Ballot Pre-Loading, and Other Cases in Cagayan De Oro 246
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Republic of the Philippines SUPREME COURT Manila EN BANC G.R. No
Today is Monday, June 09, 2014 Republic of the Philippines SUPREME COURT Manila EN BANC G.R. No. 170338 December 23, 2008 VIRGILIO O. GARCILLANO, petitioner, vs. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COMMITTEES ON PUBLIC INFORMATION, PUBLIC ORDER AND SAFETY, NATIONAL DEFENSE AND SECURITY, INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY, and SUFFRAGE AND ELECTORAL REFORMS, respondents. x - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - x G.R. No. 179275 December 23, 2008 SANTIAGO JAVIER RANADA and OSWALDO D. AGCAOILI, petitioners, vs. THE SENATE OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES, REPRESENTED BY THE SENATE PRESIDENT THE HONORABLE MANUEL VILLAR, respondents. x - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - x MAJ. LINDSAY REX SAGGE, petitioner-in-intervention x - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - x AQUILINO Q. PIMENTEL, JR., BENIGNO NOYNOY C. AQUINO, RODOLFO G. BIAZON, PANFILO M. LACSON, LOREN B. LEGARDA, M.A. JAMBY A.S. MADRIGAL, and ANTONIO F. TRILLANES, respondents-intervenors D E C I S I O N NACHURA, J.: More than three years ago, tapes ostensibly containing a wiretapped conversation purportedly between the President of the Philippines and a high-ranking official of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) surfaced. They captured unprecedented public attention and thrust the country into a controversy that placed the legitimacy of the present administration on the line, and resulted in the near-collapse of the Arroyo government. The tapes, notoriously referred to as the "Hello Garci" tapes, allegedly contained the President’s instructions to COMELEC Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano to manipulate in her favor results of the 2004 presidential elections. These recordings were to become the subject of heated legislative hearings conducted separately by committees of both Houses of Congress.1 In the House of Representatives (House), on June 8, 2005, then Minority Floor Leader Francis G. -
Psychographics Study on the Voting Behavior of the Cebuano Electorate
PSYCHOGRAPHICS STUDY ON THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE CEBUANO ELECTORATE By Nelia Ereno and Jessa Jane Langoyan ABSTRACT This study identified the attributes of a presidentiable/vice presidentiable that the Cebuano electorates preferred and prioritized as follows: 1) has a heart for the poor and the needy; 2) can provide occupation; 3) has a good personality/character; 4) has good platforms; and 5) has no issue of corruption. It was done through face-to-face interview with Cebuano registered voters randomly chosen using a stratified sampling technique. Canonical Correlation Analysis revealed that there was a significant difference as to the respondents’ preferences on the characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across respondents with respect to age, gender, educational attainment, and economic status. The strength of the relationships were identified to be good in age and educational attainment, moderate in gender and weak in economic status with respect to the characteristics of the presidentiable. Also, there was a good relationship in age bracket, moderate relationship in gender and educational attainment, and weak relationship in economic status with respect to the characteristics of a vice presidentiable. The strength of the said relationships were validated by the established predictive models. Moreover, perceptual mapping of the multivariate correspondence analysis determined the groupings of preferred characteristic traits of the presidential and vice presidential candidates across age, gender, educational attainment and economic status. A focus group discussion was conducted and it validated the survey results. It enumerated more characteristics that explained further the voting behavior of the Cebuano electorates. Keywords: canonical correlation, correspondence analysis perceptual mapping, predictive models INTRODUCTION Cebu has always been perceived as "a province of unpredictability during elections" [1]. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Hegemony
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Theses Online The London School of Economics and Political Science Hegemony, Transformism and Anti-Politics: Community-Driven Development Programmes at the World Bank Emmanuelle Poncin A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, June 2012. 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,559 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Patrick Murphy and Madeleine Poncin. 2 Abstract This thesis scrutinises the emergence, expansion, operations and effects of community-driven development (CDD) programmes, referring to the most popular and ambitious form of local, participatory development promoted by the World Bank. -
Senate of the Philippines
EPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES Senate Pasay City SESSION NO. 11 Tuesday, August 2 1,2007 ~~~~~~~~~~ CONGRESS FIRST REGULAR SESSION SESSION NO. 11 Tuesday, August 21,2007 CALL TO ORDER ROLL CALL At 4:05 p.m., the Senate President, Hon. Manny Upon direction of the Chair, the Secretary of the Villar, called the session to order. Senate, Emma-Lirio Reyes, called the roll, to which the following senators responded: PRAYER Angara, E. J. Gordon, R. J. Sen. Richard J. Gordon read the prayer prepared Aquino 111, 8. S. C. Honasan, G. B. by his daughter, to wit: Arroyo, J. P. Lacson, P. M. Biazon, R. G. Madrigal, M. A. Dear Lord, today we pray and conune- Cayetano, A. P. C. S. Pangilinan, F. N. inorate the life of Sen. Benign0 Aquino Jr., Cayetano, C. P. S. Pimentel Jr., A. Q. a distinguished alumnus of the University of Defensor Santiago, M. Revilla Jr., R. B. the Philippines and a member of the Upsilon Ejercito Estrada, J. Roxas, M. Sigma Phi Fraternity, certainly an assertive Eurile, J. P. Villar, M. leader that deserves to be the example for Escudero, F. J. G. our people in terms of changing the ways that have brought us to perdition in this With 19 senators present, the Chair declared country. the presence of a quorum. Dear Lord, God of all, we call You by Senators Lapid and Zubiri were on official different names, but You listen anyway. We mission, the latter abroad. come to You today one nation composed of different tribes and different faiths but we Senator Legarda was absent due to health still are one nation. -
