DOCSLIB.ORG

Human Rights in Venezuela Human

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Human Rights in Venezuela Human HUMAN RIGHTS IN VENEZUELA A Division of Human Rights Watch HUMAN RIGHTS IN VENEZUELA October 1993 Americas Watch Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 October 1993 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 93-80450 ISBN: 1-56432-114-2 AMERICAS WATCH Americas Watch, a division of Human Rights Watch, was established in 1981 to monitor and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in Latin America and the Caribbean. Peter D. Bell is chair; Stephen L. Kass and Marina Pinto Kaufman are vice chairs; Juan E. Méndez is the executive director; Cynthia Arnson and Anne Manuel are associate directors; Jamie Fellner, Robin Kirk and Clifford C. Rohde are consultants; Mary Jane Camejo and Gretta Tovar Siebentritt are research associates; Vanessa Jiménez and Ben Penglase are associates. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some sixty countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process of law and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of Helsinki Watch by a group of publishers, lawyers and other activists and now maintains offices in New York, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, London, Moscow, Belgrade, Bucharest and Hong Kong. Today, it includes Africa Watch, Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Helsinki Watch, Middle East Watch, and four collaborative projects, the Arms Project, Prison Project, Women's Rights Project, and the Fund for Free Expression. Human Rights Watch is an independent, nongovernmental organization, supported by contributions from private individuals and foundations. It accepts no government funds, directly or indirectly. The executive committee includes Robert L. Bernstein, chair; Adrian W. DeWind, vice chair; Roland Algrant, Lisa Anderson, Peter D. Bell, Alice L. Brown, William Carmichael, Dorothy Cullman, Irene Diamond, Jonathan Fanton, Alan Finberg, Jack Greenberg, Alice H. Henkin, Stephen L. Kass, Marina Pinto Kaufman, Alexander MacGregor, Peter Osnos, Bruce Rabb, Orville Schell, Gary Sick, and Malcolm Smith. The staff includes Kenneth Roth, executive director; Holly J. Burkhalter, Washington director; Gara LaMarche, associate director; Susan Osnos, press director; Ellen Lutz, California director; Jemera Rone, counsel; Michal Longfelder, development director; Stephanie Steele, operations director; Cynthia Brown, consultant; Allyson Collins, research associate; Joanna Weschler, Prison Project director; Kenneth Anderson, Arms Project director; Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project director; and Gara LaMarche, the Fund for Free Expression director. The executive directors of the divisions of Human Rights Watch are Abdullahi An-Na'im, Africa Watch; Juan E. Méndez, Americas Watch; Sidney Jones, Asia Watch; Jeri Laber, Helsinki Watch; and Andrew Whitley, Middle East Watch. Addresses for Human Rights Watch 485 Fifth Avenue 1522 K Street, N.W., #910 New York, NY 10017-6104 Washington, DC 20005 Tel: (212) 972-8400 Tel: (202) 371-6592 Fax: (212) 972-0905 Fax: (202) 371-0124 email: [email protected] email: [email protected] 10951 West Pico Blvd., #203 90 Borough High Street Los Angeles, CA 90064 London, UK SE1 1LL Tel: (310) 475-3070 Tel: (071) 378-8008 Fax: (310) 475-5613 Fax: (071) 378-8029 email: [email protected] email: [email protected] HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some sixty countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process of law and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of Helsinki Watch by a group of publishers, lawyers and other activists and now maintains offices in New York, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, London, Moscow, Belgrade, Bucharest and Hong Kong. Today, it includes Africa Watch, Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Helsinki Watch, Middle East Watch, and four collaborative projects, the Arms Project, Prison Project, Women's Rights Project, and the Fund for Free Expression. Human Rights Watch is an independent, nongovernmental organization, supported by contributions from private individuals and foundations. It accepts no government funds, directly or indirectly. The executive committee includes Robert L. Bernstein, chair; Adrian W. DeWind, vice chair; Roland Algrant, Lisa Anderson, Peter D. Bell, Alice L. Brown, William Carmichael, Dorothy Cullman, Irene Diamond, Jonathan Fanton, Alan Finberg, Jack Greenberg, Alice H. Henkin, Stephen L. Kass, Marina Pinto Kaufman, Alexander MacGregor, Peter Osnos, Bruce Rabb, Orville Schell, Gary Sick, and Malcolm Smith. The staff includes Kenneth Roth, executive director; Holly J. Burkhalter, Washington director; Gara LaMarche, associate director; Ellen Lutz, California director; Susan Osnos, press director; Jemera Rone, counsel; Michal Longfelder, Development director; Stephanie Steele, operations director; Allyson Collins, research associate; Joanna Weschler, Prison Project director; Kenneth Anderson, Arms Project director; Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project director; and Gara LaMarche, the Fund for Free Expression director. The executive directors of the divisions of Human Rights Watch are Abdullahi An-Na'im, Africa Watch; Juan E. Méndez, Americas Watch; Sidney Jones, Asia Watch; Jeri Laber, Helsinki Watch; and Andrew Whitley, Middle East Watch. Addresses for Human Rights Watch 485 Fifth Avenue 1522 K Street, N.W., #910 New York, NY 10017-6104 Washington, DC 20005 Tel: (212) 972-8400 Tel: (202) 371-6592 Fax: (212) 972-0905 Fax: (202) 371-0124 email: [email protected] email: [email protected] 10951 West Pico Blvd., #203 90 Borough High Street Los Angeles, CA 90064 London, UK SE1 1LL Tel: (310) 475-3070 Tel: (071) 378-8008 Fax: (310) 475-5613 Fax: (071) 378-8029 email: [email protected] email: [email protected] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on information gathered in Venezuela in July and December 1992 and May- June 1993. It was written by Clifford C. Rohde and Jamie Fellner, and edited by Fellner and Cynthia Brown. The authors are grateful to several colleagues for their