- (South ” s Women ’ s organizations on the democ- ’ always re always s groups represented, it the call ’ “ Without the collectiveWithout pressure and

s full or representation. voice Women ’ so long as that member a woman. was ed, and powerful despite internal voice, 13 fi s broadest and antidiscrim- inclusive most ’ cant. The WNC 12 distance themselves from particular clauses, clauses, particular from themselves distance fi “ and ict inertia. By having a broad understanding fl s Charter, does not ’ s negotiating team, ’ unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against on anyone s interests recognized were in the constitution. South Africa ’ “ s history of oppression and their need for liberation, ’ From this external power-base of the emerging women emerging the of power-base external this From The impactThe of the activities of women ed of the voice WNC and the women fi became increasingly concerned that the Negotiating Council male- was dominated. forced Women the leadership to add an additional member to each party that women that were able to present a strong, able were uni divisions and disagreements. The road to securingThe this revealed it representation but the easy, not was sophisticated cross-party tactics using were the women and had developed within the WNC. Surprising because of their history con of violent would clearlywould been have fraught with side-debates, and could potentially tional Assembly 1996; chap. 2, sec. 9). evidenced within the WNC, pressured women their parties from the inside. Early in the constitutional collaboratively negotiations, worked to women create the Gender Advisory Committee this for CODESA. committee Yet enough not was to ensure women 1994:22). these Without commitments and this world the of one has constitution ination clauses. equality The clause establishes that the neither state a nor may person have been strangled by conof women grounds, or more one including sex, race, pregnancy, gender, marital status, ethnic or social origin, sexual colour, orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth statement, the Women that signatory groups may organizations, thesesustained women both their unity and agenda through the highly volatile negotiation period. Central to their mission two were commitments:key a policy of non-racialism and a policy of inclusivity and nonpartisanship. Another proviso key of the coalition that was group no be forced into an agreement or be bound by any agreement that threatened the interest of their individual organizations.unity the of WNC as not was deep What professed as it and in many not was this ways actually means is that as lasting hoped as it to be, because of the extreme partisanship of South African politics. In fact, the WNC clearly recognizes that main its policy whilst agreeing to the broad principles embedded in the Charter These political groups traditionally had been unable reach to consensus, refusednegotiate, to within attacks. and to violent prone were However, the context of gender politics and working with only of the the women uni for non-sexism been have not would equated with the call for non-racism 1998). (Goetz constitution the in ratization process signi was

’ s ’ rst major major rst t fi ’ s ’ fty fty and and fi [The gure gure 14 fi ” Go ahead. ahead. Go “ I then called ” Are telling you me “ t get the extra seat. (Behr ’ s leader] then to went Cyril ’ It went up and went It down and was quite ” They willThey . . . and never do it, I am not All that I ask is for permission to try “ “ No, I amNo, saying is wrong it that [The leadership answered,] “ ” ” [I said,] said,] [I ” ve got permissionve to go ahead. now Inkatha will nallysaid,] t get it. [The ANC [The women ’ ’ fi I ” s position on gender equality as leverage to gain a similar similar a gain to leverage as equality gender on position s “ ’ Are going we to Inkatha let take the lead? “ have a woman there, they didn changing delegation. my leadership answered:] answered:] leadership [I hairy. said, the National Party were all women. We . . . trying to to make our case to the then all-male council. . . . One by one, they all agreed there would be an extra delegate attached to each party as long as was taken it by a woman. If they didn I should change delegates? the out my leaders Take I want to negotiate? percent the of population is being not represented when arewe writing the constitution of our country. I think we should go back and make accommodation for women. and negotiate for it. When they decided to set up the negotiating council, . . . there was only delegate one and two advisors per party, and all those delegates were so men, there women. So were no I own towent my party, and loudly complained our at national council and [by was told our leadership]: You won You what wereout going we to do. . . . So got an we appointment 1996) Then [the from women the ANC] and I played a game. I said, take the lead in trying to bring into women the negotiation process. s issues, at least rhetorically. Even today, ANC oftens issues, women today, receive least at rhetorically. Even ’ Many political analysts in South Africa see this as women formal statements supporting gender equality in order to force concrete concrete force to order in equality gender supporting statements formal implementation of thatimplementation commitment. I interviewed women The could trace the roots of these bargaining teams back to their in work the WNC. tactical win in the transition period, symbolizing the culmination of their women creditexclusive for the addition to the negotiating of women (Seidman table this1999); however, a collective was act. Because working were the women They collaboration. and contact frequent in were they WNC, the in together used party one commitment from another party. skillfully They exploited their parties The maleThe leadership of the women ANC and to the NP did to be want seen not as commitment their in IFP) (the opposition their behind falling women memberswomen of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) collabora- and this the ANC worked how me told IFP the of Caroline scenes. the behind together place:tion took issues. ANC The especially had tried always in to lead the way respect to

africaTODAY 42 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 43 HANNAH E. BRITTON of and and — s ’ s strategic ’ s history of sub- consolidation ’ [I]t was here that s increased repre- ’ “ cant victory, through through victory, cant s organization s full participation in ’ ’ fi cation and possible was fi s cross-party in work other ’ s legal discussions and high- ’ s exclusion froms exclusion negotiations), ’ and collective action came to a a to came action collective and ” and legal upon outside rely experts 16 period such when a moment was 15 cant challenge to the gender system as a fi cant for women transition fi cult to maintain during the the during maintain to cult fi s representation to two people; therefore one-half ’ (Ballington 1999b:18). Women 1999b:18). (Ballington were targeted. ” — s primary identity is within their party, and such coopera- ’ compelled to toe party lines, “ issues on its own. Ironically, it is this strength of the WNC WNC the had been of able to achieve this strength this kind is of legitimacy it for women Ironically, own. its on issues No otherNo constituency had achieved such recognition during the negotiation process, and single no women This research is signi is research This The collaboration during the constitutional negotiations and the the and negotiations constitutional the during collaboration The Numerically, this meant that each party received an additional del- additional an received party each that meant this Numerically, ally female occupations, whereas male delegates were from professional professional from were marginalization in the negotiations despite their numerical representa- delegates male tion. Drawing upon of South the African work activists and academics, whereas indicatesshe that included not were in the women critical bilateral talks. occupations, furtherShe argues that of the delegates most from were women tradition- female ally careers that had prepared them for CODESA negotiations.level therefore, delegates, Most women had to continue to use the negotiations. Goetz has an interesting discussion of women of the delegates were women. Yet managing Yet of the women. delegates were to secure numeric representa- necessarilytion not was enough to ensure women have been much more dif more ordination and need for liberation). While this much unity and collaboration been have advances they made has been the cause of celebration and collective vic- tory among in women South Africa (Steyn 1998:45). Since these initial victories and the the WNC role during played the transition, the however, coalition has faded from national In political strength fact, its view. became weakness:its mainly Black women 1998:247). (Goetz standstill contexts because it servesbecause women as an outlier. Often, such collaboration is limited their cross-party bargaining techniques throughout the negotiations. Similarly, Goetz asserts that were once women sitting the negotiating at an table, act that required collective action, they were again sentation also was seen as a signi When far-rightwhole. separatists attacked the negotiations, women tion is limited to procedural and policy-related not issues. Here, however, see onlywe not a procedural focus (women alsobut ideological and philosophical consensus (women years of multiparty collaboration. Ballington asserts, asserts, Ballington collaboration. multiparty of years arewomen generally thought scored to have a signi the requirement that each to the negotiations delegation least at one have woman representative the democratic democracy, imperative. fundamental needs visible and acutely were uni egate, raisingegate, each party

