Score Card on Perception of Pre-Poll Fairness
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Pakistan’s ‘Mainstreaming’ Jihadis Vinay Kaura, Aparna Pande The emergence of the religious right-wing as a formidable political force in Pakistan seems to be an outcome of direct and indirect patron- age of the dominant military over the years. Ever since the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1947, the military establishment has formed a quasi alliance with the conservative religious elements who define a strongly Islamic identity for the country. The alliance has provided Islamism with regional perspectives and encouraged it to exploit the concept of jihad. This trend found its most obvious man- ifestation through the Afghan War. Due to the centrality of Islam in Pakistan’s national identity, secular leaders and groups find it extreme- ly difficult to create a national consensus against groups that describe themselves as soldiers of Islam. Using two case studies, the article ar- gues that political survival of both the military and the radical Islamist parties is based on their tacit understanding. It contends that without de-radicalisation of jihadis, the efforts to ‘mainstream’ them through the electoral process have huge implications for Pakistan’s political sys- tem as well as for prospects of regional peace. Keywords: Islamist, Jihadist, Red Mosque, Taliban, blasphemy, ISI, TLP, Musharraf, Afghanistan Introduction In the last two decades, the relationship between the Islamic faith and political power has emerged as an interesting field of political anal- ysis. Particularly after the revival of the Taliban and the rise of ISIS, Author. Article. Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 4: 51–73. -
FAFEN Key Findings and Analysis for 2018 Pakistan Elections
Key Findings and Analysis www.fafen.org 1 Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) FAFEN General Election Observation 2018 Key Findings and Analysis All rights reserved. Any part of this publication may be produced or translated by duly acknowledging the source. TDEA–FAFEN Secretariat Building No. 1, Street 5 (Off Jasmine Road), G-7/2, Islamabad, Pakistan Website: www.fafen.org FAFEN is supported by Trust for Democratic Education and Accountability (TDEA) 2 Free and Fair Election Network - FAFEN Key Findings and Analysis www.fafen.org 3 4 Free and Fair Election Network - FAFEN AAT Allah-o-Akbar Tehreek ANP Awami National Party ARO Assistant Returning Officer ASWJ Ahle Sunnat-Wal-Jamaat BAP Balochistan Awami Party BNP Balochistan National Party CC Constituency Coordinator CERS Computerized Electoral Rolls System CSO Civil Society Organization DC District Coordinator DDC District Development Committee DEC District Election Commissioner DMO District Monitoring Officer DRO District Returning Officer DVEC District Voter Education Committees ECP Election Commission of Pakistan EDO Election Day Observer EIMS Election Information Management System FAFEN Free and Fair Election Network FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas FGD Focus Group Discussion GDA Grand Democratic Alliance GE General Election GIS Geographic Information System ICT Islamabad Capital Territory JI Jamaat-e-Islami JUIF Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (Fazl) KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa LEA Law Enforcement Agencies LG Local Government MMA Muttahida Majalis-e-Amal MML Milli Muslim League MQMP Muttahida -
FAULTLINES the K.P.S
FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 FAULTLINES The K.P.S. Gill Journal of Conflict & Resolution Volume 26 edited by AJAI SAHNI Kautilya Books & THE INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. © The Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi November 2020 ISBN : 978-81-948233-1-5 Price: ` 250 Overseas: US$ 30 Printed by: Kautilya Books 309, Hari Sadan, 20, Ansari Road Daryaganj, New Delhi-110 002 Phone: 011 47534346, +91 99115 54346 Faultlines: the k.p.s. gill journal of conflict & resolution Edited by Ajai Sahni FAULTLINES - THE SERIES FAULTLINES focuses on various sources and aspects of existing and emerging conflict in the Indian subcontinent. Terrorism and low-intensity wars, communal, caste and other sectarian strife, political violence, organised crime, policing, the criminal justice system and human rights constitute the central focus of the Journal. FAULTLINES is published each quarter by the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. PUBLISHER & EDITOR Dr. Ajai Sahni ASSISTANT EDITOR Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya EDITORIAL CONSULTANTS Prof. George Jacob Vijendra Singh Jafa Chandan Mitra The views expressed in FAULTLINES are those of the authors, and not necessarily of the INSTITUTE FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT. FAULTLINES seeks to provide a forum for the widest possible spectrum of research and opinion on South Asian conflicts. Contents Foreword i 1. Digitised Hate: Online Radicalisation in Pakistan & Afghanistan: Implications for India 1 ─ Peter Chalk 2. -
Pakistan Elections 2018: an Analysis of Trends, Recurring Themes and Possible Political Scenarios