THE HUMBLE BEGINNINGS of the INQUIRER LIFESTYLE SERIES: FITNESS FASHION with SAMSUNG July 9, 2014 FASHION SHOW]
1 The Humble Beginnings of “Inquirer Lifestyle Series: Fitness and Fashion with Samsung Show” Contents Presidents of the Republic of the Philippines ................................................................ 8 Vice-Presidents of the Republic of the Philippines ....................................................... 9 Popes .................................................................................................................................. 9 Board Members .............................................................................................................. 15 Inquirer Fitness and Fashion Board ........................................................................... 15 July 1, 2013 - present ............................................................................................... 15 Philippine Daily Inquirer Executives .......................................................................... 16 Fitness.Fashion Show Project Directors ..................................................................... 16 Metro Manila Council................................................................................................. 16 June 30, 2010 to June 30, 2016 .............................................................................. 16 June 30, 2013 to present ........................................................................................ 17 Days to Remember (January 1, AD 1 to June 30, 2013) ........................................... 17 The Philippines under Spain ...................................................................................... -
Philippine Independence Day Issue
P Philippine Independence Day Issue Editor’s Notes: ………………………… “Happy Independence Day, Philippines!” ……………………. Eddie Zamora Featured Items: 1. Philippine Independence Day, A Brief History ……………………………………………………………………….. The Editor 2. I Am Proud To Be A Filipino ……………………………………………………………………….. by Nelson Lagos Ornopia, Sr. 3. Presidents Of The Philippines ……………………………………………………………..………………………………. Group Effort 4. The Philippine Flag and Its Symbols ……………………………………………………………………………………. The Internet 5. The Philippine National Anthem …………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. SULADS Corner: …………………………..………………… “Sulads Is Like A Rose” ………………… by Crisophel Abayan. NEMM Patch of Weeds: …………………………………………………………………………….……………………………..………….. Jesse Colegado LIFE of a Missionary: ………………… “President of SDA Church Visits ‘Land Eternal’”………..………. Romulo M. Halasan CLOSING: Announcements |From The Mail Bag| Prayer Requests | Acknowledgements Meet The Editors |Closing Thoughts | Miscellaneous Happy Independence Day, Philippines! very June 12 the Philippines celebrates its Independence Day. Having lived in America some 30 E years now I am familiar with how people celebrate Independence here—they have parades, barbecues and in the evening fireworks. When we left the Philippines years ago fireworks were banned in the country. I don’t know how it is today. It would be wonderful if Filipinos celebrated Independence Day similar to or better than the usual parades, picnics, barbecues and some fireworks. When I was a kid growing up, Independence Day was observed on July 4th, the day when the United States granted the country independence from American rule. The American flag was finally lowered from government building flagpoles and the Philippine flag was hoisted in its stead. From that day until one day in 1962 the country celebrated Independence Day on the same day the United States celebrated its own Independence Day. But on May 12, 1962 then President Diosdado Macapagal issued Presidential Proclamation No. -
Overseas Absentee Voting, Elections, and the Challenges for a Working Democracy in the Philippines
Diaspora and Democracy: Overseas Absentee Voting, Elections, and the Challenges for a Working Democracy in the Philippines Jeorge ALARCON Jr. Abstract The practice of democracy, through the overseas absentee voting (OAV) law, by overseas Filipinos is a function of their material conditions abroad, the existence and actions of working institutions, as well as the dominant ideas among the migrants themselves. This paper will argue that despite the promise of the OAV law and the migrants as transformative political force, due to the problems besetting its implementation as well as the overall structure within which it operates, the current situation has fallen short of expectations of the government and the advocates, and has therefore failed to manifest clear change in Philippine politics. Keywords : overseas absentee voting, procedural and substantive democracy, patronage politics, 3Cs, 3Gs “It is absolutely essential that the oppressed participate in the revolutionary process with an increasingly critical awareness of their role as subjects of the transformation.” --- Paulo Freire Introduction Democracy is one elusive concept to pin down. Various models of democracy exist, highlighting the multiplicity of ideas on the subject (Held 1999). As an ideal for people bounded by the particular territories of the national state, achieving a working democracy has been shown to be difficult to realize and maintain. Huntington (1991) showed that democracy had been gained and lost in the last two centuries by many countries. Drawing strength from the sacrifices of people from the center and left of the political spectrum, Filipinos, through the 1986 Revolution, known as the People Power/EDSA Revolution I, reestablished a liberal form of democracy after 20 years of dictatorship. -
Not for Citation
Asymmetrical Interests, Disjointed Capacities: the Central-Local Dynamics of Political Violence Sol Iglesias PhD candidate, National University of Singapore Why does political violence occur in a weak state with an unconsolidated democracy? The real puzzle is when it does not occur. I argue that interests and capacity can result in political violence, but why violence is used, when it starts, and why it ends is contingent upon central-local dynamics. Central-local dynamics are the resolution of strategic and particularistic interests coupled with the capacity afforded by powerful national and local political actors to use violence in response to threats. In Northern Luzon, the so-called “Solid North” bailiwick of the Marcos dynasty and its immediate environs, elections account for most of the violence that occurs. Interactions between national and local elites were visible during elections, but account for little else in the intervals between them. Levels of violence were relatively low, the lowest across the cases. citation In Eastern Visayas, the New People’s Army (NPA) of the communist insurgency posed a serious threat. Attacks against the militaryfor and police left multiple casualties among state security forces. The army believed that the NPA had infiltrated hundreds of villages and compromised locally elected officials. The central government stepped up its counter-insurgency operations, brutally and illegally targeting civilians. The NPA was eventually drivenNot down , their ranks crippled further after successive natural calamities. In Central- Luzon, state security forces were directed against civilians and community organizers to protect economic interests of powerful local politicians—not least of which was the Cojuangco-Aquino family. -
Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces. -
Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974
Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 By Joseph Paul Scalice A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor Andrew Barshay Summer 2017 Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1957-1974 Copyright 2017 by Joseph Paul Scalice 1 Abstract Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 by Joseph Paul Scalice Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair In 1967 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (pkp) split in two. Within two years a second party – the Communist Party of the Philippines (cpp) – had been founded. In this work I argue that it was the political program of Stalinism, embodied in both parties through three basic principles – socialism in one country, the two-stage theory of revolution, and the bloc of four classes – that determined the fate of political struggles in the Philippines in the late 1960s and early 1970s and facilitated Marcos’ declaration of Martial Law in September 1972. I argue that the split in the Communist Party of the Philippines was the direct expression of the Sino-Soviet split in global Stalinism. The impact of this geopolitical split arrived late in the Philippines because it was initially refracted through Jakarta. -
The Hollow State: Human Rights and the State Imaginary
THE HOLLOW STATE: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE STATE IMAGINARY by HELEN DELFELD A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science written under the direction of Professor D. Michael Shafer and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey [October, 2008] © 2008 Copyright Helen Delfeld All rights reserved Abstract of the Dissertation The Hollow State: Human Rights and the State Imaginary by Helen J. Delfeld Chair: D. Michael Shafer My work suggests that looking at the state as a discourse rather than a positivistic (real, material) entity will help us understand how people might better access human rights; in the process of doing so, we break the idea of human rights away from a purely legalistic enterprise. The discourse that makes up each state differs, and that difference matters in the discourse of human rights. I label the Philippines a new kind of discursive entity, a “hollow state”. A hollow state fulfills many of the discursive expectations of stateness, but is supported more by external constituencies than internal ones – violating the imaginary that all states share some characteristics with nation-states. This study consists of a two-pronged investigation of the difference in governance discourse between the local level and the state level on the island province of Palawan in the Philippines. I interviewed 207 people involved in rights-oriented programs as participants or providers, in Palawan, in the Philippines. Content analysis was also done on government documents in Manila. -
“Working Together” for Peace and Prosperity of Southeast Asia, 1945 – 1968: the Birth of the Asean Way
“WORKING TOGETHER” FOR PEACE AND PROSPERITY OF SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1945 – 1968: THE BIRTH OF THE ASEAN WAY Kazuhisa Shimada Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Discipline of Politics School of History and Politics University of Adelaide January 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iv THESIS DECLARATION vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii ABBREVIATIONS viii FIGURES ix INTRODUCTION 1 The history of international relations in Southeast Asia 2 The thesis 5 The structure of the thesis 7 1 THE ASEAN WAY – HOW HAS IT BEEN IDENTIFIED? 10 The ASEAN Way 10 Scholarly discussion of the ASEAN Way 13 (i) The principle of non-interference 14 (ii) Face-saving behaviour 18 (iii) Consultations 20 (iv) Informality 22 (v) The spirit of working together 23 The influence of Southeast Asian cultures on the ASEAN Way 24 ASEAN and its precursors: The origin of the ASEAN Way 26 Concluding remarks 29 2 AN AWAKENING OF REGIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS 31 Southeast Asia after the Japanese surrender 31 The advent of the Cold War 32 Towards self-reliance 41 The birth of regional consciousness 47 ii The political situation in Indonesia 49 The development of the plan 54 The significance of the establishment of the ASA 56 Concluding remarks 59 3 THE ATTEMPT TO FIND A REGIONAL SOLUTION TO A REGIONAL PROBLEM 60 The declaration of the Malaysia plan 60 The regional situation in a broader context 66 The reaction from potential claimants 67 Starting the verbal war 75 Seeking peaceful coexistence 83 The beginning of discord 97 The significance of the Manila agreements and Maphilindo 107