18 cant cant fi 17 s importance ’ s (1991) model model s (1991) ’ 19 (Goetz 1998:246). 1998:246). (Goetz ” 127). R. Darcy, Susan R. Darcy, 127). – readilyce more in mul- fi s theory of male hostility, ’ s political participation and ’ ce (Norris 1985, 1987; Rule 1981, Rule 1981, ce (Norris 1987; 1985, fi s history. WNC The ’ 1994 stage1994 appears to have been a unique The diversityThe this represents made an for – “ nding women gain of fi s access to of ’ s representation: ballot structure (such as party- ’ s domestic responsibilities. support They Duverg- ’ cant obstacles to be incumbency power, occupational occupational power, incumbency be to obstacles cant fi cial system their to promote possible group interests and nds that the rules guiding elections are the signi most fi fi liates had always have to evaluate the utility of a coalition fi The majority The of analyses of the liberalization and negotiation uence women uence fl 20 that has been a major factor in fueling the constant tensions coali- the beset to continue that resignations threatened and tion. (Kemp et al. 1995:151) Multiple groups were working feverishly in South Africa to secure secure to Africa South in feverishly working were groups Multiple The WNCThe continues to be a source of national networking, and still it ce-holding: male opposition, female and apathy inertia, and disadvan- ce holding holding ce s theory of electoral rules, ’ fi fi nding signi more Welch, andJanet Welch, Clark dispute (1994) Duverger fi is perhaps linked less to the institution itself and to the process more it fostered. created It the foundation for strategic collective action and estab- lished networks that are still being informally utilized between in women government and in women civil society. segregation, and women of transplacement, wherein leaders of the authoritarian regime and the period argue that South Africa followed Samuel Huntington Samuel followed Africa South that argue period The WNCThe af opposition forces negotiate with the knowledge that neither group alone has has alone group neither that knowledge the with negotiate forces opposition the to determine power Within the outcome. this is model a push toward the middle ground, reformers where appear must liberalizing more than the government forces they represent, and the opposition leaders appear must versus the effectiveness of working within their own parties. list vs. single candidate), district magnitude (number of seats in a district), and degree of proportionality (allocation of votes to seats). er timember districts than in single-member district systems. consensus The focusing women current on literature the of of factors determining women Maurice Duverger posited three broad explanations for the gender gap in of tageous electoral arrangements (Duverger 1955:125 and and Rule Zimmerman1987; 1994). Three central factors of electoral in systems Election Rules unsustainable coalition, and since the elections 1994 the WNC has been unable to retain membership its or sustain impact its has reputable gender training programs the but highly focused multiparty 1992 the marked that strategizing historical in the moment organization Because of the limitation of cross-party politics and the ethnic, religious, and class divisions among sustaining women, a highly focused organiza- tion has been quite problematic: the most bene most the ideologies.

africaTODAY 44 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 45 HANNAH E. BRITTON

” that that “ (Jung ” uence of uence fl 289). The mandated mandated – “ (Adler and Webster Webster and (Adler ” (1995:288 ” s representation cross- ’ and they realized realized they and ” played a central and constructive although the government had the the had government the although — “ disciplined and sophisticated social “ in which which in ” 285). ANC The leaders, whose power growing was – a mobilized civil society and powerful social move- “ (Adler and Webster 1995:76). They denote a new strategy denote a new They (Adler 1995:76). and Webster ” (1995:76). its emphasisits on elites leads to misunderstand it of the role ” “ s activism within the struggle. With the guidance, support, ’ it controlledit the means of coercion and directed the transition threatening to spiral of control, out s movement, buildings movement, of the on the WNC work and a long his- “ ’ — 21 radical reform, “ its strengthits bound was to decline as negotiations legitimized the 77). A similar case is seen within the mobilization and in especially the labor movement – — uence of the labor in the movement negotiations: while acknowl- uence wielded by organized social within movements South Africa fl fl — Applying this of radical notion reform to the South African case, Adler What these analyses underestimate, and even ignore, is the power ve-year government of national unity regardless of the election outcome, fi role inrole creating the conditions for the transition, in shaping character, its itself process transition the legitimizing in indeed and result this of transplacement a consociational was system that Norris 1993; Matland 1993; Norris 1985, and 1987; Rule 1987). 1981, During this period, many forces working were to select the election process, and it is arguable that this system have developed would without the input of the inwomen political parties in or the women the WNC. During the negotia- tion period, gender consultants only not researched international systems to nationally (Castles Duverger 1981; 1955; Lakeman 1970; Lovenduski and and Webster assertand Webster 1995:76 the women tory of women and consultation activists of women in the Gender Advisory Committee of CODESA, South Africa adopted a multimember-district electoral 1999b), system, (Ballington representation party-list-proportional utilizes which the system found likely most to enhance women the time for a negotiated settlement running was out (1995: 291). popular and struggle movements in the origin, and of outcome development, actual transitions call they to inject progressive may more be able into content themovements democ- ratization process and wrest important concessions from reformers and moderates alike ments a with cabinet representation for all parties that least at 5 percent won of the and vote a share of executive power for the strongest minority party gradually, were forced to an early compromise because its base of mass mass of base its because upper hand compromise process early an to opposition groups and reduced the government to a lame duck status forced were and Shapiro 1995:284 gradually, action was more moderate than the liberation forces they represent. Within South South Within represent. they forces liberation the than moderate more Africa, Frederik Willem de Klerk and the NP pushed reforms quickly and desired an early settlement, because, edging that mainstream transition literature to South is Africa, applicable that argue they and in and during the negotiations. Glenn Adler and Eddie undertaken have Webster substantivethe most analysis of this kind in their examination of the role in and