research contributions, including Tom J. Farer and Mary Jane Camejo (on general conditions as of July 1992), Jaime Malamud (on Retén de Catia and the aftermath of the November 1992 coup attempt), and Allyson Collins and Joanna Messing (on U.S. policy). We also wish to acknowledge the assistance of Venezuela's human rights organizations, with special thanks to PROVEA, COFAVIC, the Red de Apoyo, and the Comisión de Solidaridad Justicia y Paz in Petare. The cooperation of Venezuelan government officials, in particular the staff of the Public Ministry's Human Rights Division, is also gratefully acknowledged. * * * The report is dedicated to Venezuelan victims of human rights abuse and their family and friends. CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction....................................................................................................................................................................................................................1 Background.................................................................................................................................................................................................2 Year of Crisis: 1992...................................................................................................................................................................................7 Recommendations..................................................................................................................................................................................8 I. Administration of Justice...................................................................................................................................................................................11 Ordinary Courts ........................................................................................................................................................................................11 Prosecution of Police...........................................................................................................................................................................14 Military Courts.......................................................................................................................................................................................... 17 II. The El Amparo Massacre ................................................................................................................................................................................20
Load more

Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-Government Protests in Venezuela
    Framing Rebellion: An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-government Protests in Venezuela A Research Paper presented by: Melanie Hughes Scotland, U.K. in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Major: Social Justice Perspectives (SJP) Specialisation: Peace & Conflict Studies Members of the Examining Committee: Dubravka Zarkov & Silke Heumann The Hague, The Netherlands, Sept. 2014 ii List of Acronyms ISS Institute of Social Studies NYT The New York Times; also referred to as the Times IMF International Monetary Fund WB World Bank IDB International Development Bank iii Acknowledgements I would like to extend a gargantuan thanks to my supervisor, Dubravka Zarkov, for her continual support and for her valuable insights into conflict in contemporary society. I would also like to express my appreciation for her sol- idarity and for keeping my extensive use of descriptive adjectives in check. I would also like to thank Silke Heumann for her reference material, which I had difficulty incorporating due to length and time constraints. iv Abstract This research explores how the mainstream news media outlet, the New York Times framed the 2014 anti-government protests in Venezuela, which erupted online in February, 2014. A content analysis revealed that the domi- nant narrative disseminated by the New York Times conveyed the misleading impression that Venezuela was yet another nation ripe for democratic revolu- tion, poised to overthrow a violently repressive regime. The Venezuelan anti- government protest(or)s were overwhelmingly framed in terms of state repression of peaceful protes(or)s, which masked their underlying causes.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism · Econ Journal Watch
    Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5894 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 12(3) September 2015: 375–399 Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism Hugo J. Faria1 and Leonor Filardo2 LINK TO ABSTRACT Montesquieu’s view [is] that a republic (that is to say, what we would call democracy) rests upon the virtue of its citizens. Where the elementary public virtues are lacking, democracy can only lead to chaos which will end in dictatorship. —Stanislav Andreski, Parasitism and Subversion: The Case of Latin America (1969, 279) This report uncovers that there is not much liberal discourse or activity in Venezuela, nor has there been much in the country’s past. The moral and political culture of Venezuela is exceptionally unfavorable to liberalism. This article high- lights the dire consequences stemming from the absence of public virtues and the attendant paucity of pro-growth economic institutions. Some descriptions offered here are impressionistic, so it is especially ap- propriate to inform the reader that we, the present authors, are both Venezuelan and for many years have agonized over Venezuelan affairs to the extent of writing several books attempting to convince our political and entrepreneurial leaders to implement fundamental reforms to economic institutions. We believe in the protection of our God-given natural rights, which include freedom of speech and the cornerstones of economic freedom: personal choice, voluntary exchange, freedom to enter and compete in markets, and security of the person and of well- 1. University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33124; Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración, Caracas, Venezuela. The authors kindly thank Jane S.
    [Show full text]
  • Location of Mexico Mexico Is the Second-Largest Country by Size and Population in Latin America
    Read and Respond: Location, Climate, and Natural Resources of Mexico and Venezuela Location of Mexico Mexico is the second-largest country by size and population in Latin America. It is the largest Spanish- speaking country in the world. The country is located south of the United States. On the west is the Pacific Ocean, and on the east are the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. Mexico’s location between the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea allows it the opportunity to trade. There are seven major seaports in Mexico. Oil and other materials from Mexico can be easily shipped around the world to ports along the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Another advantage of Mexico’s location is that it is close to the United States. Because the two countries share a border, trade is easier. Railroads and trucks can be used to ship goods. Mexico’s main trading partner is the United States. Climate of Mexico Mexico has the Sierra Madre Mountains, deserts in the north, tropical beaches, plains, and plateaus. The climate varies according to the location, with some tropical areas receiving more than 40 inches of rain a year. Desert areas in the north remain dry most of the year. Most people live on the Central Plateau of Mexico in the central part of the country. Mexico City, one of the world’s largest cities, is in this region. There is arable (farmable) land in this region, and there is usually enough rain to grow a variety of crops. The region has many manufacturing centers, which provide jobs.
    [Show full text]
  • Historia De Espacio Político Latinoamericano Visto Desde La Distinción Política Entre Derecha E Izquierda
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Zaloamati Maestría en Sociología Propuestas políticas partidistas y percepción ciudadana en América Latina. Anos 2000-2008 ALUMNO: Fermín Feria Pulido ASESOR: Dr. Godofredo Vidal de la Rosa. Diciembre 2010 Índice Página Introducción i Capítulo I Perspectivas teóricas del estudio de la derecha e izquierda políticas. 1 Derecha e izquierda 2 ¿Es válido todavía distinguir entre derecha e izquierda? 9 ¿El Populismo es exclusivo de la izquierda? 11 Los Estados que integran a América Latina 16 Capítulo II Esbozo histórico de cuatro procesos latinoamericanos en el siglo XX: Brasil, Colombia, México, Venezuela Populismos latinoamericanos 20 Brasil (1930-1956) 24 Colombia (1930-1973) 28 El Bogotazo y la Violencia 32 México (1930-1960) 35 Venezuela (1941-1948) 40 Dictaduras autoritarias promovidas por Estados Unidos 45 (Década de 1960) Brasil 46 Colombia 47 Venezuela 48 América Latina en las décadas 1970-1990 50 América Latina en el siglo XXI 53 Historia reciente de los Estados estudiados Brasil 54 Colombia 56 México 57 Venezuela 59 Capítulo III Derecha e izquierda partidista latinoamericana, temas comunes 62 ¿Enfoques diferentes? Democracia 65 Democracia y el autoritarismo 68 Intervención estatal: Estado regulador frente a libre mercado Estado interventor 69 Libre mercado 71 Nivel de secularización y religiosidad en los partidos 72 Planteamientos de las organizaciones latinoamericanas de partidos políticos acerca de los temas comunes ODCA 73 COPPPAL 74 Foro de Sao Paolo 74 La ideología en los textos de las organizaciones latinoamericanas de partidos políticos 76 Democracia ODCA 77 COPPPAL 78 Foro de Sao Paolo 78 Estado regulador frente a libre mercado ODCA 79 COPPPAL 81 Foro de Sao Paolo 82 Valores: nivel de secularización vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Pedro A. Palma
    PEDRO A. PALMA CURRICULUM VITAE Academia Nacional de Ciencias Económicas Ecoanalítica Palacio de las Academias Centro Comercial Mata de Coco Ave. Universidad Oficina 56, Piso 5 Bolsa a San Francisco Ave. Blandín, Chacao CARACAS, VENEZUELA CARACAS, VENEZUELA Phone: (58-212) 482-7842 Phone: (58-212) 266-9080 Fax: (58-212) 482-9330 Fax: (58-212) 266-5119 Mobile: (58-414) 708-8090 e-mail: [email protected] Web page: pedroapalma.com (under development) SCHOLASTIC BACKGROUND Ph.D. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.A. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.B.A., University of Pennsylvania, The Wharton School B.S. in Economics, (Cum Laude), Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Caracas ACADEMIC BACKGROUND Professor Emeritus, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA-, a graduate business school based in Caracas (Since September 2015) Professor of Economics, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA (1982-2015) Assistant and Associate Professor at IESA (1974-1982) Visiting Professor, University Andrés Bello, Economics Graduate Program (1974 & 1977) Assistant Professor, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1967-1969) Instructor of Economic Theory, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1964-1967) NON-ACADEMIC PROFESSIONAL BACKGROUND National Academy of Economic Sciences Founding Fellow (1984-present) President (2009-2011) Palma & Associates, financial and investment consultants, President (1997-2006) Booz - Allen & Hamilton Inc., Vice President (Partner) (1991-1997) MetroEconómica,
    [Show full text]
  • 96-17 December 1996
    WP 96-17 December 1996 Working Paper Department of Agricultural, Resource, and Managerial Economics Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853-7801 USA THE G-3 FREE TRADE AGREEMENT: MEMBER COUNTRIES' AGRICULTURAL POLICIES AND ITS AGRICULTURAL PROVISIONS Ricardo Arguello and Steven Kyle - It is the policy of Cornell University actively to support equality of educational and employment opportunity. No person shall be denied admission to any educational program or activity or be denied employment on the basis of any legally prohibited dis­ crimination involving, but not limited to, such factors as race, color, creed, religion, national or ethnic origin, sex, age or • handicap. The University is committed to the maintenance of affirmative action programs which will assure the continuation of such equality of opportunity. THE G-3 FREE TRADE AGREEMENT: MEMBER COUNTRIES' AGRICULTURAL POLICIES AND ITS AGRICULTURAL PROVISIONS Ricardo Argiiello and Steven Kyle December 1996 - Ricardo Argiiello is a Ph.D. student and Steven Kyle is an Associate Professor at the Department of Agricultural, Resource and Managerial Economics at Cornell University ABSTRACT Since the mid 1980s Latin American and Caribbean countries have unilaterally liberalized their economies and have started a new wave of economic integration that led to the establishment of 25 trade agreements between 1990 and 1994. The Group of Three (G-3) Free Trade Agreement, comprising Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela, provided for the liberalization of around 62 percent of exportables from Colombia and Venezuela and 16 percent of those from Mexico_ This paper provides a qualitative assessment of the potential impact of the G-3 on member countries' agricultural trade.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CHAVEZ Pages
    Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 1, pp 63–76, 2003 The Chávez phenomenon: political change in Venezuela RONALD D SYLVIA & CONSTANTINE P DANOPOULOS ABSTRACT This article focuses on the advent and governing style of, and issues facing colonel-turned politician Hugo Chávez since he became president of Venezuela in 1998 with 58% of the vote. The article begins with a brief account of the nature of the country’s political environment that emerged in 1958, following the demise of the Perez Jimenez dictatorship. Aided by phenomenal increases in oil prices, Venezuela’s political elites reached a pact that governed the country for nearly four decades. Huge increases in education, health and other social services constituted the hallmark of Venezuela’s ‘subsidised democracy’. Pervasive corruption, a decrease in oil revenues and two abortive coups in 1992 challenged the foundations of subsidised democracy. The election of Chávez in 1998 sealed the fate of the 1958 pact. Chávez’s charisma, anti- colonial/Bolivarist rhetoric, and increasing levels of poverty form the basis of his support among the poor and dissatisfied middle classes. The articles then turns its attention to Chávez’s governing style and the problems he faces as he labours to turn around the country’s stagnant economy. Populist initiatives aimed at wealth redistribution, land reform and a more multidimensional and Third World-orientated foreign policy form the main tenets of the Chávez regime. These, coupled with anti-business rhetoric, over-dependence on oil revenues and opposition from Venezuela’s political and economic elites, have polarised the country and threaten its political stability.
    [Show full text]
  • EUROPA 10 Nr.10, (An V), 2012 Revistă De Ştiinţă Şi Artă În Tranziţie Magazine About Science and Art During the Transition
    EUROPA 10 nr.10, (An V), 2012 Revistă de ştiinţă şi artă în tranziţie Magazine about science and art during the transition Fondată în anul 2008 la Novi Sad. / Founded in Novi Sad in 2008. Central and Apare bianual / It is released two times a year Eastern European Online Library Fondator şi redactor şef / Founder and Editor-in-Chief Pavel Gătăianţu Redactor – şef adjunct dr. Virginia Popović Consiliul consultativ / Consultative Board dr. Annemarie Sorescu Marinković – Belgrad; Europe is registered in dr. Olivier Peyroux – Paris; WORLDCAT On-Line Catalogue dr. Iveta Kotríková - Banská Bystrica; dr. Nicolas Trifon – Paris; lect. dr. Vladimir Barović – Novi Sad; lect. dr. Laura Spăriosu – Novi Sad; lect. dr. Daniela Sitar-Tăut – Baia Mare; drd. Rareş Iordache – Cluj; drd. Ivana Janjić – Novi Sad; dr. Redžep Škrijelj – Novi Pazar; dr. Mircea Măran- Vârşeţ; dr. Eugen Cinci – Vârşeţ; dr. Christian Eccher – Roma; dr. Cristina Păiuşan Nuică – Bucureşti; lect. dr. Luiza Caraivan – Timişoara; lect. dr. Speranţa Milancovici – Arad; lect.dr. Teodora Rodica Biriş – Arad; conf. dr. Alpár Losonsz – Novi Sad, conf. dr. Zoran Đerić – Novi Sad; Miroslav Keveždi, masterand – Novi Sad; Asociaţia Editorilor şi Librarilor dr. Mihaela Iorga Lazović- Novi Sad; din Voivodina asist. drd. Rodica Ursulescu Miličić – Novi Sad; dr. Zoran Arsović – Banja Luka; Lucia Todoran, masterand – Cluj-Napoca; Traducere în limba engleză/ Translation in English: drd. Oana Ursulescu – Novi Sad; dr. Luiza Caraivan Vladimir Mitrović, masterand – Novi Sad; Traducere din limba sârbă: Vladimir Mitrović Consiliul ştiinţific / Scientific Board Lectura / Language Editor: dr. Carmen Cerasela Dărăbuş prof. dr. Marina Puia Bădescu (Universitatea din Novi Sad) prof. dr. Silviu Angelescu (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Design / Design: Marin Mohan, Marina Gătăianţu conf.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012)
    Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura ISSN: 1315-3617 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Petit Primera, José Gregorio PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO- DESCRIPTIVO Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, vol. XXII, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2016, pp. 47 -56 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=36448449003 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, 2016, Vol. XXII, No. 1 (ene-jun), pp. 47-56 recibido: 14-04-2015 / arbitrado: 14-08-2015 PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO-DESCRIPTIVO José Gregorio Petit Primera1 IIES, UCV Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es caracterizar a los presidentes de Venezuela desde 1811 hasta 2012 en cuanto a diferentes variables tanto cuantitativas como cualitativas. Para tal fin, se se- leccionó una muestra de 54 observaciones y se aplicó una metodología utilizando la estadística descriptiva y también como referencia el estudio que hicieran Goemans y otros (2009). El princi- pal hallazgo que se desprende de este estudio es que existen diferencias y similitudes importan- tes en los presidentes que han gobernado a Venezuela en 200 años en cuanto a las siguientes características: edad, duración en el poder, tipo de liderazgo, la manera de cómo entraron y sa- lieron al poder, así como el destino que les tocó vivir a la vuelta de un año de entregar el mando.
    [Show full text]
  • Dossier Temático Venezuela
    Dossier temático Venezuela La Revolución Bolivariana: sinopsis de una permanente ambigüedad CARLOS A. ROMERO* Artículo recibido: 22 de marzo de 2013 Artículo aprobado: 15 de junio de 2013 Para citar este artículo: Romero, C.A. (2013). La Revolución Bolivariana: sinopsis de una permanente ambigüedad. Desafíos, 25(1), pp. 15-43. Resumen La victoria electoral de Hugo Chávez en 1998 se constituyó en un importante tema para las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas. En efecto, la sola idea de que se diera un cambio tan importante en la política venezolana alentó y desempolvó una serie de perspectivas sobre un proceso que ha llamado la atención de muchos académicos, analistas y estudiosos de nuestra realidad. En 1999 Venezuela le dio un cheque en blanco a una alianza electoral que prometió cambiar a un país que en ese momento le pasó factura a un período democrático que no supo adaptarse a los nuevos tiempos. A partir de esa fecha se fundamentaron al menos tres grandes espacios para la reflexión académica. En primer lugar, la problemática sobre los alcances de ese cambio; en segundo término, la discusión sobre sus causas, en cuanto a que Venezuela –considerada por mucho tiempo como un caso sui géneris dentro de la política comparada– se transformó a sí misma, y se dio de esta manera una verdadera ruptura con el pasado; en tercer lugar, el análisis sobre el papel que ha jugado la variable internacional en la configuración de ese cambio. Palabras claves: Venezuela, revolución, Chávez, régimen político * Doctor en Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad Central de Venezuela. Profesor Titular jubilado de la Universidad Central de Venezuela ―UCV―.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Revolutions : a Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout
    ELECTORAL REVOLUTIONS : A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF RAPID CHANGES IN VOTER TURNOUT by ALBERTO LIOY A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2020 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Alberto Lioy Title: Electoral Revolutions: A Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Political Science by: Craig Kauffman Chairperson and Advisor Craig Parsons Core Member Erin Beck Core Member Aaron Gullickson Institutional Representative and Kate Mondloch Interim Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School. Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded September 2020. ii © 2020 Alberto Lioy iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Alberto Lioy Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science September 2020 Title: Electoral Revolutions: A Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout In the political science scholarship on democratic elections, aggregate voter turnout is assumed to be stable, and depends upon an acquired habit across the electorate. Large turnout variations in a short period of time are therefore usually attributed to negligible contextual factors. This work establishes that such variations are more frequent than commonly thought and creates a novel theoretical framework and methodological approach for systematically studying rapid changes in voter turnout across Western Europe and Latin America. I attribute dramatic changes in voters’ participation, labeled electoral revolutions, to transformations in the party system competition and institutional credibility happening inside the national political context.
    [Show full text]
  • Capítulo Segundo Venezuela. Hugo Chavez: ¿Hacia Una Nueva Politica De Seguridad Nacional Y Defensa?
    CAPÍTULO SEGUNDO VENEZUELA. HUGO CHAVEZ: ¿HACIA UNA NUEVA POLITICA DE SEGURIDAD NACIONAL Y DEFENSA? VENEZUELA. HUGO CHAVEZ: ¿HACIA UNA NUEVA POLITICA DE SEGURIDAD NACIONAL Y DEFENSA? Por ALVARO DE ARCE y TEMES INTRODUCCION Venezuela se convirtió desde su independencia en una de la repúbli cas iberoamericanas en donde los caudillos nacionales o regionales, así como los militares de alta graduación, han gobernado durante gran parte de su historia. Fue precisamente en 1958, después del Pacto de Punto Fijo, cuando los partidos políticos comenzaron a organizarse, y lo consi guieron por un acuerdo entre las tres mayores formaciones (1). Desde entonces, se fueron alternando en la gobernabilidad de un país cuyos electores, cansados de los políticos profesionales, les dieron su espalda en las elecciones de 1998. Después del régimen, sui generis, de Rafael Caldera (1993-1998), un militar profesional de carrera —en situación de retirado—, ha vencido a los partidos tradicionales (2) en las legislativas y (1) El Pacto de Punto Fijo se firmó el 31 de octubre de 1958 entre los tres principales parti dos de aquella época: Rómulo Betancourt por ACCIÓN DEMOCRATICA; Rafael Caldera por COPEI; y Jovito Villalba por la UNIÓN REPUBLICANA DEMOCRATICA. EL COPEI corresponde a las siglas del Comité de Organización Política Electoral Independiente. (2) El régimen democrático de partidos se convirtió en un bipartidismo, desde las primeras elecciones de 1958 en las que salió vencedor ACCIÓN DEMOCRATICA de Rómulo Betancourt que obtuvo un porcentaje de votos del 49,2 %, frente al candidato del COPEI, con un 15,2 % del sufragio y los de la UNIÓN REPUBLICANA DEMOCRATICA que alcanzó el 11 %.
    [Show full text]