1 DISCUSSION PAPER Dr. Saeed Shafqat * Professor & Founding Director Centre for Public Policy and Governance (CPPG) Pakistan Elections 2018: An Analysis of Trends, Recurring Themes and Possible Political Scenarios Abstract Politics in Pakistan like many developing societies is confrontational, personalized and acrimonious, yet electoral contestations provides an opportunity for resolving divides through bargain, compromise and consensus. On 25th July 2018 Pakistani voters will be choosing new national and provincial assemblies for the next five years. Forecasting electoral outcomes is hazardous, yet this paper ventures to provide an appraisal of some key issues, current trends, and recurring themes and based on an analysis of limited data and survey of literature and news reports presents a few scenarios about the potential loosers and winners in the forthcoming elections. Introduction and Context: This paper is divided into five parts and draws attention towards key issues that are steering the elections 2018. First, Identifying the current trends, it sheds some light on 2013 elections and how the Census 2017 and youth bulge could influence the outcome of 2018 elections. Second, it highlights the revitalization of Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and how it would test its ability to hold free and fair elections. Third, it focuses on the confrontational politics of Sharif Family and PML-N and how the opposition political parties and the military is responding to it and that could set new parameters for civil-military relations in the post election phase. Fourth, it dwells on the role media and social media could play in shaping the electioneering and outcome of the elections. -
The Domestic Politics of Pakistan's Lashkar-E-Taiba
The Milli Muslim League: The Domestic Politics of Pakistan’s Lashkar-e-Taiba By C. Christine Fair ASHKAR-E-TAIBA (LET) IS THE PAKISTANI ARMY’S MOST SUBSERVIENT proxy. Founded in Afghanistan during the fag end of the anti-Sovi- et jihad, LeT has never conducted a terrorist attack within Pakistan nor has it set its sights on any Pakistani target at home or abroad. For these reasons, the LeT enjoys the unstinting support of the Pakistani Lmilitary and intelligence establishment. In 2002, the United States designated LeT a Foreign Terrorist Organization along with Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) after the latter conducted a suicide attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001. That attack precipitated the largest Indian mobilization of forces since the 1971 war. The Pakistanis responded by moving their own forces from the west, where they were ostensibly supporting U.S. military operations in Afghanistan, to the east to counter a potential Indian attack. Washington, which was dependent upon Pak- istan’s cooperation on its western border, sought to alleviate India’s concerns. In an effort to get Pakistani forces to swing back towards the west, Washington pressured India to de-escalate while insisting that then-President Pervez Musharraf ban both JeM and LeT, which provided India with the requisite diplomatic victory to justify softening its rhetoric. THE DOMESTIC POLITICS OF PAKISTAN’S LASHKAR-E-TAIBA ■ 33 The bans were a feint: Pakistani intelligence notified both JeM and LeT of the pending bans, which allowed them to regroup under different names and move their funds to new bank accounts. -
Pakistan: the Worsening Conflict in Balochistan
PAKISTAN: THE WORSENING CONFLICT IN BALOCHISTAN Asia Report N°119 – 14 September 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. CENTRALISED RULE AND BALOCH RESISTANCE ............................................ 2 A. A TROUBLED HISTORY .........................................................................................................3 B. RETAINING THE MILITARY OPTION .......................................................................................4 C. A DEMOCRATIC INTERLUDE..................................................................................................6 III. BACK TO THE BEGINNING ...................................................................................... 7 A. CENTRALISED POWER ...........................................................................................................7 B. OUTBREAK AND DIRECTIONS OF CONFLICT...........................................................................8 C. POLITICAL ACTORS...............................................................................................................9 D. BALOCH MILITANTS ...........................................................................................................12 IV. BALOCH GRIEVANCES AND DEMANDS ............................................................ 13 A. POLITICAL AUTONOMY .......................................................................................................13 -
Makran in the Democratic Process of the Elections in Pakistan Social Sciences and Humanities
- 377 - Bi-Annual Research Journal “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174 Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta (Pakistan) VOL. XXXVI NO. 1, 2017 Makran in the Democratic Process of the Elections in Pakistan Social Sciences and Humanities Mumtaz Ali1, Dr. Muhammad Alam2 Abstract Elections are the part of democratic society which needs to run and promote the democratic values and system. As far as Makran is concerned it is quite clear that this region always remained political and democratic. This society is structured on kinship basis. All decisions are made at household level and no tribal structure is present to make collective decision. Communal leadership is a function of aged people in the community. In this article, I will analyze the electoral behaviours of the people of Makran, and then compare the different election results of Makran region. Key words: Democratic Process, Electoral Behaviour, Electoral Politics, Legislative Body, Makran Introduction Balochistan is a largest province of Pakistan. It is spread over 347000 km, and divided into 8 divisions. Every division has different history during the election process. One important division of Balochistan is Makran. This division consists of three districts Panjgur, Kech and Gwadar. This division performed a different role in every election than other parts of Balochistan. Makran actively participated in every local, provincial and national election and changed its representatives from time to time. On the other hand the rest of Balochistan mostly continued the hereditary system of the representatives. Elections Modern nations have big states with huge territories and populations. It is really impossible for the public of such states to gather at one place for political matters. -
Lashkar-E-Taiba
Lashkar-e-Taiba Name: Lashkar-e-Taiba Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Pakistan Year of Origin: 1990 Founder(s): Hafiz Muhammad Saeed Places of Operation: Pakistan, India, Kashmir, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Overview Also Known As: • Al Mansooreen1 2 • Lashkar e-Tayyiba18 19 • Al Mansoorian3 4 • Lashkar-e-Toiba20 21 • Army of Madinah5 • Lashkar-i-Taiba22 23 • Army of the Pure6 7 • LT24 • Army of the Pure and Righteous8 9 • Movement for the Safeguarding of the First Center of • Army of the Righteous10 11 Prayer25 • Deccan Mujahideen12 • Paasban-e-Ahle-Hadis26 27 • Falah-i-Insaniat Foundation (FIF)13 • Paasban-e-Kashmir28 29 • Idara Khidmat-e-Khalq14 • Paasban-i-Ahle-Hadith30 31 • Islamic Jammat ud Dawa15 • Pasban-e-Ahle-Hadith32 33 • Jamaat ud-Dawa16 17 • Pasban-e-Kashmir34 35 • Tehreek-e-Tahafuz Qibla Awal36 Executive Summary: Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), meaning “Army of the Pure,” is a violent Islamist group based in Pakistan [1].37 Since its formation in the 1990s, LeT has carried out numerous attacks against military and civilian targets in India [2], particularly within the northern state of Jammu and Kashmir.38 The group received significant international attention for its alleged involvement in 1 Lashkar-e-Taiba the 2008 Mumbai attacks, which claimed the lives of 166 individuals and injured more than 300 others.39 LeT finds its roots in the Pakistani Islamist group Markaz-ad-Dawa-wal-Irshad (MDI), -
Previewing Pak 2018 Gen Elec SPECREP
Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 SPECIAL REPORT 195 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election Rana Banerji" Sushant Sareen" Dr TCA Raghavan" Dr Ashok K Behuria !1 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Contents Synopsis 1" Role of the military and " foreign policy 2" Role of domestic factors 4" PTI’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 5" PML-N’s prospects and the role of " opposition and regional parties 6" Speakers’ Roundtable and Q&A 8" !2 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Synopsis IPCS hosted a panel discussion on 12 July 2018 featuring four distinguished Pakistan experts—Rana Banerji, Sushant Sareen, Dr TCA Raghavan, and Dr Ashok Behuria—to deliberate the several factors likely to influence the trajectory of the Pakistani general election scheduled for 25 July 2018. This report contains short write-ups authored by the panelists based on their presentations at the discussion, followed by the Speakers' Roundtable and Q&A, both rapporteured by IPCS. !3 Previewing Pakistan’s 2018 General Election ! " Special Report 195 Will the military and foreign policy influence voting in the 2018 National Assembly Election? Why? Rana Banerji Member, IPCS Governing Council; former Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India One must revisit the Pakistani military’s strategic culture to understand their approach to the democratic process and general elections in Pakistan. The army regards itself as the guardian or supreme defender of the country’s national interests and sovereignty; the only institution which has preserved the security and very survival of the nation against all odds. -
Personality Development Through Emotional Intelligence in University Graduates of Quetta
1 Bi-Annual Research Journal “JOURNAL OF EDUCATION & HUMANITIES RESEARCH” ISSN: 2415-2366 Institute of Education and Research (IER), UOB, Quetta Pakistan VOL.5.NO 1, 2018 Personality development through Emotional Intelligence in university graduates of Quetta Abdul Wahab [email protected] Balochistan Study Center, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan. Dr.Sajida Naureen [email protected] Institute of Education & Research, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan. Abstract The purpose of this study was to determine the emotional intelligence in university graduates at Quetta specifically with respect to its traits like maturity, motivation, self-control and social stability in order to attain overall personality development. A cross-sectional survey design in the form of self-report questionnaire was used to examine variables i.e. maturity, motivation, self-control and social stability to stimulate personality development. Eight faculties of two public sector universities were selected through proportionate sampling and further random sampling technique was used to select 200 respondents as a sample sizeand the observed response rate was 88% (176 out of 200).All the responses were analyzed by using SPSS soft wear (Statistical Package for Social Sciences). Chi-square tests and descriptive statistics were applied to analyze data. the reported chi- square values were found highly significant (i.e.; p <0.05) for most of the responses indicating maturity, motivation, self-control and social stability, which ensures the presence of different traits at high level among university graduates which ultimately promote personality development. 2 Key Words: Emotional Intelligence, personality development, university graduates. Introduction Emotional intelligence is a complex and dynamic construction of human traits influenced by diversity of social, psychological and biological factors. -
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
U A Z T m B PEACEWA RKS u E JI Bulunkouxiang Dushanbe[ K [ D K IS ar IS TA TURKMENISTAN ya T N A N Tashkurgan CHINA Khunjerab - - ( ) Ind Gilgit us Sazin R. Raikot aikot l Kabul 1 tro Mansehra 972 Line of Con Herat PeshawarPeshawar Haripur Havelian ( ) Burhan IslamabadIslamabad Rawalpindi AFGHANISTAN ( Gujrat ) Dera Ismail Khan Lahore Kandahar Faisalabad Zhob Qila Saifullah Quetta Multan Dera Ghazi INDIA Khan PAKISTAN . Bahawalpur New Delhi s R du Dera In Surab Allahyar Basima Shahadadkot Shikarpur Existing highway IRAN Nag Rango Khuzdar THESukkur CHINA-PAKISTANOngoing highway project Priority highway project Panjgur ECONOMIC CORRIDORShort-term project Medium and long-term project BARRIERS ANDOther highway IMPACT Hyderabad Gwadar Sonmiani International boundary Bay . R Karachi s Provincial boundary u d n Arif Rafiq I e nal status of Jammu and Kashmir has not been agreed upon Arabian by India and Pakistan. Boundaries Sea and names shown on this map do 0 150 Miles not imply ocial endorsement or 0 200 Kilometers acceptance on the part of the United States Institute of Peace. , ABOUT THE REPORT This report clarifies what the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor actually is, identifies potential barriers to its implementation, and assesses its likely economic, socio- political, and strategic implications. Based on interviews with federal and provincial government officials in Pakistan, subject-matter experts, a diverse spectrum of civil society activists, politicians, and business community leaders, the report is supported by the Asia Center at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). ABOUT THE AUTHOR Arif Rafiq is president of Vizier Consulting, LLC, a political risk analysis company specializing in the Middle East and South Asia. -
The 18Th Amendment in the 1973 Constitution Fakhr-Ul-Islam by the Chief Justice in the Above Mentioned Cases, the Patience of Military Dictator Came to Its Brim
The 18 th Amendment in the 1973 Constitution Fakhr-ul-Islam ∗ Abstract Comparing with the 37 year checkered constitutional history (1973- 2010), the first decade of 21 st Century, brought some hope for Pakistan. That was adoption of 18th Constitutional Amendment. It was a damage-control exercise which was proposed by an All Party Parliamentary Committee (APPC). To what extent, the 18th Constitutional Amendment restored the original constitution and what are its salient features, is the subject of this paper. Defects found in the 18th Amendment created a head on collision between Parliament and judiciary. However, these were subsequently rectified through the 19 th Amendment passed after few months of the previous bill. Keywords: Constitution, Amendment, Parliamentary, Pakistan An Eventful Year: A Prelude to Unanimous Amendment The year 2007 proved to be decisive in shaping up political and constitutional contours in Pakistan. Musharraf’s clash with judiciary, assassination of Benazir Bhutto and atmosphere of political conciliation in the parliament after 2008 election, paved the way for unanimity on 18 th Constitutional Amendment. Like other dictators, General Pervez Musharraf was scared of judiciary. He wanted to tame it so that he could smoothly implement his agenda. Apart from removing judges of superior courts on the pretext of not taking oath under his Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), he changed eight chief justices during 1999-2007. 1 Nevertheless Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, a hard nut, refused to give in. Justice Iftikhar had taken many sensitive cases for hearing in the Supreme Court. They included Missing Persons Case, Privatization of Karachi Steel Mills case and Construction of Golf Course at a children Park in Islamabad.