22 u- fl rst- fi cial in pre- fi ect the com- fl 87). This would – allowed parties to “ uencing and shaping fl ted women candidatested women (Ballington 1999b:18). (Ballington fi ” ce, decreased descriptive fi s struggle to advance their col- ’ list proportional representation s representation, also but queried ’ “ (Reynolds 1995:86 (Reynolds ” s collective identity as a challenge to s representation, the multimember- ’ ’ c seat, party leaders are less likely to support fi s League is perhaps the successful most and ’ s adopted quota system ’ cial for women for cial fi (Reynolds 1995:91). s movement to pressures movement their parties to act on their ’ ” nd it necessary to put up candidates who re who candidates up put to necessary it nd fi divided societies need proportional representation than rather “ The multimember-districtThe system has bene system, especially closed lists, allows political parties in considerable isence represented. who over . . . Parties wishing to appeal to a wide con- will stituency position of the For this electorate. reason lists can to the advantage work of aswomen, with the ANC be best and why. They found that the the that found They why. academics and activists internationally and to determine which system would best be behalf. ANC The Women examplenotable of the process of advancing candidates women within the party. By using the power of women lective politicallective Another voice. central factor in was internal party strategically politics. Women used the growing presence of a national women Party Politics WNCThe in just was element women one and substantiverepresentation, and potentially increased hostility and fragmentation. As with the closed gender, party-lists tentious political climate. Since the multimember-district system allows smaller parties in a voice parliament, they are less likely to be co-opted by extremist and elements less likely to push for isolationism or secession. He that argues plurality elections. . . . If minorities are to accept Parliament, they be must adequately represented in Parliament clearly been have not the case had the interim constitution implemented single-member districts within a winner-take-all system, like the Beyond the advantages for women district system with party-lists offers the best chance for descriptive and substantive representation for ethnic groups and minority parties. Andrew Reynolds discusses this why system has been successful in South Africa in terms of representation this and why structure has been bene venting fragmentation, polarization, and disunity within a historically con- determine the bene most because, people arewhen voting a party-list for of candidates, party leaders are apt to provide more a diverse candidate pool so as to attract a diverse number of voters. In the alternative system, whichvoting involves for a single individual for a speci of taking from parties minority past-the-postsystem found in the United States. a system Such would excluded have present ethnically heterogeneous groups of candidates with anticipated cross-cutting appeal a female candidate: may she seem like a political risk, in or, any case, will occupy the only seat the party wins. Therefore, a party will run a greater stake. at candidates is seats if larger of a number women of number

africaTODAY 46 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 47 HANNAH E. BRITTON s ’ 23 s model, Robins model, ’ the fourth stage stage fourth the s libera- ’ — uence, and agency fl uence, could women fl rst among the fi uence fl s issues when they were were they issues when s ’ s liberation. s ’ s issues into party politics by ’ who laterwho on actually — s strength, in ’ s League secureda commitment to ’ rst ideologically linked the struggles fi nds four stages the of gender transformation fi s rights and human rights: ’ s liberation] to go together, to say that you ’ (1993:5). As (1993:5). previously demonstrated, party were women ” political parties on women moved s activism within the ANC party structure parallels a model ’ “ issues affecting women, even to make sure that whatever whatever that sure make to all So ANC. the even of Committee Constitutional the headed women, this had been conceptualized. to were Then push we able affecting issues on taken are considered being were issues constitutional 1996) board. (Sebe Oliver Tambo, who started who Oliver Tambo, articulating the same position and [so did the] other leaders [of the time], the President[, Nelson Mandela,] and the Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki, and the present Minister of Public Service We startedWe pushing for the two struggles [of national libera- tion and women tion. And that started taking root, especially cannot obtain national liberation without women without liberation national obtain cannot leadership of the ANC itself. leadership The of that time, uence of the WNC. From this position of in fl In the third stage of the Lovenduski within worked women model, rmative-action measures within the party, such as special training training special as such party, the within measures rmative-action fi rst two steps almost They exactly. increase their participation, representation, and in of the Lovenduski model. In Europe, these practices often the took form of af and mentoring members,or gender for women targets for internal party positions or candidate lists. In an increasingtoral rules altered were through discriminatory positive number measures, of namely instances, the elec- gender quotas. Although almost was she certainly aware not of Lovenduski reveals that and she the other members party of her the followed model this linkage between women for racial equality and gender equality and then pressuredtheir leadership to make public statements in support of women nations, in which Lovenduski Lovenduski which in nations, of party politics. First, place women gender issues on the party agenda, often securing only a formal, rhetorical commitment from the party leadership. Second, ease women the integration of women emphasizing the universality of their demands. Robin of the ANC explained ANC dominance, the ANC Women fi have a third a have of the ANC seats in parliament reserved In for women. many women ways, developed by JoniLovenduski and based (1993) on case studies of European parties and external networks This simultaneously. collaboration is neces- sary to support powerful party women and because pressed to do so able to assertable their gender agenda because of the growing national power in and then pressure for an alteration in the formal party rules or practices to s ’ nds fi (1991: ce ce in fi ” s national cult than cult ’ fi cant impact impact cant fi cant gender imbal- gender cant fi 24 ux into national of national into ux fl s conference where this where conference s s in ’ ’ ce within the context of interna- of context the within ce fi gender . . . less intransigent than class s equity in party her has as been a whole an “ ’ ux into of into ux fl s in ’ s philosophy of sound democratic governance, the party the only female Member of Parliament for the Democratic ’ percentve because women the ANC [commitment fi 25 1999, relates, party her 1999, has had a unique history of gender rep- – for] thirtyfor] three and a third percent. Rooyen 1997) (Van have been asking for better deals and promised and the world, there has been delivery no or very little delivery, and in the end concluded that quotas and work nothing else much does. And I think have seen you that in other countries. have We twenty the board, whether it is Christian Democrat or Tory type, type, Tory or Democrat Christian is it The has been addressed, what works. whether And the conclusion across parties. board, socialist-type the social-democrat, is it whether or socialists are the ones quota implement who systems, and the party-bossesTory appear quite critical the in But women of it. those parties is say the it only thing that works. Because they It was a quota,It matter simple of a quota system. Been to lots of international conferences, women The symbolicThe importance of women The implementation of a gender of implementation quotaThe the was exact measure the There were similarThere were struggles to achieve gender equity within other parties. Smuts, Dene As Party in 1994 resentation. Suzman Helen representative the was sole party of her during the apartheid years. Despite the strength and outspokenness of Suzman attempting broader societal transformations of political, the level at cul- tural, or socioeconomic structures (Norris Jones (1998) 1996). Marc P. 1994 was immediately was 1994 Maria, felt. a member of a primarily white opposition discussedparty, women 89). The implementation of quotas89). implementation The and targets is less much dif and Zimmerman 1994). Phillips has found that the use of quotas for women in Nordic countries has made that the national gender laws in Argentina had have a signi leadership, achieving women uphill linked once women battle; however, the need for gender representa- tion to the party leaders supportive. were Further, that now all parties are working to gain a larger percentage of seats in parliament, there of a reason is even more to on thehave women lists: on the percentage elected, with of women the successful most results in party-lists. closed employing legislatures provincial election list for women. Women fromelection list all Women for women. parties conversant were with the literature on, and results gender quotas. of, Quotas are seen as the most direct and immediate means for addressing the signi ance within national legislatures and parliaments 1998; (Jones 1996, Rule ANC secured, women obtaining a commitment from the party leadership that they reserve would thirty percent of the seats on the party tional quotas:

africaTODAY 48 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 49 HANNAH E. BRITTON t ’ s movement. s movement. ’ t see them as MPs. I always ’ s issues seriously. And, when you boy, do they fall they do in line They fast. boy, ’ rst election. Had they waited until after the 93 the93 other parties in parliament had fi t believe in lists and quotas and so forth, ’ ’ theat, idea was fully accepted, and one no votes, fl s be frank, the party that at stage was still in ’ so on. stretch by no So, of the imagination can be accused it of didn being or a party either in this or previous incarnations that women was to antagonistic This party, in previous its incarnation as the PFP [Progres- Federalsive Party], for a long stretch of itsexistence, had it a single member of parliament, Ms. Suzman. And very was she famous because was the she voice against lone apartheid and would dream of dissenting and approach we the as way it now, a party, since don we the pattern of thinking that applies everywhere in the world: world: the in everywhere applies thinking that of pattern the that an MP was unconsciously thought of as someone who was male, in a suit, a breadwinner. with in women Together the party, plugged . . . we at away this idea for a few years. At every congress, did we our best, and certainly there was resistance. There was even congress one where someone see, snickered. have all we You been there. . . . Within a few years can- make sure to ourselves that women good upon take it we didates are encouraged to come forward. . . . I think was in it also gotten the message. There there wereout women with votes took who women make the crack that time one at hundred one percent of our party representation female. was Having said that, the idea of being in women numbers . . . until I see the numbers, I am still looking an at excep- tion that makes a rule. So quite I worked hard from the time democratic good on that idea the establish to in came I that grounds, there ought to be in more women parliament and in the party. Let wouldn you like here in speeches feminist argue like it that, making were believe formally, So, it. the battle was long and won, the only question was whether informally discrimination still oper- ates. (Smuts 1996) rst election, male incumbents would have been much less likely to relin- fi quish their seats or their positions on the party lists. For example, South Africanelectoral of and women policyissues groupsthe consulted on Darcy tions. Each group had advised the South Africans to make these changes and secure the quota before the The women interviewed women The central were who to the negotiations maintained repeatedly that obtaining the quota been have not would without possible women emerging the of pressure and threat external the Additionally, South African had women sought the advice of international electoral scholars and activists women had undergone who similar transi- rma- fi eld and eld fi the point point the “ s women were were s women ’ not that rigid nes electoral its laws fi — s issues and gay rights. ’ to level the playingto level (Darcy 1993:21). (Darcy “ ” and women who gained and who women access when ” if they secured the appropriate af ” s privileges ’ ve months than in the next 10 years in their in their years 10 next than in the months ve fi but, forbut, example, gay marriages, which is the now big — more progressmore in “ old process.old (Meyer 1996) change, change you paradigm, your whole a gradual not thing, thingwhole happening in two take years. basically You the frameworkwhole and out, a basically put you new one whole in. That is what is so exciting about being here this incredibly long history of human rights and fundamental rights it, about argue and here come people when America, in fuss them. at look we I think are we going isto in have It now it. the Bill of Rights. I was surprised, because inherently this is a conservative country, this not major liberal left wing. And is even not thatit the ANC is that: is a fairly it conservative organization, religious. I think But of this thing when you is that the carpet was pretty much pulled out from under under from out pulled much pretty was I always say the nice one thing carpet about beingin politics now the that is everybody in this country. So everything is up for grabs; everything is being changed. the Even Americans have who Sarah of the ANC indicated the much party how ” Even more can more Even be learned the about internal politics of the parties Two members of the South AfricanTwo parliament echoed this sentiment, One of the good things a society about in transition, a complete is tur- it of taking ways nd incumbent away themselves by lookingthe at composition of the party-lists. ANC The led is the point if which at women, well organized and clear in their demands, Sarah is aware that the transition in momentous terms was of racial power shifts and in terms of the opportunities for women isShe also aware this have been not would under possible normal govern- mental reforms and legislation. nation and was The remains conservative and religious. For these the goal women, more be may to see much not how they can achieve, rather to see but many how changes they can maintain once the transition is complete. at whichat a country draws constitution up its or rede achieve to duringable this transition period, just not for race and gender, alsobut for sexual orientation: moil, but you make you moil, but strides that take would it decades in the States, in [the] in France,U.K., because society is the reinventing whole itself. is exhila- It rating. stating the gains they made during these societal shifts been have would impossible in a normal system.“ A member of an opposition party remarked: tive action measuretive and quotas before elections, the because 1994 gains, political meaningful secure could national rules changing were found an ideal time fi rules, quotas, and Darcy gender equity. argued that South African women make could efforts to gain political representation

africaTODAY 50 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 51 HANNAH E. BRITTON

s ” ’ were not placed not were “ those individuals who “ ce increased with the 1999 fi ce because the chance of the ANC fi lists submitted by the party reveals that ’ rst woman placed was on number on at 15 fi cations fall would the women on how in that fi rst priority. By the time had decidedrst to par- priority. it fi s commitment to non-sexism. IFP The Women ’ ) as a (Ballington NP The fell far 1999b:15). short election of its ” c gender policy party-list, for its and women fi volkstaat (Ballington same The 1999b:12). can be said for the Pan-Africanist ” Efforts to recruit and into of elect women Although the ANC the was only party a voluntary to implement quota Much like the National the and DP IFP, Party (NP) is as adamantly An interesting example of the politics of parties with ties to the old examination of the candidates “ gures are the unlike IFP in the IFP; had however, only ten the percent DP, in election the and 1994 used only the regional lists. Ballington asserts that an did featurewomen not prominently [, averaging only percent]. eleven . . . is clearIt that the NP committed not was to a policy of gender inclusivity Parliament in promises of gender equity. elections, although with varied success. The ANC improved the chances of in 1994, most partiesin most 1994, to encourage did work female representation in some form. During than elections, the more 1994 thirty percent of the national party-list of the Democratic Partylist ranked were and low therefore had little chance of being (DP) elected. The were women; however, thoseInkatha asserted Freedom like on much Party, that the a quota DP, unnec- was the essary, given the party list. ranked It onlyhandful a the at top of the of women list. This fact is often in overlooked respect to the ANC because they so won many seats. manyThus, brought were women into of winning seats so was high.Having rank a low purely not was detrimental, inwas as it other parties. the way withthe way the a gender of implementation quota.On the election 1994 3),lists committed it (see to having Table thirty percent on the list women without speci but as a whole, Brigade is a powerful force within the party, andseveral prominent women fi national on its women percent list, regional on its had but 15.9 lists, and totalits percentage Members women of of Parliament twenty- was for 1994 three. Similarly, the African Christian Democratic Party did (ACDP) not havespeci a against a quota system. NP The did compile not a national list for election (Ballington party The 1999b:14). had time more to create lists the for lower of government,levels which is the where party is focused most because of dedicationits to federalism and the denationalization of politics. had already seats held in Parliament placed were the at top of the list Congress which asserted (PAC), a policy of equality, only but had twelve percent on each women of their national and regional party lists. dispensation is the Freedom (FF), Front a far-right Afrikaner party. Cre- ated during the transition to the initially elections, was 1994 it opposed to participating in the elections, and determined was to pursue an Afrikaner homeland ( inticipate did enough the have election, not it time a consultative to have process for creating a national list, and instead, in winnable positions, as the the as positions, winnable in list the s ’ s not s not ’ s commitment ’ lled by women women by lled fi ACDP, ANC, FF, ACDP, s just that ’ — s positionin the party ve ’ fi s numbers in parliament actually ’ (Coetzee 1999:2). (Coetzee ” s popularity. This ranking new system, ’ s representation for the party More in 1999. ’ that a political was at perhaps But level. — taking up gender issues is the not best for a woman way (a) central concern that was MPs do take who up gender “ “ on the list (Coetzee 1999:2). According to Shireen Hassim ” increased the percentage on their of women national and One particularly important observation by gender advocates advocates gender by observation important particularly One — 26 s commitment to having one-third seats of its ’ are clearly now entrenched in the electoral process. promises that had strategically been secured by the ANC Women ed at the national level. The pre-1994 election promises by ANC ANC by promises election pre-1994 The level. national the at ed more importantly,more organized, women by the way the way they were invisible. And by makingof the ANC quota a conscious effort by way Essentially what have we managed to do is begun to make visible.women I think that is an important thing. It that there have never been competent women. It fi s numerical representation in the national government, which has ’ — — Of the parties reporting their national lists, For the 1999 elections, the United Democratic Party also implemented IFP, and PAC IFP, of Wits University, to increasemobility within the party Impact of Increase in Representation ANCThe brought, and will continue to bring, international support and approval. One senior member of the ANC explained the logic behind the quota: focus on gender quotas mayobscure the quality of women in 1999, improved far down too low has accomplished objectives. two notable First, has it greatly increased women regional lists. in South Africa in their examination of the composition of the ANC party- list for the 1999 elections that was hard several had worked who women for gender equality had actually fallen in the rankings. Noting that an exclusive issues, like Pregs Govender (46) and Nozizwe Madlala were (79) Routledge League a policy of specifying gender candidate on its lists. United The Democratic the was only party new Movement to gain seats in the 1999 election. Bantu He had been a high-rankingHolomisa had founded in it 1997. and popular ANC after but member, had criticized he publicly corruption within the ANC, the party expelled him. to gender issues, Alice Coetzee relates the fears of many gender advocates, that note who in fact, while the women leaders electing party-lists on its women 4). For that for 1999 election, (see Table to a system moved having of it everythird position on the list occupied by a woman (Ballington 1999d). Therein, the ANC ensured the election regardlessof women, of the party combined with the increase in the ANC percentage of the overall, vote led women in increase slight a to solidi is importantly, symbolically it represents that women

