DOCSLIB.ORG

1 AFRIKANER IDENTITY AFTER NATIONALISM Chapter 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 AFRIKANER IDENTITY AFTER NATIONALISM Chapter 1 AFRIKANER IDENTITY AFTER NATIONALISM Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW The history of Afrikaner nationalism elicits a particular curiosity. A near ideal-typical nationalist movement achieved overwhelming dominance over a vast territory at the southern tip of the African continent and its diverse peoples against strong countervailing powers. After this triumph, political power painstakingly conquered was surrendered without the bloodshed many foresaw at the time. Dire predictions of a protracted civil war were based on a view of Afrikaner ethno-nationalism as a ‘hard’ nationalism, marshalling all oppressive forces necessary to maintain dominance. After the slow but enduring construction of an ethno-nationalist movement, Afrikaner nationalists seized state power and consolidated their dominance over the years. Riding on a wave of ethnic mobilization, the National Party (NP), the main agent of Afrikaner ethno-nationalism until the 1970s, gained political power in South Africa after World War Two. Under nationalist leadership, Afrikaners advanced economically and socially through state patronage. Afrikaner nationalism had grown into a pervasive political, social, economic and cultural force. As a national minority, Afrikaners dominated a diverse society. However, towards the end of the twentieth century, nationalism ceased to be mobilizing force. Some analysts even argued that Afrikaner nationalism was now dead for good. Based on the success and decline of Afrikaner nationalism, the central question that this thesis addresses is why Afrikaners deserted nationalism? The larger theoretical problem stemming from this question is why do people become national and why do they desert nationalism? This line of questioning invites us to analyze the formation and dissolution of identities in late modernity. What shaped Afrikaner identities in the past and what is shaping them in the present? This thesis investigates the formation, dissolution and re-configuration of Afrikaner identities in order to understand processes of social and political change. While the study of Afrikaner nationalism based on a modernist conception of nationalism emphasized the 1 role of the state in shaping identities, such a state-centered approach struggles to explain how identities change. With the modernist focus on institutions and state structures in the formation of identities, the subjective dimension of identity formation has not received systematic attention. I intend to probe how subjective aspects of identity formation, as encountered in narratives of the self, can help us to understand social and political change, clearly apparent in the decline of Afrikaner nationalism. In this decline of a once powerful ethno-nationalist movement, the emergence of new subjectivities in our epoch of late modernity is of particular importance. Identities understood as multiple, contradictory and relational may have developed that were well beyond the narrow frame set by ethnic and nationalist ideology and mobilization. The study of Afrikaner nationalism is significant because it allows us to analyze the decline of nationalism and ethnic mobilization. Up to now, the lessons for theories of nationalism from the decline of nationalism and ethnicity have not been studied in full. While Ernst B. Haas (1997) offers a complete theory for the decline of nationalism and the nation-state, he does so within a very restrained, functionalist modernization framework. The decline of Afrikaner nationalism offers an opportunity to study how individuals create meaning, how life-worlds and the social imaginary shape identities and relationships with the nation-state, nationalism and ethnicity. Addressing the problem of contemporary Afrikaner identities leads us to consider the problem of “white” 1 identities or whiteness.2 Whiteness in South Africa is often described as a monolithic essence with little room for change (Steyn, 2001). I intend to give a more nuanced portrait of whiteness which leads to an understanding of the possibilities for changing “white” identities. Often, Afrikaners (and South Africa’s “white” citizens) are described as a group of people with little inclination for change, 1 “White”, as well as “black” and “white” are written in quotation marks (unless it is a citation) to indicate that it is primarily a social construct to which many stereotypes are attached and in this sense, “race (s)” do not exist, beyond the existence of physical characteristics and appearance. 2 Ruth Frankenberg defines whiteness through “a set of linked dimensions. First, whiteness is a location of structural advantage, of race privilege. Second, it is a “standpoint”, a place from which white people look at ourselves, at others, and at society. Third, “whiteness” refers to a set of cultural practices that are usually unmarked and unnamed (1993, 1).” 2 reveling in self-pity, continuing with their old ways and by and large dropping out of an engagement with larger society. My research suggests that this perspective may only reflect the attitudes of one segment of the “white” population. In the face of the often encountered “white” recalcitrance to accept the need for redress, making amends and leaving “racial” exclusiveness behind, analysts regret such an attitude yet fail to offer deeper insights into the social dynamics of evolving “racial” identities. After having outlined the major problems addressed in this study, let me now proceed with an overview of the chapters. In chapter two, I analyze how nationalism in general and particularly Afrikaner nationalism have been studied. This initial analysis of theories of nationalism and ethnicity sets the tone for the reminder of the thesis. In a advancing my theoretical argument built on previous theory, I intend to contribute to the study of nationalism with the aspiration to suggest further directions in the study of nationalism and ethnicity. In this chapter, I do not offer a complete overview over theories of nationalism and ethnicity. Given the vast body of theoretical and empirical works published on nationalism every year, to take stock of this entire literature is beyond the scope of this thesis. Rather, I have selected the key works that deal with the problems of ethnic and nationalist mobilization. From my review of the literature, I want to suggest that the lessons from the demise and the dissolution of nationalism and ethnicity do not receive sufficient attention. I will demonstrate in this thesis that meaningful insights about national and ethnic identity can be derived from studying the decline of nationalist and ethnic movements. Since the concept ‘nationalism’ is complex, I agree with the cautious approach that does not attempt to come up with one single definition. Rather, there is a whole field of nationalism studies that incorporates such concepts as identity, ethnicity, culture, “race”3, 3 “Race”, as well as “ is written in quotation marks (unless it is a citation) to indicate that it is primarily a social construct to which many stereotypes are attached and in this sense, “race” does not exist, beyond phenotype or appearance. 3 community, civic virtue, language, solidarity, citizenship and so on. Ethnicity and nationalism are phenomena that are located on a continuum and not in watertight containers. Moving on from defining nationalism, I analyze how nationalism has been studied as a consequence of modernity. The relationship between nationalism and modernity is arguably the most contentious issue in the study of nationalism and I argue that Afrikaner nationalism is a good case to support the modernist perspective that state makes nation. But besides the modernist focus on a political movement, socio-economic, historical and institutional factors, I also want to suggest that ideology and discourse, and more importantly, narrative deserve our attention. For it seems to me that from studying narratives of the self we gain a better understanding how identities change and how people develop attitudes that inform choices. I then proceed in chapter two with studying three approaches to the study of nationalism (and Afrikaner nationalism): primordialism, instrumentalism and constructivism. Firmly within a primordial paradigm, early approaches to Afrikaner nationalism saw nationalism as the expression of the inner selves of Afrikaners. A cultural canon of traditions and language was seen as the expression of a single and dominant Afrikaner identity. In its most radical form, primordialism essentializes culture and identity. In trying to answer why people become national and why they desert it, primordialism is not very helpful. Instead of considering change, primordialism focuses on stability and continuity. A further consequence of the primordialist perspective is that it serves to justify ethnic belonging. People may have strong feelings about their language, culture and so on, but how is this manifested? Or put it differently, should we not rather ask under what circumstances does ethnic belonging matter and when does it cease to do so? To take for granted the support, adherence to or adoration of ethnicity creates uncritical certainties rather than prompting a search for explanations. In the political realm, the primordial perspective serves to emphasize ‘natural’ and existential differences between peoples and hence supports claims that different ethnicities cannot coexist. Related to such a primordial approach is a focus on belief systems, such as the role of a civil religion in the formation of an Afrikaner national
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Article Differing Interpretations of Reconciliation in South Africa
    Article Differing interpretations of reconciliation in South Africa: a discussion of the home for all campaign1 Sally Matthews [email protected] Abstract The theme of reconciliation remains an important one in South African politics. The issue of reconciliation was recently highlighted by South African Human Rights Commission chairperson, Jody Kollapen. According to Kollapen, in South Africa we have a problematic narrow interpretation of reconciliation, one that presents reconciliation and transformation as being in opposition to one another. This paper explores some of the debates about reconciliation as a process and then relates these to the Home for All Campaign. This Campaign was aimed at encouraging white South Africans to acknowledge the injustices of the past and to commit themselves to healing divisions and reducing inequalities in contemporary South Africa. It conceived of reconciliation as a process in which the onus is on white South Africans to take the initiative in reconciling with black South Africans. The Campaign received much publicity and provoked debate but never managed to gain the support of a significant number of white South Africans. In this paper, I explore the reasons for the Campaign’s failure to meet all of its objectives, relating this to contemporary South African discourse on reconciliation. I argue that the Campaign’s interpretation of reconciliation was valuable and necessary and that it remains imperative in South Africa that white South Africans critically reflect upon past and present privileges and take the initiative in processes of inter-racial reconciliation. More than fifteen years after the end of apartheid the topic of post-apartheid inter-racial reconciliation in South Africa remains pertinent.
    [Show full text]
  • Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 415 168 SO 028 325 AUTHOR Warnsley, Johnnye R. TITLE Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future. A Curriculum Unit. Fulbright-Hays Summer Seminar Abroad 1996 (South Africa). INSTITUTION Center for International Education (ED), Washington, DC. PUB DATE 1996-00-00 NOTE 77p. PUB TYPE Guides Classroom Teacher (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC04 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *African Studies; *Apartheid; Black Studies; Foreign Countries; Global Education; Instructional Materials; Interdisciplinary Approach; Peace; *Racial Discrimination; *Racial Segregation; Secondary Education; Social Studies; Teaching Guides IDENTIFIERS African National Congress; Mandela (Nelson); *South Africa ABSTRACT This curriculum unit is designed for students to achieve a better understanding of the South African society and the numerous changes that have recently, occurred. The four-week unit can be modified to fit existing classroom needs. The nine lessons include: (1) "A Profile of South Africa"; (2) "South African Society"; (3) "Nelson Mandela: The Rivonia Trial Speech"; (4) "African National Congress Struggle for Justice"; (5) "Laws of South Africa"; (6) "The Pass Laws: How They Impacted the Lives of Black South Africans"; (7) "Homelands: A Key Feature of Apartheid"; (8) "Research Project: The Liberation Movement"; and (9)"A Time Line." Students readings, handouts, discussion questions, maps, and bibliography are included. (EH) ******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ******************************************************************************** 00 I- 4.1"Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future" A Curriculum Unit HERE SHALL watr- ALL 5 HALLENTOEQUALARTiii. 41"It AFiacAPLAYiB(D - Wad Lli -WIr_l clal4 I.4.4i-i PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY (4.)L.ct.0-Aou-S TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) Johnnye R.
    [Show full text]
  • Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy
    AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 First published in 1993 by Rhodes University Grahamstown South Africa ©PROF RJ SOUTHALL - 1993 Roger Southall Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy ISBN: 0-86810-262-8 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. INTRODUCTION I am not sure that my students will agree, but my opinion is that this is the first time I have lectured in funny clothes. Inaugural lectures, in all the garb, are one of the institutions at Rhodes, to which all previous professorial victims heartily subscribe. However, one of my particular disappointments about the postponement of the Rhodes summit last Saturday is that I was going to propose, as a matter of urgency, that this anachronistic practice be abandoned forthwith. Deprived of that opportunity, I shall of course become a resolute defender of this glorious tradition on September 25th. An associated aspect of this tradition is that the victim reflects upon the state of his or her discipline. I have chosen not to do that, in large measure because I am only a relatively recent arrival in South Africa, I cannot claim to be privy to any intimate understanding of how the academic study of Politics developed in this country.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Pdf/39666742.Pdf De Vries, Fred (2006)
    A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Restless collection: Ivan Vladislavić and South African literary culture Katie Reid PhD Colonial and Postcolonial Cultures University of Sussex January 2017 For my parents. 1 Acknowledgments With thanks to my supervisor, Professor Stephanie Newell, who inspired and enabled me to begin, and whose drive and energy, and always creative generosity enlivened the process throughout. My thanks are due to the Arts and Humanities Research Council for funding the research. Thanks also to the Harry Ransom Center, at the University of Texas in Austin, for a Dissertation Fellowship (2011-12); and to the School of English at the University of Sussex for grants and financial support to pursue the research and related projects and events throughout, and without which the project would not have taken its shape. I am grateful to all staff at the research institutions I have visited: with particular mention to Gabriela Redwine at the HRC; everyone at the National English Literary Museum, Grahamstown; and all those at Pan McMillan, South Africa, who provided access to the Ravan Press archives.
    [Show full text]
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • Prague Papers on International Relations
    Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943 Mikuláš Touška1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, par- adoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other domin- ions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nation- alist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-con- servative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the oppo- sition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence. KEYWORDS Union of South Africa, Second World War, United Party, National Party, Afrikaner Party, James Barry Munnik Hertzog, Jan Christiaan Smuts, Daniel François Malan. “WHITE UNITY” The period after 1910 until the mid-30s in the Union’s political development is char- acterized by Afrikaners’ rising influence. Although English-speaking white South Africans represented about 40 percent of the Union’s white population, their impact on politics gradually declined as they focused mainly on the economy.2 It should be noted that there was no “British” political party on the South African political scene that might have constituted an adequate rival to the Afrikaner nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • By John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987
    CONFORMITY AND CONFLICT: AFRIKANER NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 by John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987 One of the principal themes of this thesis is that it is incorrect to treat M Afrikanerdom" as a monolithic, unified ethnic entity. At the time of its election victory in 1948, the National Party (NP) represented an alliance of various factions and classes, all of whom perceived their Interests in different ways. Given, too, that black resistance to exploitation and oppression increased throughout the 1950s, apartheid ideology cannot be viewed as an immutable, uncontested blueprint, which was stamped by the NP on to a static political situation. The thesis is based on four main strands of research. It is grounded, firstly, in a detailed analysis of Afrikaner social stratification during the 1950s. The political implications of the rapid increase in the number of Afrikaners employed in "white-collar" occupations, and the swift economic expansion of the large Afrikaner corporations, are also examined. The second strand of research examines the short-term political problems which faced the nationalist alliance in the years following its slim victory in the 1948 election. Much of the NP's energy during its first five years in office was spent on consolidating its precarious hold on power, rather than on the imposition of a "grand" ideological programme. Simultaneously, however, intense discussions - and conflicts - concerning the long-term implications, goals and justifications of apartheid were taking place amongst Afrikaner intellectuals and clergymen. A third thrust of the thesis will be to examine the way in which these conflicts concretely shaped the ultimate direction of apartheid policy and ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
    POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Solidarity Movement Et La Restructuration De L'activisme Afrika
    Université de Montréal « Un peuple se sauve lui-même » Le Solidarity Movement et la restructuration de l’activisme afrikaner en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 par Joanie Thibault-Couture Département de science politique, Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en science politique Janvier 2017 © Joanie Thibault-Couture 2017 Résumé Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Re S Umes
    REPORT RE S UMES ED 011 661 AL 000 368 LANGUASE AND "NATIONALISM" IN SOUTHAFRICA. BERGHE, P. VAN DEN PUB DATE NOV 66 EDRS PRICE MF$0.09 HC -$O,64 16P. DESCRIPTORS- *LANGUAGES,*SOCIOLINGUISTICS, *NATIONALISM, *AFRICAN LANGUAGES, OFFICIALLANGUAGES, SECOND LANGUAGES, . 'LANGUAGE INSTRUCTION, AFRIKAANS,XHOSA, SOTHO, ZULU, ENGLISH, SOUTH AFRICA THE ONLY GROUP IN SOUTH AFRICA TO HAVEDEVELOPED A NATIONALISM BASED, AT LEAST PARTLY,ON ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE ARE THE AFRIKANERS. CUE TO AFRIKANERFEELINGS OF NATIONALISM, ATTEMPTS HAVE BEEN MADE TO SEGREGATEAFRICANS AND NON - AFRICANS OF DIFFERENT LANGUAGEGROUPS FROM THE AFRIKANERS AND FROM EACH OTHER. MOTHER- TONGUE INSTRUCTION IS STRESSED AT ALL LEVELS OF SCHOOLING DESPITE THEPREFERENCE OF AFRICANS TO BE TAUGHT IN ENGLISH. ASSUMING AMAJORITY GOVERNMENT IN THE FUTURE, THE PRESENT SITUATION, WHEREINOFFICIAL STATUS IS GRANTED ONLY TO THE TWO MAIN LANGUAGES,ENGLISH AND AFRIKAANS, IS UNLIKELY TO BE ACCEPTABLETO MOST SOUTH AFRICANS, AND MOST EDUCATED AFRICANSWOULD PROBABLY BE RELUCTANT TO SUBSTITUTE A BANTULANGUAGE AS THE OFFICIAL TONGUE. GRANTING EQUAL STATUS TO ALLFIVEMAJOR LANGUAGES WOULD BE COSTLY AND ADMINISTRATIVELYINEFFICIENT. ONE WORKABLE SOLUTION SEEMS TO BE TO RECOGNIZEENGLISH AS THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE, WHILE USING THEOTHER FOUR MAIN LANGUAGES (AFRIKAANS, XHOSA, SOTHO,AND ZULU) AS OFFICIAL REGIONAL SECOND LANGUAGES. (NC) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCEDEXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATINGIT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OIHIONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENTOFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. LANGUAGE AND "NATIONALISM" IN souls AFRICA Pierre L. van den Berghe University of Washington To state that language and nationalism are closely related is a tautology, but one that needs restating in view of the loose usage of the term "nationalism" in the Third World and particularly in the African literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women's Path to Parliament
    Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women's Path to Parliament Britton, Hannah E. Africa Today, Volume 49, Number 4, Winter 2002, pp. 33-67 (Article) Published by Indiana University Press DOI: 10.1353/at.2003.0036 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v049/49.4britton.html Access Provided by University of Kansas Libraries at 06/27/12 9:18PM GMT This case, resting fi rmly in a postcolonial African context, demonstrates that the power and infl uence that women developed during a liberation struggle may be used to transcend public and private political distinctions within the new regime. Coalition Building, Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African Women’s Path to Parliament Hannah E. Britton This paper argues that pre-transition mobilization by South African women fostered post transition success in constitutional mandates, party politics, and offi ce hold- ing. Informed by examples of failed postliberation gender movements in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Angola, South African women’s groups worked collectively and individu- ally to advance gender equality. Women mobilized around their gender identity to form a powerful multiparty women’s coalition, which became a vehicle through which women pushed for inclusion in the Constitutional Assembly. Using this external power-base, women’s branches of major politi- cal parties compelled their parties’ leaders to implement affi rmative-action measures for candidate recruitment and selection. These measures, particularly the gender quota of the African National Congress, have pressured all political parties to increase the number of women on their party-lists in subsequent elections.
    [Show full text]