FAFEN Key Findings and Analysis for 2018 Pakistan Elections
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Pakistan’s ‘Mainstreaming’ Jihadis Vinay Kaura, Aparna Pande The emergence of the religious right-wing as a formidable political force in Pakistan seems to be an outcome of direct and indirect patron- age of the dominant military over the years. Ever since the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1947, the military establishment has formed a quasi alliance with the conservative religious elements who define a strongly Islamic identity for the country. The alliance has provided Islamism with regional perspectives and encouraged it to exploit the concept of jihad. This trend found its most obvious man- ifestation through the Afghan War. Due to the centrality of Islam in Pakistan’s national identity, secular leaders and groups find it extreme- ly difficult to create a national consensus against groups that describe themselves as soldiers of Islam. Using two case studies, the article ar- gues that political survival of both the military and the radical Islamist parties is based on their tacit understanding. It contends that without de-radicalisation of jihadis, the efforts to ‘mainstream’ them through the electoral process have huge implications for Pakistan’s political sys- tem as well as for prospects of regional peace. Keywords: Islamist, Jihadist, Red Mosque, Taliban, blasphemy, ISI, TLP, Musharraf, Afghanistan Introduction In the last two decades, the relationship between the Islamic faith and political power has emerged as an interesting field of political anal- ysis. Particularly after the revival of the Taliban and the rise of ISIS, Author. Article. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 4: 51–73. -
FAULTLINES the K.P.S
FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 edited by AJAI SAHNI Kautilya Books & THE INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. © The Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi November 2020 ISBN : 978-81-948233-1-5 Price: ` 250 Overseas: US$ 30 Printed by: Kautilya Books 309, Hari Sadan, 20, Ansari Road Daryaganj, New Delhi-110 002 Phone: 011 47534346, +91 99115 54346 Faultlines: the k.p.s. gill journal of conflict & resolution Edited by Ajai Sahni FAULTLINES - THE SERIES FAULTLINES focuses on various sources and aspects of existing and emerging conflict in the Indian subcontinent. Terrorism and low-intensity wars, communal, caste and other sectarian strife, political violence, organised crime, policing, the criminal justice system and human rights constitute the central focus of the Journal. FAULTLINES is published each quarter by the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. PUBLISHER & EDITOR Dr. Ajai Sahni ASSISTANT EDITOR Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya EDITORIAL CONSULTANTS Prof. George Jacob Vijendra Singh Jafa Chandan Mitra The views expressed in FAULTLINES are those of the authors, and not necessarily of the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. FAULTLINES seeks to provide a forum for the widest possible spectrum of research and opinion on South Asian conflicts. Contents Foreword i 1. Digitised Hate: Online Radicalisation in Pakistan & Afghanistan: Implications for India 1 ─ Peter Chalk 2. -
Pakistan Elections 2018: an Analysis of Trends, Recurring Themes and Possible Political Scenarios
1 DISCUSSION PAPER Dr. Saeed Shafqat * Professor & Founding Director Centre for Public Policy and Governance (CPPG) Pakistan Elections 2018: An Analysis of Trends, Recurring Themes and Possible Political Scenarios Abstract Politics in Pakistan like many developing societies is confrontational, personalized and acrimonious, yet electoral contestations provides an opportunity for resolving divides through bargain, compromise and consensus. On 25th July 2018 Pakistani voters will be choosing new national and provincial assemblies for the next five years. Forecasting electoral outcomes is hazardous, yet this paper ventures to provide an appraisal of some key issues, current trends, and recurring themes and based on an analysis of limited data and survey of literature and news reports presents a few scenarios about the potential loosers and winners in the forthcoming elections. Introduction and Context: This paper is divided into five parts and draws attention towards key issues that are steering the elections 2018. First, Identifying the current trends, it sheds some light on 2013 elections and how the Census 2017 and youth bulge could influence the outcome of 2018 elections. Second, it highlights the revitalization of Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and how it would test its ability to hold free and fair elections. Third, it focuses on the confrontational politics of Sharif Family and PML-N and how the opposition political parties and the military is responding to it and that could set new parameters for civil-military relations in the post election phase. Fourth, it dwells on the role media and social media could play in shaping the electioneering and outcome of the elections. -