africaTODAY 52 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 53 HANNAH E. BRITTON s nomination ce increased. increased. ce ’ fi andne dandy. fi which warned we — s position on gender equal- gender on position s ’ t the natural departing rmative action, as we ’ is really a better way of fi rmative action of the decorative rmative action, and I think it is fi fi which I think must have implication a quota, in effect positive action positive — — s (1996) theorys (1996) of party contagion. postulate They ’ s-representation increase levels within rapidly more multi- ’ for how wellfor how will we function or not. (Cope 1996) And it does have a certain critical-mass-type effect on the the on effect them against the dangers. And that now are we seventh in critical-mass-type certain the about a quarter world, a female, and that is have does it And atmosphere in a place kind. I have been a proponent of af point. And so I have been reallyin the wrongon sort af of worried to see people brought I must say I have a concern that empowerment has tended to take the form of visible af describing I have been But it. cost some a proponent at of it philosophy of kind this inside because politically, myself to that I come from, interventionism isn they impinged on the negotiations, they the way conducted themselves. All these madean them- put impact. Women selves on the national agenda. could one No deny them that. 1996) (Gouws have chosen to call it; such an easy for government a new way in society a like this to demonstrate faces new of change. a lot put in various You places. And is too it easy if are you following not the proper route of making sure the people in put you have whatever training of skills need you to do their jobs. Otherwise it becomes counterproductive, and they always end up with a greater sense of inadequacy,which compounds the prob- the caselem. . . . Take of the for women, example, where the ANC decided before the election to have thirty percent of the on women its list While in women opposition parties directly not would say they sup- The second,The and lasting, more impact of the quota is that has it suc- ity and have liked would to see the number in of women of in the oppositionWomen parties been have calling for increased numbers, ported the quota, agreed most with the ANC of women. cessfully pressured other political parties increase to the number of women on their party-lists. This research conditionally supports Richard Matland and Studlar Donley T. that women that member proportional representation systemsbecause parties within such systems respond quickly more to the pressure of a rival party Phyllis, a member of a predominantly white opposition party, agreed with the change positive in following atmosphere the transition, though was she concerned the about dangers of quotas on institutional capacity: they said, said, they ’ , s quota was ’ s estimation, ’ rmative action fi merit ning the conception of of conception the ning ce. goes She even further fi fi It is window dressing, but ’ We decide on decide We ‘ (Marais from the Women 1997). ” s lives, theirexperiences as caregivers ’ When we said said we When “ : On merit! Yes on merit. We have merit. We have man- : The reality: The [is] that in women rural areas t got women who are who t got women capable. ’ s success has assisted this call. A male from delegate an oppo- ’ s experiences. Black South African in women, Shope children up without easy are access still We to water. doing todayit and can we decide our fate. aged, without all the things that others have had, to bring our water supply is still somethingis far from a reality. . . . Of the large number of staff that members is being talkedthat have about, there, we there are only two Black chief directors. but beingWith water that a problem directly faces in women, department particular this African I would expect, women, in that depart- to seement, more faces of African are who women supposed appointments, next the to take decisions onthe to problems facing them. I hope that come we when will consider African women, in women particular. George M. C. Mr. Shope: N.R. Mrs. Mrs. N.R. Shope N.R. Mrs. still walk many kilometres to fetch and water carry on water their heads. This has a direct effect on the health of women in South Africa. weight The that they carry has implications for later life, when they develop backache and all sorts of diseases related to that strain. are] . . . [There places where ’ Women in opposition partiesWomen recognized that the ANC This a frequent was exchange between members of the ANC and . During on an debate a appropriation bill for the Ministry of Water Oh, so you havenOh, so you should have a centralhave should in role making decisions affecting policy for water rural African women. helping the gender imbalances in their own parties. A woman from a pre- can men Shope asserts that African women to assert that these credentials are meritorious more than white South Afri- and laborers, are the credentials they bring to of Women in parliament were also actively rede actively also were parliament in Women merit Affairs and Forestry, as reported in the National Assembly on Vote, Debate R. N. Shope criticized 36 (28No. May 1996:1760), the ministry lack for its A member of the opposition opposesof diversity. who af countered critiques: her and the ANC partysition stated his party in women the more have would future. He stated ANC its opponents strategically and effectively criticized their low numbers and merit policy: members of opposition parties such as the NP, IFP, FF, ACDP, and DP. and DP. membersof opposition ACDP, parties FF, IFP, such as the NP, ‘ under the circumstances do must it we ANC found the pressure points for members of the opposition.

africaTODAY 54 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 55 HANNAH E. BRITTON ce after after ce fi cant drop in in drop cant ce, although although ce, fi fi ack for ack fl ne. I think ne. he fi had a double-whammy double-whammy a had s increased representation, the ’ — So it cuts So are it both Women coming ways. ” Is our it view that there are very few women “ the domestic context domestic the t really taken the initiative on pushing women ’ — rmative action, for merit. I said But to our leader fi lled them with contributed men, to an overall decline in the fi discrimination on basis are of gender against and . . . We color. the quota does system, it but seem to be the only thing that really works. (Van Rooyen 1997) We realizedWe there was competition here. party,] [My I am hasn afraid, the other day, the other day, into positions, because part of our position has always been against af of merit, or what? or merit, of on tremendously in our party as far as local government . . . and provincial legislatures. has . . It had an impact. I sup- pose I am a pioneer of of this a bit in our party because I have always and spoken up, have I always gotten of a lot it. But our But it. leader has always supported . . . and me encour- aged to make me a big thing which of it, is knows what the political realities are. And particularly in the black community pushing for is women important. My perception is that black women have been more oppressedeverything in Two parties, the IFP fellTwo in and their the NP, representation of women. s theory 2). In (see numbers Table of Members of Parliament within ’ resultsthe of 1999 elections give marginal support to Matland and Stud- lar the ANCthe National continued Assembly, to lead the parties, with 36.5 percent an seats by women, of its increase held from 34.3 percent in 1994. increased andSeveral the their PAC, parties, the DP, including the ACDP, which in had women no of representation ACDP, The of women. has elections,the now 1994 33.3 percent women. of contagion may be seen in several parties, especially those that held their ground or increased their seats in parliament, such as and the DP the ACDP. impactThe of contagion on parties that seats lost in 1999 is less evident lookingwhen only the actual at percentages in of women of ANC representatives from consideration, this also contributes to an absolute absolute an to contributes also this consideration, from representatives ANC decrease percent in the number in of women (18.1 parliament, of 149 from 27 percent in 1999).in Therefore, the to 22 (16.4 1994) proliferation of 134 of minor parties in the 1999 elections, parties that a smaller took number of seats and number in of women opposition parties the impact taken Clearly, as a whole. As stated earlier, these decreases may be related to the signi ties increased the percentage on their of women regional lists. Removing the Beyond the rhetorical promises of women contagion may be seen in the composition of the actual party-lists. dominantly white party stated that the increase in thenumber women of withinparty her due to pressure was from the ANC numbers: the overall number of seats by these won parties from since 1994, both par- cant cant rma- fi fi ce. fi ce (Britton 2001). fi ce, either through the the through either ce, fi ce has been achieved, achieved, been has ce fi s movement to pressures movement ’ s position in of ’ cant differences among in women their fi rmative-action measures. By making the argu- fi ed coalition of historically combative organiza- fi s path to parliament. ’ ce has in fact had. Such analysis is clearly outside outside clearly is analysis Such had. fact in has ce fi Accordingly, future directions for research will need need will research for directions future Accordingly,

Now, several years intoNow, the dispensation, new each party has publicly The antiapartheidThe struggle demonstrated the integral importance of The SouthThe African demonstrates model that, unlike many other ux in of women of fl their parties for internal af the question again must shift to ensuring they have an equal within voice the parliamentary structure. process The of making visible in women the formal political is piece sphere one story of the complex of gender politics in South Africa. There are signi ability to operate within the formal sphere of political of action.tive While the long-term results of such efforts remain to be seen, there been has, as an a whole, increase in of women national of similar situations in the international context, cross-party collaboration is andpossible may be successful given the right conditions. During a time of national political transformation, to secure may be able women signi acknowledged the legitimacy and in need for women politics. Each party has committed to increasing the number in of women of use of party-list quotas other or some institutional mechanism for af incorporated their needs into the constitution. Third, South African women utilized the groundswell of the emerging women thatment putting on the party-list women more attracts women votes, more strategicallywere to demand able quotas and/or recruitment and training of women candidates. to ascertain what, if substantive, any, qualitative impact on policy the new in obstacles to their full and equal participation in parliament (Ballington 1997). Britton 1999b; the scope of this several lessons key however, can paper; be gained from this examination of women The currentThe literature indicates that are women also facing numerous inwomen South African in politics. exile Women learned African from their inter- South upheaval, national experience that struggles for racial equality and national national libera- of time this tion did necessarily not During lead to a similar understanding of or commitment equality. gender to as rapidly as worked within possible women their parties, the constitution, and the electoral system. accomplished They several goals. key First, they established a viable, uni tions. Utilizing their fear from of exclusion politics and their history of dis- past WNC the overcame of groups member subordination, the gender trust and tension, a national developed platform for action, collaborated on substantive policy issues, and raised awareness of the status and role nationally. Second,of women from the foundation of the WNC, women formed cross-party bargaining teams to pressure their into the consti- way tutional negotiations. Once in place, women consistently and successfully Conclusion women of full a acceptance Once

africaTODAY 56 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 57 HANNAH E. BRITTON Naeem Naeem