The Domestic Politics of Pakistan's Lashkar-E-Taiba
The Milli Muslim League: The Domestic Politics of Pakistan’s Lashkar-e-Taiba By C. Christine Fair ASHKAR-E-TAIBA (LET) IS THE PAKISTANI ARMY’S MOST SUBSERVIENT proxy. Founded in Afghanistan during the fag end of the anti-Sovi- et jihad, LeT has never conducted a terrorist attack within Pakistan nor has it set its sights on any Pakistani target at home or abroad. For these reasons, the LeT enjoys the unstinting support of the Pakistani Lmilitary and intelligence establishment. In 2002, the United States designated LeT a Foreign Terrorist Organization along with Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) after the latter conducted a suicide attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001. That attack precipitated the largest Indian mobilization of forces since the 1971 war. The Pakistanis responded by moving their own forces from the west, where they were ostensibly supporting U.S. military operations in Afghanistan, to the east to counter a potential Indian attack. Washington, which was dependent upon Pak- istan’s cooperation on its western border, sought to alleviate India’s concerns. In an effort to get Pakistani forces to swing back towards the west, Washington pressured India to de-escalate while insisting that then-President Pervez Musharraf ban both JeM and LeT, which provided India with the requisite diplomatic victory to justify softening its rhetoric. THE DOMESTIC POLITICS OF PAKISTAN’S LASHKAR-E-TAIBA ■ 33 The bans were a feint: Pakistani intelligence notified both JeM and LeT of the pending bans, which allowed them to regroup under different names and move their funds to new bank accounts. -
Lashkar-E-Taiba
Lashkar-e-Taiba Name: Lashkar-e-Taiba Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Pakistan Year of Origin: 1990 Founder(s): Hafiz Muhammad Saeed Places of Operation: Pakistan, India, Kashmir, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Overview Also Known As: • Al Mansooreen1 2 • Lashkar e-Tayyiba18 19 • Al Mansoorian3 4 • Lashkar-e-Toiba20 21 • Army of Madinah5 • Lashkar-i-Taiba22 23 • Army of the Pure6 7 • LT24 • Army of the Pure and Righteous8 9 • Movement for the Safeguarding of the First Center of • Army of the Righteous10 11 Prayer25 • Deccan Mujahideen12 • Paasban-e-Ahle-Hadis26 27 • Falah-i-Insaniat Foundation (FIF)13 • Paasban-e-Kashmir28 29 • Idara Khidmat-e-Khalq14 • Paasban-i-Ahle-Hadith30 31 • Islamic Jammat ud Dawa15 • Pasban-e-Ahle-Hadith32 33 • Jamaat ud-Dawa16 17 • Pasban-e-Kashmir34 35 • Tehreek-e-Tahafuz Qibla Awal36 Executive Summary: Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), meaning “Army of the Pure,” is a violent Islamist group based in Pakistan [1].37 Since its formation in the 1990s, LeT has carried out numerous attacks against military and civilian targets in India [2], particularly within the northern state of Jammu and Kashmir.38 The group received significant international attention for its alleged involvement in 1 Lashkar-e-Taiba the 2008 Mumbai attacks, which claimed the lives of 166 individuals and injured more than 300 others.39 LeT finds its roots in the Pakistani Islamist group Markaz-ad-Dawa-wal-Irshad (MDI), -
Previewing Pak 2018 Gen Elec SPECREP
Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 SPECIAL REPORT 195 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election Rana Banerji" Sushant Sareen" Dr TCA Raghavan" Dr Ashok K Behuria !1 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Contents Synopsis 1" Role of the military and " foreign policy 2" Role of domestic factors 4" PTI’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 5" PML-N’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 6" Speakers’ Roundtable and Q&A 8" !2 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Synopsis IPCS hosted a panel discussion on 12 July 2018 featuring four distinguished Pakistan experts—Rana Banerji, Sushant Sareen, Dr TCA Raghavan, and Dr Ashok Behuria—to deliberate the several factors likely to influence the trajectory of the Pakistani general election scheduled for 25 July 2018. This report contains short write-ups authored by the panelists based on their presentations at the discussion, followed by the Speakers' Roundtable and Q&A, both rapporteured by IPCS. !3 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Will the military and foreign policy influence voting in the 2018 National Assembly Election? Why? Rana Banerji Member, IPCS Governing Council; former Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India One must revisit the Pakistani military’s strategic culture to understand their approach to the democratic process and general elections in Pakistan. The army regards itself as the guardian or supreme defender of the country’s national interests and sovereignty; the only institution which has preserved the security and very survival of the nation against all odds. -
The Kurdistan Workers Party
EXPLANATORY STATEMENT Issued by the authority of the Minister for Home Affairs Criminal Code Act 1995 Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulations 2018 The purpose of the Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulations 2018 (the Regulations) is to specify Lashkar-e-Tayyiba for the purposes of paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1) of the Criminal Code.1 Lashkar-e-Tayyiba is currently specified for this purpose by the Criminal Code (Terrorist Organisation—Lashkar-e-Tayyiba) Regulation 2015, which is repealed by the Regulations. Details of the Regulations are set out in Attachment A. Section 5 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (the Act) provides that the Governor-General may make regulations prescribing matters required or permitted by the Act to be prescribed, or necessary or convenient to be prescribed for carrying out or giving effect to the Act. The Schedule to the Act sets out the Criminal Code. Paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1) of the Criminal Code provides that regulations can specify organisations for the purposes of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’. Subsection 102.1(2) of the Criminal Code provides that before the Governor-General makes regulations specifying an organisation for the purposes of paragraph (b) of the definition of ‘terrorist organisation’ in subsection 102.1(1), the Minister must be satisfied on reasonable grounds that the organisation is directly or indirectly engaged in, preparing, planning, assisting in or fostering the doing of a terrorist act or advocates the doing of a terrorist act. -
Milli Muslim League
INSTITUTE FOR DEFENCE STUDIES AND ANALYSES eekly E-BULLETINE-BULLETIN PAKISTAN PROJECT w August 07-13, 2017 This E-Bulletin focuses on major developments in Pakistan on weekly basis and brings them to the notice of strategic analysts and policy makers in India. EDITORIAL Pakistan Muslim League led by Nawaz Sharif (PML-N) is the most prominent among them. MML is yet another akistan's political drama continued with Nawaz ‘Muslim League’ added to the list. Sharif's road show which was a show of popularity P MML’s formation was widely reported in the Indian and strength of the outgoing Prime Minister. However, media with a sense of concern about a militant outfit the difference of opinion between various senior leaders seeking to enter into mainstream politics in Pakistan. In over the Panama care, Nawaz's road show and Pakistan, however, it did not receive as much attention. nomination for the NA 120 seat continues to divide the Even the Urdu media chose to ignore it. The English PML-N, though the division is manageable at the media carried some comments on the mainstreaming moment. This week also witnessed suicide attack in of JuD and there were hints that the hidden hands of Quetta in Balochistan that killed 8 soldiers. While the the establishment might have facilitated its formation. Taliban launched a new magazine to attract female jihadists to its fold; the Jamaat ud Dawa announced a The Objectives new political party, the Milli Muslim league. This weekly bulletin focuses on the reason behind the formation of The leaders of MML informed the media that they had Milli Muslim League and its future in the turbulent approached the election commission with a flag, and politics of Pakistan. -
The Milli Muslim League Politics of Pakistan's Lashkar-E-Taiba
The Milli Muslim League Politics of Pakistan’s Lashkar-e-Taiba Manish* Almost ten years after the fateful 26/11 Mumbai terror attack, Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan’s Prime Minister at the time of the attack, in an interview on May 18, 2018, clearly acknowledged, for the first time, the presence of militant outfits in Pakistan and their use by Pakistan’s so called ‘deep state’.1 * Dr. Manish is currently Professor at the Centre for International Politics, School of International Studies, Central University of Gujarat. He has earlier (March 2001- Dec 2005) served as Fellow in the IDSA, and also as an Officer on Special Duty (Dec 2005 – March 2012) with the Government of India. From 2012 until Oct 2017, he was Head of the Department of the International Relations, Sikkim University. He was also instrumental in setting up Maulana Azad Centre for North East Studies at Sikkim University, with research focus on India’s north- eastern region. The Centre published a magazine, titled Bodhi, under his editorship. He has several publications to his credit including a book titled Jihadis in Jammu & Kashmir published by Sage. 1 "Political scientists and foreign policy experts have used the term deep state for years to describe individuals and institutions who exercise power independent of—and sometimes over—civilian political leaders. They applied it mainly to developing countries like Algeria, Pakistan, Egypt and Turkey, where generals and spies called the real shots in nominally democratic societies and replaced elected leaders when they saw fit.", as stated by Michael Crowley, "The Deep State Is Real", Politico Magazine, September/October, 2017, June 1 2018, https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/09/05/deep-state- real-cia-fbi-intelligence-215537. -
Recruitment by Lashkar-E-Taiba and Jamaat-Ud-Dawa Question(S) 1
COI QUERY Country of Origin Pakistan Main subject Recruitment by Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jamaat-ud-Dawa Question(s) 1. Information on incidents of kidnappings of minors for the purpose of forced recruitment by the Jamaat-ud-Dawa group in Punjab and Muzzaffarabad (2011-2017). 2. Information on incidents of kidnappings of young men for the purpose of forced recruitment by the Lashkar-e-Taiba group in Kashmir with a focus on Khuiratta and Kotli area (2008-2014). 3. Information on treatment by members of either the Jamat- ud-Dawa or the Lashkar-e-Taiba towards minors/young men who refused to join their groups respectively. Date of completion 11 December 2018 Query Code Q127/128 Contributing EU+ COI units (if applicable) Disclaimer This response to a COI query has been elaborated according to the Common EU Guidelines for Processing COI and EASO COI Report Methodology. The information provided in this response has been researched, evaluated and processed with utmost care within a limited time frame. All sources used are referenced. A quality review has been performed in line with the above mentioned methodology. This document does not claim to be exhaustive neither conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to international protection. If a certain event, person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position. The information in the response does not necessarily reflect the opinion of EASO and makes no political statement whatsoever. -
Pakistan Security Report 2018
Conflict and Peace Studies VOLUME 11 Jan - June 2019 NUMBER 1 PAKISTAN SECURITY REPORT 2018 PAK INSTITUTE FOR PEACE STUDIES (PIPS) A PIPS Research Journal Conflict and Peace Studies Copyright © PIPS 2019 All Rights Reserved No part of this journal may be reproduced in any form by photocopying or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval systems, without prior permission in writing from the publisher of this journal. Editorial Advisory Board Khaled Ahmed Dr. Catarina Kinnvall Consulting Editor, Department of Political Science, The Friday Times, Lahore, Pakistan. Lund University, Sweden. Prof. Dr. Saeed Shafqat Dr. Adam Dolnik Director, Centre for Public Policy and Governance, Professor of Counterterrorism, George C. Forman Christian College, Lahore, Pakistan. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, Germany. Marco Mezzera Tahir Abbas Senior Adviser, Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Professor of Sociology, Fatih University, Centre / Norsk Ressurssenter for Fredsbygging, Istanbul, Turkey. Norway. Prof. Dr. Syed Farooq Hasnat Rasul Bakhsh Rais Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab, Professor, Political Science, Lahore, Pakistan. Lahore University of Management Sciences Lahore, Pakistan. Anatol Lieven Dr. Tariq Rahman Professor, Department of War Studies, Dean, School of Education, Beaconhouse King's College, London, United Kingdom. National University, Lahore, Pakistan. Peter Bergen Senior Fellow, New American Foundation, Washington D.C., USA. Pak Institute for Peace ISSN 2072-0408 ISBN 978-969-9370-32-8 Studies Price: Rs 1000.00 (PIPS) US$ 25.00 Post Box No. 2110, The views expressed are the authors' Islamabad, Pakistan own and do not necessarily reflect any +92-51-8359475-6 positions held by the institute. -
Religion and Electoral Politics in Punjab: a Case Study of 2018 General Elections
South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 34, No. 1, January – June, 2019, pp. 7 – 24 Religion and Electoral Politics in Punjab: A Case Study of 2018 General Elections Usman Bashir University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan. Iram Khalid University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan. ABSTRACT This study is focused on the impact of religion on the electoral pattern of the people of Punjab. Religion as a determinant of voting behavior is best expressed in the votes secured by the religious parties. Thus, religious parties vote in Pakistan and Punjab is studied to build an argument. Religion has a strong impact on human life. It influences each act and attitude of the individual especially in developing countries. In Pakistan; religion has a solid affect in shaping the political attitudes and beliefs of the individuals. It is one of the key elements of politics.2018 general elections saw a sudden rise in the vote bank of religious political parties. It witnessed a 2.17 % increase in the religious vote country wide and 1.32% increase in Punjab. Tahreek Labbaik Pakistan appeared on the scene as a radical Sunni Islamic party, it mobilized the barelvi vote bank to great effect. And it emerged as the third largest party of Punjab, in terms of votes polled. 2018 general elections also witnessed the rise of Milli Muslim League which was a political wing of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, who were previously rejecting the parliamentary form of government and were critical of voting in elections. The increase in the influence of the various spiritual gaddi nasheen in the electoral politics of Punjab was also a prominent factor during the 11th general election.