nes of nes fi c constituency areas. Bal- fi s movement durings movement the transi- ’ cultto sustain within the con fi exible coalition that allows for individual fl airs of Syracuse University, Winthrop University, and Mississippi State University, for liberation leaders’ commitments to gender equality to be limited: political inequality is Most importantly, will how these commitments be manifested in NOTES 1. Kathleen Sheldon argues that post-liberation politics in Mozambique have shown the Inayatullah, Karen Beckwith, Kathleen Staudt, Mary DeShazer, Alton Pollard, and two anonymous anonymous two and Pollard, Alton DeShazer, Mary Staudt, Debbie Kathleen Budlender, Beckwith, Ivor Karen Jenkins, PatriciaInayatullah, Ingraham, Deborah Pellow, Markreaders. Rupert, Robin Riley, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS this for institution host the being for Africa South in Democracy for Institute the to indebted am I research in South Africa. I thank the U.S. DepartmentFulbright-Haysa Doctoral Dissertation ofResearchAbroadMaxwell Fellowship,the Educationand Citizen-School of for funding this research throughship and Public Aff additionalfundinginstitutionaland support. I also wishto acknowledge the invaluableassistance of tation system argue that there is no direct accountability from Members Members from accountability direct no is there that argue system tation of Parliament to constituents since members are elected large. at A main counterproposal advocated by smaller parties is for a mixed proportional- representation percentage system, some where of the seats are elected through lists and percentage some through speci lington reports (1999a) that gender is currently a major factor in not these debates and discussions. result The of the electoral-system review may be in fact to retain the current that system; gender a major is not however, consideration in these discussions, as Ballington has found, illustrates that the battle to make gender a mainstream consideration is far from over. and system. main The critics of the current pure-list proportional-represen- necessity of group mobilization. women The tion focused on substantive policy issues, procedural simply not matters. This level of policy focus will be dif gainsdeveloping by a broad, group differences. such coalitions Additionally, seem function to best when there is a shared identity of subordination and/or a shared belief in the post-1999 elections? A review is currently underway in South Africa as to to Africa as South in underway currently is review A elections? post-1999 to reform,whether or not revise, or even scrap the current election rules daily parliamentary life,party when identitiesassume paramount impor- to use their able tance. were group identity to make Women demands for substantial changes within their own parties. of various parties Women may that networks and strategies successful and powerful developed have be used again and again to force changes and push for an increased com- mitmentto gender equity. liates, which would disadvantage disadvantage would which liates, ecting women can, at best, be described as ambiguous” ambiguous” as described be best, at can, women ecting liates argued that the regional leadership of the WNC was held by by held was WNC the of leadership regional the that argued liates nds thatthere is a global women’s movement being forged, involving interna- liates argued that the ANC had captured the national leadership of the WNC. small groups, or pursuing a single vote system, which would disadvantage large groups.The single-vote system would have privileged the white and elite populations, since many leaders of the organizations were whites. moment moment that occurred for women during the transition to democracy. While noting the not decide between weighting votes for the size of affi of size the for votes weighting between decide not phrases and errors are textually awkward, but this is the only way to preserve their ideas ideas their preserve to way only the is this but native English awkward, speakers, many such excerpts contain textually non-standard are constructions. errors Certain and phrases and maintain validity and within the interview changes in the transcripts process. are Editorial transcriptions own my did I protection, women’s the For brackets. square in enclosed have used randomly assigned western pseudonyms with regionally appropriate family names. peri- for Party. NP affi category no is there Conversely, ANC affi because skewed are NP. the bias urban/rural on data The project. urban an outside immediately homelands the as such areas even setting;urban therefore, research focus-group their of area—areas that retain selection full the traditional cultural within and customary law variation infrastructure—couldand lack this be includedany in the “urban” for andmodern not “rural” category. The researchers control to attempted (WNC 1994:121–188). impact of thepowerful and articulatefrom new exile international who had been“introduced women’s movement.to new feministbring these ideas to bear Women on the new South Africa.ideas returningand publications” (1999:295) could Alice Brown et al. (2002); for examples in the Middle East, see Najjar O. (1992). tional women’s conferences and advances in communication technology. Women are now starting international networks to learn from each other’s successes and failures. (1994:82), despite women’s role in the liberation movement. Catherine Scott presents presents Scott Catherine movement. liberation the in role women’s despite (1994:82), evidence thatthe Popular Movement for the Liberationof Angolaworked within thetradi- tional Marxist framework, which seescapitalismandcolonialism, women’spatriarchy;not thisseverely limited callswomen’sfor liberation emancipation related to theand struggle restricted against their activities to the traditionalthey had played in the revolution was reduced to the view that they household were “passive victims” sphere,and the multifaceted(1994:99). role tion (Sheldon 1994:41–46). Sita Ranchod-Nilsson presents a similar story from Zimbabwe, widespread,Zimbabwe, from and story the government similar a has had to trypresents to increase femaleRanchod-Nilsson Sita participation each1994:41–46). elec- (Sheldon tion where “government’s policies aff 11. Seidman (1999) argues that such unity was possible because of the particular historic 10.Memberorganizations (1995). al. couldextensive et Kemp ansee issue, discussionForthis of 3. analysisfi This 8. Kemp et detailal. (1995) the tensions between the African National Party and the National 9. Unfortunately, the data from the WNC appears to indicate an urban bias in the research 6. For such an example, see Cock (1991:184). 7. All interview quotes are direct transcriptions. As many of the women interviewed are not 4. See Britton (2001). the of examination an for study case ideal the be may Africa South 5.that argues Seidman W. Gay 2. examplesFor Norway,inBystydzienskiseeJillM. examplesfor Scotland,1992); in see (1988,

africaTODAY 58 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 59 HANNAH E. BRITTON ation ation cient cient uence they would would they uence ect in 1993, when CODESA was replaced with icts: smaller women’s organizations have wanted to to wanted have organizations women’s smaller icts: negotiations would only be about power-sharing” (Giliomee 1995:93). Opposition leaders leaders Opposition 1995:93). (Giliomee power-sharing” about be apartheid and remove other obstacles to negotiations, De Klerk did not envisage only competitive would elections and a system that could reduce the NP to a perpetual opposition party; . . . for negotiations him power, minority such nullify would that system electoral an secure to worked ANC the within as it was seen to be an extension of minority domination. In fact, in the years building to the sanctions rang the death-knell of apartheid, the white elite did not imagine that an end of rules of and end shiftingan that institutional imagine mechanismsin rectifying not the political exclusion and did domination to of women. accommodate elite women white may prove the insuffi apartheid, of of power death-knell sharing the with the dominant rang party. As internalsanctions boycotts, mass action, and international apartheidsupremacywhiteof control: endorthewould “whilemean preparedabolish quite to be unable to secure on their own; largermay inhibit their groups individual organizational goals. feel the coalition has served its purpose and the most in this instance. For an extended discussion, see Matland (1993). traditionalthe categories andpolitical systems achieveto parity; merely changing election mobilizedprovisionagainstinterimtheconstitutiona in exempted wouldhavebillthat the of rights, and therein human rights andunder customary gender law. equity, from areas and peoples still governed maintain the coalition because it gives them a platform and alevel of infl principal architect of the new constitution and was recognized as a formidable negotiator. nicating their outrage at the attack.racismof andsexism mutuallyas reinforcing To thesystems oppression.of commission,Womendelegates and the attack symbolizedjournalists were the primary targets the for physical and confl verbal abuse. which) women themselves are the principal players and the Coalition’s role was that of cata-which)ofwomenthemselvesprincipal thattheCoalition’s was role aretheplayers and lyst” (WNC 1994:21). Accordingly, theand mutually creation reinforcing methods: a consciousness-raising of the campaign, and Women’s a scholarly and Charter had tworigorous research simultaneous project, designed to assess South Africa women’s status and needs. propensity of women in the antiapartheid struggle to place gender second to national lib- once forward struggle gender the the bring to able of were women that posits Seidman eration, forefront the at leaders the the path of was cleared for the new dispensation. Many process. to commitment shared a unity: their beenWNChadexile in witnessedhadand utilitythe women’smobilizationof coalitionand building; participation. however, even women’s for non-exile space a women who worked providing within and groups South and welfare women African organizations advocacy empowering were of institutionally and usefulness experientiallyand aware of the need Accordingly, as the WNC progressed, process became as important as outcome. Within all its meetings, research, and activities, the WNC maintained a “model of transformation (in the Multi-Party the NegotiatingCouncil. 18.party is magnitudeevidencesomeit districtthatThere insteadis of magnitude matters that to addedsimplybecannot womenasserting thinkingthat by of line 19. thiscounters (1979) Okin 14.secretary-general ANCRamaphosa, the Cyril transition, a distinguishedtheduring himselfas 20. For example, and minoritysome power form De Klerk guarantee veto to and NP the worked 17. Kemp et al. outline(1995) these confl 15. CommissionreleasedTheANCstatement Emancipation thefor a commu- Women(1993) of 16. Albertyn (1994) delineates one such instance: the WNC and other women’s organizations 13. This representation of women went into eff 12. Although harder to measure, members of the WNC assert that there is a fourth reason for isthat itnd 23(1):75–106. Politics and Society (February–March), 22–25. erce in that district, the same gender-bias Work in Progress ect whatsoever. There is some evidence that itis party magni- ects to be modest at best. Additionally, Darcy et al.assert (1994) that ce. The composition of the NP’s regional lists reveals that there was an increase ects the democratic traditions and cultural 226). norms” (1996:221, ecting perhaps the party’s loss of seats more than any decision to have fewer Reform, and Transition to Democracy in South Africa. women in offi in women of women on the lists, percent percent in to 18.4 from 1994 11.4 in 1999. party magnitude—the likelihood of a party to win seats in a district—that determines the impact of district magnitude. It matters less that a district is large if a party expects to win before see 1990, Seidman (1999). protect to chosen have I voters may choose interview, from a list presented by a party. her from quotes extensive used have I While sees she project. because used name heridentity allinother cases. usedhave I her name her here because, shetheasonlyis woman having to open representative of the was Democratic Party at She the national level, readers will know who party. she is her by the content of the quote. of Further, this quote is part of common knowledge and at times complementary herself and her party as having an important role as an opposition to the ANC majority. itsactual percentage ofwomen Members ofParliament, from percentpercent.14.3 15.8 to The actual percentage of NP women Members of Parliament decreased slightly from 1994 refl to 1999, be best explained by Matland (1993, 1995) and Matland and Taylor (1997), whofi andMatlandbestbe(1997), explained andTaylor 1995) Matlandby (1993, only a few seats there; if the party competitiontendencies seen in single-member districts occur. is fi lar (1990) foundits eff lar(1990) district magnitude has no eff tude instead of district magnitude that matters the most inthis instance. This confusion may preclude the eventual and sustained consolidation of democracy in South Africa because the because the Africa democracySouth of in sustained consolidation and eventual the preclude pros- the that constitution lacked believes provisions for a viable (1995) democratic opposition and Giliomee instead pushed for a Similarly, else. all above unity national of path government only the is constitution democraticpectsa forconsolidationTheseassessments Thomas counteredfew. arearebestby “consensus-oriented assert who Reynolds, Andrew and Koelble by which South Africa will attain a stable democratic regime; . . . there is a much stronger case government of type the and brand, original the as democracy consensual the for made be to that best refl negotiations, the ANC in exile “commonly thought that the transitionnegotiations,wouldblackfollowexilerule“commonlythethoughtin thatto ANC the afterthe complete breakdown of the apartheid regime; . . . ending oppression would take the form of decolonization” (Giliomee 1995:95). Adler, Glenn, and Eddie Webster. 1995. Challenging Theory:Transition1995. Webster.Glenn,Eddie LaborTheandMovement,Adler, Radical REFERENCES CITED REFERENCES 22. literaturedistrictTheon question.magnitudeStud- recentlyintomoreand come Welchhas 21. Jung and Shapiro (1995) predicted that the groundwork laid by the interim constitution would would constitution interim the by laid groundwork the 21.that predicted ShapiroJungand(1995) Albertyn, Cathi. Steps Forward. 1994. Two 24. Closed party-lists are party-lists that are rank-ordered and unalterable; open lists indicate 25. Dene Smuts was the only person interviewed who wanted to have her name used in the 26. The NP and the DP did not create national lists for the elections, 1999 but the DP increased 23. For an extended discussion of the internal party tensions and struggles for gender equity

africaTODAY 60 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 61 HANNAH E. BRITTON

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We Now Demand: The History of Women’s Resistance to Pass Laws in South Africa South in Laws Pass to Resistance Women’s of History The Demand: Now We Women: Evidence from Britain and the United States. Johannesburg:Witwatersrand UniversityPress. total representatives interviewed representatives total African Christian DemocraticParty African National Congress Democratic Party Freedom Front 0 of 2 Inkatha Freedom Party National Party Pan Africanist Congress 86 of 251 Total Senate (National Council 0 25 of 43 10 1 of 7 5 1 of 0 of 9 9 of 81 4 1 1 0 of 398 107 3 34 of Provinces) of African Christian Democratic Party African National Congress representatives Democratic Party total interviewed 0 of 0 Freedom Front Inkatha Freedom Party National Party Pan Africanist of 60 15 Congress Total 0 0 of 3 1 of 5 4 0 of 0 0 of 5 to NA) 1 (moved 0 of 17 0 0 0 0 of 90 16 5 Welch, Susan, and Donley T. Studlar. 1990. Multi-Member Districts and the Representation of Wells, Julia. 1993. National Assembly

africaTODAY 64 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 65 HANNAH E. BRITTON Table 2 s 0 0 0 1 0 0 ’ Women members of parliament, 1994–1999 African 251 86 34.3% 266 97 36.5% 97 266 34.3% 33.3% Party 2 0 0 6 2 Christian 86 African Party Democratic 0 1 0 0 0 0 African 251 1994 Eenheids- National Congress 1994 1994 Afrikaner MPs 1999 beweging Women Party Total 1999 MPs People Azanian Women 1999 Total 29.8% Organization 0 0 0 2 0 Alliance0 Democratic Party Freedom 7 119 Inkatha Freedom Front 1 Party 0 0 0 1 0 0 43 14.3% Minority 400 38 10 National Party 23.3% 7 Pan-Africanist 34 Christian 15.8% 0 0 0 3 0 0 Congress 28.3% 81 5 14.3% 1 20% 3 7 2 33.3% 14 1 0 0 0 United 9 Democratic Party Democratic 20.6% 11.1% United 113 28 Front Movement 0 9 0 0 3 0 3 Freedom 10.7% 400Total: Table 3 Women on party-lists,Women 1994 elections Ballington, Julie. 1999b. List List MPs of MPs of Party MPs Women List List % % % Women National 12.9% ACDP Number ANC 32.2% Regional 9.6% 32.6% Number 31% DP 19% as Women 7 7.8% FF 252 12% of MPs 9 2 IFP 10.4% 15.9% of Women 1 0 14% 43 Proportion 90 NNP N/A 0 11.4% 35.7% 11.8% PAC 10 23.3% 0 12% 82 Total 5 9 0 11% 400 1 111 27% 20% Source: Source:

africaTODAY 66 COALITION BUILDING, ELECTION RULES, AND PARTY POLITICS africaTODAY 67 HANNAH E. BRITTON Table 4 Women on party-lists,Women 1999 elections Ballington, Julie. 1999c. List List MPs* of MPs of Party MPs* Women List List % % % Women National 29.0 ACDP Number ANC 39.0 Regional 24.0 AEB 14.5 Number 34.0 as Women AZAPO 18.5 of MPs 18.0 266 6 N/A DP of Women 21.0 1 Proportion 96 13.0 FA 13.6 15.6 38 FF16.0 36.0 2 0 7 17.7 2 IFP 15.8 22.0 3 0 28.6 0 33.3 MF 14.0 0 0 1 34 1.6 0 NNP N/A 7 22.0 PAC 18.4 1 20.6 19.0 UCDP 26.0 0 0 UDM 23.0 28 3 0 24.7 TOTAL 19.0 3 0 1 10.7 3 33.3 14 2 0 14.3 0 400 118 29.5 Source: Source: