“Archaeologists - they gather up the facts, piece the jigsaw together, workout how we lived and find the buildings we lived in. But what we do, that’s different. We unearth the scattered memories, mine for stories, fill in the personality. We’re time travelers.”

“The Detectorists,” Mackenzie Crook and Andrew Ellard, 2017

Dedicated to

Uncle Pete (17 February 1928 – 13 August 2015)

Preface

In 2016 I received nine boxes of materials concerning the lives of the Kleck family from the mid- 19th century to the 1980s. It included documents, photographs, letters, both typed and handwritten, notebooks, cancelled checks, wills, and many other Kleck-related items. All of the materials had been accumulated by my uncle, Pete Kleck, for many years. In 2014, Pete called me and asked if I would take the materials and I told him I would. Less than a year later, in October 2015, Pete died. His son, Wayne, his widow, Patricia, and I had agreed that at some point the “Kleck Archives” would be forwarded to me for inspection, restoration as needed, suitable retention and organized for the Kleck family.

Wayne, Patricia and I all appreciated Pete’s interest in preserving the story of the Klecks through the materials in those nine boxes. Wayne was diligent in his preparation of the materials for shipment and they were successfully transported halfway across the country. Since then I have been trying to identify, preserve and digitize the materials, with a definite priority given to older and more important documents and pictures.

In most cases the items required interpretation and further research. On multiple occasions, Wayne visited the Gillespie County courthouse, Kendall County courthouse, Gillespie County Historical Society, cemeteries, points of interest, and numerous other locations in the Fredericksburg area and also contacted local historians and “personalities.” He was able to locate, identify and copy documents that could only be acquired in person. I traveled to Texas in September 2017 and together we visited some of the sites, including the Kleck farm/ranch. His dedication and aptitude for researching old documents has been invaluable. Patricia Kleck has also been very helpful in filling in some of the missing pieces of information.

Searching legal documents is very difficult without legal training. Include the archaic language and handwriting of the mid-19th century and it can be overwhelming. Although some of the “legalese” can be interpreted from context and through the help of Google, often I had to rely on the legal training of a close friend, Harry Hayes, who has been a real estate attorney for over 40 years. He has helped me maneuver through the complicated procedures of searching and interpreting property titles and has spent hours cutting through the legal jargon to provide me with the “English version” of many of the important documents.

In my trips to Indiana, Swabia Germany and the Palatinate in Germany several cousins helped with the research. In Indiana, Cousin Pete Backer’s wife, Barbara Backer, was indispensable when researching the Backers. In Germany, Cousins Anne Kleck, Simon Teufel, Annemarie Lorch, Paul Schuhmacher and Christian Neumann all were crucial to the Kleck, Failer, Bäcker and Mootz families. I have attempted to list everyone in the Acknowledgements but someone is always neglected. For that I apologize.

The primary purpose of this is to assemble the circumstances around which the Klecks came to America and settled in Fredericksburg. Consequently, I felt that historical context was required at many points and I probably included too much detail at other points. Please excuse me if you feel I lapse into wordiness and excessive detail. My intent is to put the Kleck story into a narrative that begins with their early days in Germany and ends with their adjustment to mid-twentieth century America.

Stephen Sanders Great-grandson of Johann Kleck & Victoria Failer, George S. Backer & Christina Mootz [email protected]

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Foreword

Review – I cannot thank Wayne Kleck enough for his review of the document. There comes a point at which you just cannot read it again! Thanks, Wayne. Hard Copy vs. Electronic Copy – If you are read this document as a hard copy (i.e., printed on paper) then you will not be able to access some the of references which are represented as hyperlinks. If you would prefer to access the links, please consult [email protected] to download an electronic copy. Non-familiar Names – except in cases to identify the relationship of the subject to me, the author, the official names of individuals will be used. For example, my Grandfather, Peter Kleck, will be referred to as Peter and my Grandmother as Katherine. When names change over time, as Katie, Katherina, Katherine did, the name being used at the time being described will be the name used in the text. Living Persons – I have made no reference to any living person, except myself, in any chapter except the last. In the last chapter the references to living persons are kept to a minimum for privacy. Repetition – there will be unavoidable repetition of some comments, figures and pictures. This has been done primarily to eliminate the need to jump back and forth between chapters and sections of this document. In addition, some may wish to read parts of the document without reading preceding parts. Repetition of relevant sections may be necessary. Farm vs. ranch – I have always heard the Kleck homestead referred to as “ranch.” However, when Johann and Victoria lived there, it was actually a farm. John Kleck identifies his profession in the 1860 census as “farmer” and in the sale of the land from Johann to Peter in 1883, included are “farming implements, horses and mules” and there was also reference to the “cultivated land.” There was no mention of grazing animals which might suggest a ranch. Thus, until Peter bought the land it will be referred to as farm. Names – spelling of Victoria – the use of the letter C in German is typically only in consonant combinations such as “sch” and “ch.” The German version of the hard “c” sound is the letter K. Most other occurrences of the name Viktoria are indeed spelled with a K. However, in our case of Victoria Failer, the birth record in 1823 and her marriage record in 1844, both from St. Mauritius in Harthhausen auf der Scher, clearly show the spelling as “Victoria.” Throughout her life, it is spelled both ways multiple times. Some legal documents use “c” and some “k.” Notably, her tombstone shows “Viktoria.” Nonetheless, the spelling indicated on her birth and marriage records, Victoria, will be used here.

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Contents

Chapter One The German Klecks and Failers ...... 4 References – Chapter One ...... 15 Appendix – Chapter One ...... 16 Chapter Two The First American Klecks ...... 26 References – Chapter Two ...... 44 Appendix – Chapter Two ...... 45 Chapter Three Johann and Victoria’s Farm ...... 50 References – Chapter Three...... 64 Appendix – Chapter Three ...... 65 Chapter Four Civil War in the Texas Hill Country ...... 67 References – Chapter Four ...... 75 Chapter Five Young Peter Kleck ...... 76 References – Chapter Five ...... 85 Appendix – Chapter Five ...... 86 Chapter Six Peter, Bertha and Land ...... 94 References – Chapter Six ...... 117 Appendix – Chapter Six ...... 118 Chapter Seven The German Becker/Bäcker and Mootz Families ...... 125 References – Chapter Seven ...... 139 Appendix – Chapter Seven ...... 140 Chapter Eight Indianapolis at the Turn of the Century ...... 146 References – Chapter Eight ...... 150 Chapter Nine The American Backers ...... 151 References – Chapter Nine...... 164 Appendix – Chapter Nine ...... 165 Chapter Ten Katherine Backer ...... 168 References – Chapter Ten ...... 177 Appendix – Chapter Ten ...... 178 Chapter Eleven Peter and Katherina Kleck ...... 187 References – Chapter Eleven ...... 214 Appendix – Chapter Eleven ...... 215 Chapter Twelve The Kleck Children ...... 219 References – Chapter Twelve...... 271 Appendix – Chapter Twelve ...... 272 Epilogue ...... 296 Acknowledgments ...... 297

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Chapter One The German Klecks and Failers

Johann and Victoria

Johannes de Matha Kleck (aka Klek, Klegg, Glegg, Glöckh, Glökh) and Victoria Failer (aka Flaig, Pfeil), were married in St Mauritius Catholic Church in Harthausen auf der Scher, Baden- Württemberg, Germany, on 27 March 1844. 1 Harthausen auf der Scher was Victoria’s home and was less than seven miles from Johann’s home, Inneringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany.

Johann was born 7 February 1811 to a long line of Klecks living in Inneringen, [Inna-RIN-gen - note the hard “g” as in “again”] in a small county in southwestern Germany called Hohenzollern- Sigmaringen. 1 Victoria was born 12 December 1823 in Harthausen auf der Scher [HART-house- sin], in the same county. Nine months after being married, on 31 December 1844, a son, Sylvester, was born. Sylvester was born in Harthausen auf der Scher and the evidence suggests that Johann and Victoria were living with Victoria’s family at the time.

What were Johann and Victoria doing in Harthausen and how did they come to be living with Victoria’s family? We will explore those and other related issues in Chapter Two – The first American Klecks. But first, a little bit about the part of Germany in which they lived and their Kleck and Failer ancestors.

Figure 1. Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen in 1848

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A Short History of Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher

According to Roman maps of the second century, a major military road passed east-west approximately 10 miles south of Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher through modern-day Ennetach – Bragodurum during the Roman Empire [Digital Map of the Roman Empire]. This road ran along the Danube River (River Donau in Germany) from the origin of the Danube to the Black Sea – almost 1800 miles. Another minor road, used for commerce and local travel, passed north- south between Inneringen and Harthausen, roughly along the current Route 313. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-1. Digital Map of the Roman Empire with Inneringen area insert, Figure A-1-2. Inneringen area insert from Digital Map of the Roman Empire, and Figure A-1-3. Digital Map of the Roman Road and Danube/Donau River from Southwestern Germany to Black Sea with Inneringen area insert]

Inneringen was first documented as “Inaringin” in 1135 and in 1304 Harthausen was registered as “Harthusen.” Inneringen was ruled by a series of Dukes, Counts and Princes until 1534. In 1534 Lordship Fürstenberg, Count Friedrich the Elder of Fürstenberg, took control of the area and Inneringen was ruled by the Count and later a line of Princes Fürstenberg until 1806. It is during this period that at least six generations of Klecks lived in Inneringen.

The first documentary evidence of Klecks in Inneringen is 12 December 1600 when Christoph Kleck and Catharina Ruef were married in the village church [See Appendix, Figure A-1-4. Christoph Kleck and Christina Ruef marriage record 13 December 1600] In 1610 the population of Inneringen was 800 and in 1611 the plague claimed 203 lives. [History of Inneringen] In 1633 the Swedes invaded, “plundering, burning and murdering” during the Thirty Years War. In 1635, the plague struck again with 250-300 deaths leaving the population at approximately 300. By 1645, Inneringen had 51 inhabited, 43 abandoned and 41 burned down houses.

The end of the Thirty Years War in 1648 ended the 130-year Age of the Reformation. During this period, disputes over religion were common. Most of the surrounding area became Protestant, but the domination of the Fürstenbergs kept Inneringen Catholic.

[Translated from German] Belonging to the Principality of Fürstenberg is the reason that Inneringen remained Catholic in the age of the Reformation. The then Württemberg districts were Protestant, while Fürstenberg, the dominion of the Habsburgs (from Austria) and the neighboring lands of the imperial Zwiefalten monastery remained Catholic. [Inneringen Geschichte]

Soon after the end of the Thirty Years War, in 1656, the village church was consecrated - the church in which several Kleck marriages, baptisms and funerals were to take place. [More on the Kleck and Failer churches later]

Starting in 1710 roads were being built such that two horses could pass next to each other, twelve municipal wells had been dug, and in 1745 the Fürstenberg ironworks was established. Inneringen appeared to be enjoying an industrial renaissance. However, starting in 1776, three consecutive years of crop failures placed great economic stress on the area. Nonetheless, by 1781 the town had grown to 733 inhabitants with 202 horses, 175 dairy cows, 101 sheep and numerous other animals including 2 mother pigs. Inneringen had made a comeback.

Then in 1806 the Fürstenbergs were out and the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen received sovereignty. As a result of the Napoleonic Wars, in 1809 Inneringen’s population was reduced to 553. The Wars ended in 1815 and by 1841, Inneringen was back to 817 inhabitants. Three years later, Johann Kleck left Inneringen to marry Victoria Failer. He never returned.

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At that time, both towns were in the county of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. While called “county,” Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was a sovereign state, often referred to as a principality. That sovereignty, and the sovereignty of dozens of German principalities, would be weakened and ultimately surrendered with the unification of Germany in 1871.

Swabian Roots

The Klecks and Failers lived in the principality of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen in 1844. But the principality was a political entity. As we saw in the previous section, the principality in which one lives also dictates the only available religion. In the Kleck and Failer case, that religion was Catholic.

Nonetheless, the cultural and linguistic practices and traditions are dictated by the pre-existing, and continuing, cultural roots. The Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher areas were a part of Swabia [SWAY-bee-ə].

The Duchy of Swabia was one of the five stem duchies of the medieval German kingdom. It arose in the 10th century in the southwestern area that had been settled by Alemanni tribes in Late Antiquity. (Duchy of Swabia)

It ceased to exist as a political entity in 1313, but the Swabian peoples continued to modern times.

The German Klecks and Failers are, first and foremost, Swabian. Current day Kleck and Failer descendants proudly describe themselves as Swabian, speaking the Swabian dialect, eating traditional Swabian food and taking part in Swabian festivals and celebrations.

The Klecks still living in the Inneringen area speak Swabian and claim that Germans who only speak “High German” (Hochdeutsch) cannot understand them.

The ethno-linguistic group of Swabians speak Swabian German, a branch of the Alemannic group of German dialects. Swabian is cited as "40 percent intelligible" to speakers of Standard German. (Swabians)

It is estimated that Swabian is spoken by 819,000 persons in 2006, roughly 10% of the total population of the Swabian region. Counted among those are the Klecks and Failers remaining in Germany today.

Swabian German is traditionally spoken…in an area centered on the Swabian Alps roughly stretching from Stuttgart to Augsburg.

Figure 2 and Figure 3 show the Swabian region in which Swabian is generally spoken.

It is difficult to imagine how someone could come up with a number as precise as 40%, but it is apparent that there are difficulties in communication between standard German speakers and Swabians. I have asked a Swabian cousin to provide some examples of the linguistic differences. They are:

English: Johann and Viktoria emigrated to America in 1846. German: Der Johann und die Viktoria sind 1846 nach Amerika ausgewandert. Swabian: Dr` Johann ond dr` Viktoria send anna 1846 ge Amerika ausgwandrat.

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Figure 2. Swabia in Modern Germany Figure 3. Swabia Alps in Modern Germany MyGermanCity.com MyGermanCity.com

English: Inneringen is a little town in the Swabian Alps. German: Inneringen ist ein kleines Dörfchen auf der Schwäbischen Alb. Swabian Enrenga isch a kleis Dörfle uf dr` Schwäbischa Alb.

(A Swabian proverb) English: What the farmer does not know he will not eat. German: Was der Bauer nicht kennt, isst er nicht. Swabian Was dr` Baur it kennt isst r it.

The Swabian language of Johann and Victoria is important because it would have been somewhat different than the language spoken by most nineteenth-century German Texas immigrants. Most of them would have spoken Hochdeutsch (High German). This would have put the Klecks at a measurable disadvantage. Likewise, as you will see in a later chapter on the Bäcker/Becker and Mootz families of Annweiler, residents of the Palatinate region of Germany, make the same claim regarding the Palatinate dialect and standard German. They also proclaim that speakers of High German cannot understand “anything they say.”

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Figure 4. Baden-Württemberg in Modern Germany indicating the location of Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher. [Note: Directly below the notation “Inneringen” is the River Donau. Donau is the German name for the Danube, which is the 2nd longest river in Europe, extending from southwestern Germany to the Back Sea.]

Kleck and Failer Churches

The Kleck family had lived in Inneringen since before 1600. Seven generations of Kleck men had been married in the Inneringen Catholic Church beginning in 1600 and ending with Johann’s father, Anton, in 1808. 1

Plans for the current St. Martin Catholic Church building began in the 1840s. The town plans from 1846 show the new church (Figure 5). The current St. Martin Catholic Church building was built in 1861 and is shown in Figures 6, 7, and 8. Several of our Kleck cousins, descendants of Christoph Kleck, still live in the Inneringen area and attend the church on a weekly basis. Dona is the German word for Danube. The building on that site, dating to before 1600, was also consecrated as St. Martin. The lower part of the current church tower (the first four floors) was built before 1600. In 1626, during the Thirty Years’ Wars, the priest, Georg Benkler, had the fifth floor built. Financial support and material were donated by the priest along with donations from neighboring monasteries, cities and municipalities. It is said that the weather in 1626 was at times bad, making it impossible for the painters and the coppersmith to work. 2

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Figure 5. Inneringen town plan 1846 showing location of St. Martin

Figure 6. St. Martin Inneringen - constructed 1861 (photo 2019)

Figure 7. St. Martin Inneringen – inside (photo 2019)

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All but two of the bells from the church built in 1861 were taken during World War II to be used for ammunition. There is one bell from the original building cast during the 14th century and one from 1703 that still remains. Recordings of the bells are available at St. Martin Bells.

The St. Martin church records are intact back to 1580 and housed in the diocese archives in Freiburg. Research commissioned in the summer of 2017 revealed church records of the seven marriages from 1600 to 1808 in St. Martin. [The records were recently moved from St. Martin to the diocese headquarters in Freiburg as were the records from all local Catholic Churches in the diocese, including St. Mauritius in Harthausen auf der Scher.]

Johann’s wedding in St. Mauritius in Harthausen auf der Scher was the first in his line in 244 years conducted outside the Inneringen church. The Kleck line from Christoph Kleck to Johann Kleck is Figure 8. St. Martin Inneringen – altar shown on the Kleck Chart. [See Appendix, Figure (photo 2019) A-1-5. Kleck Chart]

The current St. Mauritius was built in 1742. Johann and Victoria were married 27 Mar 1844 in the current building. The building is shown in Figures 9, 10, 11 and 12.

Figure 9. St. Mauritius Harthausen auf der Scher constructed 1742 – end view (photo 2019) Figure 10. St. Mauritius Harthausen auf der Scher constructed 1742 – side view (photo 2019)

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Figure 11. St. Mauritius Harthausen auf der Scher – inside – site of Johann and Victoria wedding (photo 2019)

Figure 12. St. Mauritius Harthausen auf der Scher – altar – site of Johann and Victoria wedding (photo 2019) The Early Klecks

Christoph Kleck and Catherine Ruef were married in the Inneringen Catholic Church on 13 December 1600. The church document showing the notation is included in the Appendix. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-4. Christoph Kleck and Christina Ruef marriage record]

Victoria’s family, the Failer family, had lived in Harthausen since 1715 and probably before that. 3 The church records are intact back to 1656. Five generations of Failer men beginning with Joseph Failer sometime before 1715 are shown on the Chart in the Appendix from Joseph Failer to Victoria’s father, Dionis Failer. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-7. Failer Chart]. Dionis Failer is recorded as having emigrated to Texas in 1850 and eventually died there.

The earliest documented birth is of Mauritius Failer on 14 September 1715 as shown in the Appendix [See Appendix, Figure A-1-9. Mauritius Failer birth record, 14 September 1715] and his wife, Ursula Grom, born 20 October 1716. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-10. Ursula Grom birth record, 20 October 1716] The earliest recorded Failer marriage was between Mauritius Failer and Ursula Grom on 10 November 1745. They were married in St. Mauritius three years after the current building was built. It is the same church in which Johann and Victoria were married a hundred years later in 1844. The parents of Mauritius are known, Joseph Failer and Gertraud Högg, but their marriage date is not known.

It should be noted that in these early documents, female surnames often had the suffix “-in” applied. For example, Christina Ruef appears as Christina Ruefin, Ursula Grom appear as Ursula Gromin and Ursula Grom’s mother’s name is shown as Höggin. If the surname actually does end in “-in” then you must find other entries of the surname to verify its actual spelling. It is not always easy to determine.

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The Klecks in Inneringen – before 1600 to 1845

We are able to trace an unbroken line of the Kleck family back to 1600 in southwestern Germany. A Time Line incorporating the Inneringen events described above with the life spans of the Kleck male line is shown in the Appendix. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-11. Kleck/Inneringen Time Line (1600-1845)].

A book published in 1966 presents the description of the Klecks from Christoph in 1600 to Anton in 1831. 4 The line is unbroken and the narrative provides some details of the family possessions and estates. But it offers no references or documented proof. The first serious documented discoveries were made in 2017 and 2018 by a researcher commissioned by me to search the Klecks and Failers in the records of the Freiburg Diocese. 1,3 The documents relate almost entirely to births, deaths, marriages and baptisms. So far, the only clues we have about the lives of our ancestors are in the referenced book.

Combining the descriptions of their possessions with their vital records, we are able to piece together a little better understanding of their lives. In May 2019 I visited Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher. I was able to meet and talk to nine Kleck and Failer cousins who were able to comment on their knowledge of the family history in the area.

The eight Inneringen Kleck generations as shown in the Appendix [See Appendix, Figure A-1-5. Kleck Chart] are described in „Die Geschichte der Ortes Inneringen„. 4 The document uses terms peculiar to 17th Germany. Anne Kleck and Simon Teufel, cousins living near Inneringen, have provided assistance in the translation and interpretation of the document. Much of the terminology is still not understood.

1. Christoph Kleck (bef 1600-1628) married 1600 to Catharina Ruef (bef 1600-aft 1619) He was a farmer and owned 3 horses and 1 ox. Christoph died in 1627 and left 4 noble heirs, including 1 Münchhof. His widow, Kath. Rueff, paid 50 guilder “Gulden” (coin at that time) of the capital case. Münchhof is a farm or field which belongs to the monks (German "Mönch") and it is possible that the Klecks leased it from them (perhaps from monastery in Zwiefalten). We believe “capital case” refers to the debt (loans) due at Christoph’s death. 5

2. Christoph Kleck (1619-1674) married before 1652 to Margaretha Benkler (1630- 1700) In 1625 he bought from Felix Sprissler 4 J. fields for 128 Gulden. Christoph died 1674 (loans reproducing 16 Gulden), Margaretha 1700. When Margaretha died, Georg and Christoph paid their loans "as the best farmer" with 16 Gulden “J” is perhaps an old unit of square measurement like acres. “Best farmer” has us all stumped. We will be investigating more.

3. Georg Kleck (1652-1733) married 1679 to Helena Kienlin (1657-aft 1688) Georg was a farmer and mayor. Georg Kleck, mayor, 7, 2, 61 fields you have to pay tax for, 0, 1, 102 own meadows, 38, 0, 3 own fields and 0, 2, 18 own wood part. He had three sons, Gabriel, Johann and Franz. We do not know what the series of numbers are but perhaps the fields, meadows and wooded areas are designated numerically as we do here. 5

4. Gabriel Kleck (1688-1749) married 1716 to Anna Grom (1695-1772) Oldest son of Georg, He received the paternal Schwarz-Hansen estate, which he had bought from Jung Johann Metzger for 127 Gulden and 73 Gulden including

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horse and cart. The wife brought her father's house, scrub, tree and herb garden, horse carriage, plow and harness, as well as the 4. part of a church good, 6 ½ J. own fields, 4 ¾ J. leased fields and ¼ mm. Meadows (value 375 Gulden) and the normal trousseau, but had to care for her parents until their death and grant their siblings Magnus and Barbara Grom housing rights. In 1732 Gabriel Kleck owned a four floor thatched house and a barn and 3 gardens of 111 Rthn (square measurement), 0, 1, 53 own meadows, 9, 0, 75 own fields, a saint's loans with 0, 1, 29 meadows and 18, 3, 7 fields and a Schwarz-Hansengut with 0, 2, 58 meadows and 4, 3, 39 fields as well as 4, 1, 100 leased fields. Gabriel Kleck died 1749 (main case best horse 24 Gulden). They had two sons, Georg and Joseph. “mm” and “Rthn” are probably sorts of square measure as is “J.” 5 “Trousseau” here probably refers to household items and, again, “main case” probably refers to a loan.

5. Georg Kleck (1717-1777) married 1752 to Elisabetha Kleck (1727-1783) [Georg and Elisabetha were 2nd Cousins) The eldest son of Gabriel, Georg, married 1752 Elisabeth Kleck, stepdaughter of Johann Flöß and daughter of Christian Kleck and A. M. Liermann. She received her paternal estate.

6. Michael Kleck (Glöckh, Klegg) (1754-1809) married bef 21 June 1785 to Catharina Glöck (1757-1811) When George died in 1777, his fortune of living and dead inventory (value 1170 Gulden was given to his son Michael. This paid main case for the father was 28 Gulden for the mother 9 Gulden 40 xr and married Kath. Kleck, daughter of Josef Kleck and Kath. Lebherz, who brought 450 Gulden cash and 150 Gulden as fields. “xr” is a mystery.

7. Anton Kleck (1788-1831) married 1808 to Anna Maria Zillenbiller (1790-1820) Described in Chapter Two – The first American Klecks.

8. Johann Kleck (Johannes ex Matha Kleck) (1811-1885) married 1844 to Victoria Failer (1822-1907) Described in Chapter Two – The first American Klecks.

The Failers in Harthausen auf der Scher – before 1715 to 1845

The only documentation we have on the Failers is from the Freiburg research. 3 Nonetheless, research is currently being pursued with respect to the Failers of Harthausen auf der Scher. [See Appendix, Figure A-1-7. Failer Chart].

Kleck and Failers Charts

All Chart information Appendix – Chapter One is derived from documents acquired from:

Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany. Inneringen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1588-1664, 1660-1700, 1700-1819, 1819-1838; Harthausen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1656-1784, 1784-1819; Birth records 1819- 1847; Marriage records 1819-1886; Death records 1819-1853

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Figure A-1-5. Kleck Chart - All Klecks identified by marriage, birth and death records, including spouses and spouse’s parents where available. The available records begin in 1588, but the first Kleck record found was for the marriage of Christoph Kleck to Catharina Ruef 12 December 1600. There is no reason to believe that Christoph’s birth record would be available since he was likely born before 1588. Consequently, we are unable to suggest a date when the Klecks arrived in Inneringen.

The Kleck male line is indicated with yellow shading. The chart ends with reference to See Johann & Victoria Kleck Chart which will be available in Chapter Two – The first American Klecks. A more detailed Family Chart for Michael Kleck (Glöckh, Klegg) is shown in the Appendix [Figure A-1-6. Michael Kleck and Catherina Glock Chart].

Figure A-1-6. Michael Kleck and Catherina Glock Chart – The Family Chart of Michael Kleck and Catharina Kleck whose second child was Anton Kleck. Anton’s first surviving child was Johannes Kleck. The family chart is important for identification of current German cousins. The great-grandchildren of Mattheus Kleck (born 1812), Paulina Kleck (born 1813) and Johannes von Nepomuk Kleck (born 1819) would be my third cousins.

Please note that in all cases, the spouse’s shown surname is her pre-married surname. Thus, Michael Kleck did indeed marry Catharina Kleck and his father, Georg Kleck married Elisabetha Kleck. This indicates that several families with the surname Kleck, Klegg, Glöckh, Klek, etc. lived in, or around, Inneringen. This is another reason to believe that finding descendants of our Kleck line is less likely since there will be multiple Kleck lines present.

Figure A-1-7. Failer Chart – The Failers were from Harthausen auf der Scher, approximately seven miles west of Inneringen. In spite of records from Harthausen being available back to 1656, the earliest document found was for Muritius Failer’s birth 14 September 1715. No records were found for his parents Joseph Failer or Gertraud Högg. There are two possible reasons for the lack of records before 1715. First, the Failers may not have lived in the Harthausen parish before 1715 or the records may have been recorded in another parish or were misplaced or destroyed. The Grom’s records are also only available back to 1716. Perhaps the Failers and Groms bother arrived in Harthausen sometime in the early 18th century or, more likely, some of the records are unavailable because they were lost or destroyed. In 1633, during the Thirty Years War, the Swedes did burn most of the towns in the area.

Figure A-1-8. Dionis and Pelagius Failer Family Chart – Likewise, if German cousins from the Failer family are to be found, they most likely will be descendants of Victoria’s siblings Jacob (born 1815), Theresia (born 1818), Pelagius (born 1820), or Susanna (born 1821). We know that Genovefa Failer (born 1827) emigrated to Texas with her father, Dionis, and her step-mother, Barbara, in 1850 when she was 13 years old. We have been unable to find any trace of the three of them reaching Texas but will continue to search.

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References – Chapter One

1 Research project commissioned by Stephen Sanders, Summer 2017, undertaken by Marie-Christine Didierjean, Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany. Sources: Inneringen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1588-1664, 1660-1700, 1700-1819, 1819-1838

2 Local Chronicle of Joannes Maier and Siegfried Kretzdorn. Personal correspondence with Simon Teufel (Kleck cousin), descendant of Christoph Kleck and manager of St. Martin Church facilities, July 2, 2019.

3 Research project commissioned by Stephen Sanders, Spring 2018, undertaken by Marie-Christine Didierjean, Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany. Sources: Harthausen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1656-1784, 1784-1819; Birth records 1819-1847; Marriage records 1819-1886; Death records 1819-1853

4 „Die Geschichte der Ortes Inneringen„ von Johannes Maier und Siegfried Krezdorn, Schussenried: Eigenverlag der Gemeinde Inneringen, 1966, 524 S. ["The History of the Place Inneringen" by Johannes Maier and Siegfried Krezdorn, Schussenried: self-published by the municipality Inneringen,1966, 524 p.]

5 Translation and interpretation by Anne Kleck (Kleck cousin), resident of Inneringen, Germany, October, 2018

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Appendix – Chapter One

Figure A-1-1. Digital Map of the Roman Empire with Inneringen area insert Source: Klokan Technologies

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Figure A-1-2. Inneringen area insert from Digital Map of the Roman Empire (see Figure A-1-1) Red lines: Roman roads (Digital Map of the Roman Empire) Yellow lines: Current highways (Google Maps)

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Figure A-1-3. Digital Map of the Roman Road and Danube/Donau River from Southwestern Germany to Black Sea with Inneringen area insert Source: Klokan Technologies

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Figure A-1-4. Christoph Kleck and Christina Ruef marriage record 13 December 1600 Source: Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany

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Figure A-1-5. Kleck Chart

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Figure A-1-6. Michael Kleck and Catherina Glock Chart

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Figure A-1-7. Failer Chart

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Figure A-1-8. Dionis and Pelagius Failer Chart

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Figure A-1-9. Mauritius Failer birth record, 14 September 1715

Source: Harthausen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1656-1784

Figure A-1-10. Ursula Grom birth record, 20 October 1716

Source: Harthausen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1656-1784

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Figure A-1-11. Kleck/Inneringen Time Line (1600-1845)

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Chapter Two The First American Klecks

Johann Kleck Victoria Failer Kleck 7 February 1811 – 5 July 1885 12 December 1822 – 29 September 1907

[note 1: The spelling of Victoria’s name is discussed in the Foreword. The names entered on her birth and marriage records use a “c.” However, through her life she used “c” and “k” interchangeably. Since her birth record uses “c” we will use the spelling: Victoria.]

Johann and Victoria

As described in Chapter One – The German Klecks and Failers, Johannes de Matha Kleck (aka Klek, Klegg, Glegg, Glöckh, Glökh) and Victoria Failer (aka Pfeil, Flaig) were married in St Mauritius Catholic Church in Harthausen auf der Scher, Baden-Württemberg, Germany, on 27 March 1844. 1 [St Mauritius] Harthausen was Victoria’s home and was less than seven miles from Johann’s home, Inneringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany. [St. Martin]

Johann Kleck was born 7 February 1811 to a long line of Klecks living in Inneringen since before 1600, in a small county in southwestern Germany called Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Victoria was born 12 December 1822 in Harthausen auf der Scher, in the same county. Nine months after being married, on 31 December 1844, a son, Sylvester, was born. Since Sylvester was born in Harthausen it is likely that they were living there, possibly with Victoria’s family or nearby.

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Johann’s Family

Johann was the oldest surviving child of Anton Kleck and Anna Maria Zillenbiller. Anton and Anna Maria were married 22 February 1808. 1 Their first child, born in 1809, did not live a full day. 2 The second child, born in 1810, survived almost four days. Finally, on 07 February 1811, Johann was born in Inneringen. His full name was Johannes ex Matha Kleck since 08 February is the Feast Day of Johann from Matha. If you have been to Prague, you have probably seen the statue of Johann ex Matha on the Charles Bridge. [See Appendix, Figure A-2-1. Statue of Johann ex Matha on Charles Bridge in Prague, Czech Republic] Another son, Mattheus Kleck, was born 29 April 1812, and a daughter, Paulina Kleck, born 22 June 1813. The fates of Mattheus and Paulina are unknown. In 1814 and 1815 two more children were born and failed to survive a full day. Finally, on 20 May 1819, the last child, a son named Johannes, was born. They used the same name but this son was Johannes von Nepomuk Kleck since the Feast Day of John of Nepomuk was 16 May. The family chart is included in the Appendix – Chapter One [See Appendix, Figure A-1-6. Michael Kleck and Catherina Glock Chart]

When Anton married Anna Maria Zillenbiller, he received from her parents, Wunibald Zillenbiller and Waldburga Ott, 425 Gulden cash note 2, 175 Gulden in goods, and took over the farm valued at 939 Gulden. In return Anton assumed indebtedness of 48 Gulden from Wunibald and Waldburga. The net gain for Anton was 1491 Gulden. Anton also agreed to a “Leibgeding,” which is the agreement to provide the parents with food, housing and other necessities until their death.

[note 2: “Gulden” which was the currency of the states of southern Germany between 1754 and 1873, including Baden and Württemberg. The specific Gulden was based upon the Gulden or florin used in the Holy Roman Empire during the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern period.]

Anton’s father, Michael, died a year later, in 1809, and then his mother died in 1811. When his mother died, she left 232 Gulden to him. Thus, in a three-year period, Anton had received 1732 Gulden. We cannot easily convert that to current value, but we do know that many families were able to flourish with inheritances of 30 Gulden or even less. So, it is likely that Anton started his marriage wealthy.

However, Anton was “ein schlechter Wirtschafter.” 3 Literally translated from German: “a bad economist.” He was very bad with finances. He sold “one property after another” and in 1818 he exchanged the house and “a few fields” for only 425 Gulden. At that point, when Johann was seven years old, the family had no house, only a few fields for farming and very little cash. Two years later, in 1820, when Johann was nine, his mother died at the age of 30. At that time "only one cow was left" 3 and it appears Anton was down to his last 4 Gulden.

But, Anton, cured that problem by marrying Helena Glattus three months later. Helena Glattus, daughter of Jakob Glattus and A. M. Einholz, brought to the “half-farm estate” note 3 worth 200 Gulden. Anton continued to “economize” and sold more plots of land and was only a “half-farmer” in the year of his death in 1831. Consequently, there was essentially no inheritance. Johann was 20 that year. We know his father was a very bad business man who lost the family wealth twice and did not even have enough land to feed the family.

[note 3: A half-farmer had a arable area of a half „Hube“ (Hufe in the south of Germany as in Inneringen). A hube is a square measure, the size depending upon the area. A farmer with 1 hube could work the farm commercially with his family and could feed his family as well. A half-farmer could work half capacity on his half-farm and the remaining working hours for a larger farmer. The work was neither enough commercially nor the harvest enough for the family.] 4

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Where was Johann from 1811 to 1844?

As we saw above, „Die Geschichte der Ortes Inneringen„ (“The History of the Place Inneringen”) 3 describes Johann’s father, Anton, his family, land holdings and financial matters in relative detail. It also describes the marriage to Anna Maria Zillenbiller in 1808 and her death in 1820 when Johann was 9 years old. It includes his marriage to his second wife, Helen Glattus, in 1820, three months after Anna’s death in 1831 when Johann was 20 years old. note 4 Finally, it describes in some detail, the marriage of Anton’s son with his second wife, Norbert Kleck, in 1851 to “Steinhart, daughter of Anton Steinhart and Susanne Knupfer” as well as his profession, bricklayer ̶ but no mention of Johann.

[note 4: In the 19th century it was common for men to remarry soon after their wife died. There were chores that needed to be done especially if there were children.]

It is apparent that the information was acquired or accumulated in 1851 or later. Nonetheless, it does not mention Anton’s two sons with his first wife, Johann and his younger brother, despite them being born in 1811 and 1819, respectively. How do we explain this?

There are typically two broad areas from which information like this is acquired. First, there are official documents, bibles, church records or other types of family records. The key being they are written. The second type of acquisition is oral histories. Oral histories can, depending upon where and from whom they are obtained, ignore important events and people. It is apparent from the information on Anton’s family that it was probably obtained through an oral history developed by the Helen Gattus side of the family. It is true that in 1851 Johann was 40 years old and had emigrated to America 5 years before. Perhaps they merely forgot about him…and his younger brother? For whatever reason, Johann and his brother were left out of the narrative.

So, we know nothing about his childhood, his reaction to the death of his mother at age 9, his relationship with his stepmother and most importantly, when he left home and where he went. We essentially know nothing about Johann’s life from 1811 to 1844 when he married Victoria in Harthausen auf der Scher. But we do know enough to make some educated guesses.

It is reasonable to suggest that Johann lived with his father and mother until age 9 when she died. Since his new stepmother brought some wealth with her to the marriage, it is also likely that Johann continued to live with them until Anton died in 1831 or at some point before when the money ran out. It is reasonable to suggest that Johann worked to support the family from an early age. The area was generally depressed during this period because of plague, drought and war (e.g., the Napoleonic Wars). Life was not easy for anyone in southern Germany. So, working at an early age was the norm and working on the family farm was expected.

However, „Die Geschichte der Ortes Inneringen„ indicates that Anton was a “half-farmer” after his second marriage until his death. That indicates that there would not have been enough work for Anton, much less his sons, to support the family. So, it is likely that Johann worked on what small farm Anton had remaining and on other larger farms needing additional labor. Furthermore, we know the farmers in Inneringen area often turned to iron mining when farming was finished or was inadequate to support the family.

So, when not farming on larger farms, he also probably worked in the iron mines in Veringenstadt. You can see the location of the mines near Veringenstadt and the locations of Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher here. The mines, as shown in Figures 1 and 2, are approximately 2½ miles southeast of Veringenstadt. Inneringen and Harthausen auf der Scher are seven miles apart and Veringenstadt is equidistant to them. Veringenstadt is on the north-south Roman Road

Page 28 shown in Appendix – Chapter One [See Appendix, Figure A-1-2. Inneringen area insert from Digital Map of the Roman Empire].

Figure 1. Abandoned iron mine at Figure 2. Abandoned iron mine at Veringenstadt, near Inneringen – size of entry Veringenstadt, near Inneringen diminished by over 100-year buildup of soil Coordinates: 48.162228, 9.238771 Coordinates: 48.162228, 9.238771 (photo 2019) (photo 2019)

We do know that he eventually became a blacksmith in Harthausen auf der Scher. 5 This is consistent with Johann’s blacksmith business after arriving in Texas.

Thus, it is reasonable to guess that Johann lived with his father and stepmother until his father died in 1831. Johann was 20 years old. We also know that Johann was probably living near, or at the location of, his blacksmith work in Harthausen auf der Scher. He married Victoria in 1844. We do not know if he met Victoria while working in Harthausen auf der Scher or if he met her before and moved to Harthausen auf der Scher because of her. The romantics amongst us will choose the latter.

In spite of the guess that Johann lived in Harthausen auf der Scher from 1831 to 1844, we do not know where in Harthausen he lived. But, after his marriage to Victoria in March of 1844, we are confident that Johann and Victoria lived with Dionis Failer and his family.

Victoria’s Family

Victoria Failer was born to Dionis Failer and Francisca Abt on 12 December 1823. Dionis and Francisca were married in Harthausen on 8 May 1815. Victoria had four older siblings, Jacob Failer born 22 December 1815 and Theresia Failer born 10 October 1818. The third born, Pelagius Failer was born 12 May 1820 but died eight months later. Susanna Failer was born 11 July 1821 and died nine months later. Thus, Victoria was the fifth-born but the third to survive into adulthood. She was followed by Genovefa Failer who was born 14 January 1827 and lived to emigrate to Texas in 1850 with her father and stepmother.

Meanwhile, on 21 Jul 1827, Dionis’s mother, Maria Anna Mauz, died of a stroke at age 72. One year later on 7 Jul 1828, Dionis’s father, Pelagius Failer, who was a farmer, became “ill with jaundice which led to exhaustion” and death at 81 years old. 6

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Two weeks after Victoria’s 13th birthday, on Christmas Day 1836, her mother, Francisca Abt, died. According to church records she died of dropsy, now known as edema. The symptom of edema is accumulation of fluid in the cavities of the body causing severe pain, for example swelling in the lower legs and feet at the end of the day as a result of being in an upright position during the day.

Edema can be the result of medication, pregnancy or an underlying disease — often congestive heart failure, kidney disease or cirrhosis of the liver. 7

Dionis remarried a little more than four months later in May 1837 to Barbara Herre. Dionis and his second wife had their first child in 1838 naming him Pelagius Failer, the same name given to his third child from the first marriage who had lived eight months. Pelagius, as you can see from the Failer Chart in Appendix – Chapter One [See Appendix, Figure A-1-8. Dionis and Pelagius Failer Chart] was the name of Dionis’s father. However, this Pelagius lived only two months. Dionis and Barbara had two more children, Mauritius Failer born 19 September 1839 and died two months later and finally, Ulrich Failer born 16 April 1842 and also died after two months. Thus, from two wives, Dionis saw nine births, but only four lived past the age of 13 months.

By 1841 Dionis had been married to his second wife, Barbara, for four years. There were four unmarried children still living at home, Jacob, 26, Theresia, 23, Victoria, 18, and Genovefa, 14. It was at this time that Dionis made application in Harthausen to build a new house on his own small property. The plans for the new house were submitted but the land lacked access from any of the established roads, there being only one trail across his neighbor’s land. Thus, the neighbor’s approval would be required for the delivery of the building material and continued access. The neighbors did not agree. 8

In addition, three neighbors, Jacob Abt, Anton Pfaff and Hiazinth Kromer, objected to the proximity of the planned house to their house. The reply to the application included objections to the “dirt and noise which would result.” Based upon the complaints of the neighbors and the inability of Dionis and the neighbor’s inability to reach an agreement, the house could not be built. 8

Johann and Victoria Kleck

It is possible that Dionis Failer was attempting to build a new house because his house was already crowded and Johann and Victoria planned to marry and had nowhere else to live. In fact, Johann may have been living with the Failers in 1841 anyway. We know that Johann was a blacksmith in Harthausen auf der Scher and have no evidence that he lived elsewhere. The final decision concerning the new house was made in July 1841. Less than three years later in 29 Mar 1844 Johann and Victoria were married, nine months later Sylvester was born and it is likely that they lived with the Failer family until they sailed from Antwerp 5 Dec 1845.

Then, in June 1846, Victoria’s brother, Jacob, was married. It is quite possible that Jacob waited to bring a wife into the household until Victoria, Johann and Sylvester had departed.

Finally, in 1850, Dionis, Barbara and Genovefa, who was 23 at the time, sailed for America. The only documentation is the migration registration from the State Archives of Freiburg [See Appendix, Figure A-2-2. Emigration registration for Dionis Failer, Barbara Herre and Genovefa, 1850] which states:

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Dionis Failer ist 1850 mit seiner Frau Barbara Herre und seiner Tochter Genovefa nach Texas, Amerika, ausgewandert

translation: Dionis Failer emigrated to Texas, America in 1850 with his wife Barbara Herre and daughter Genovefa

There is uncorroborated evidence that Genovefa married Peter Hilt in Harris County, Texas (Houston) in 1853. 9 We have no other record of these three family members after they left Harthausen auf der Scher in 1850.

Johann and Victoria made the choice to be married in Victoria’s Catholic Church, St. Mauritius in Harthausen auf der Scher (see Chapter One – The German Klecks and Failers, Figures 9, 10, 11 and 12). He was the first Kleck male to marry outside St. Martin in Inneringen since before 1600 - in itself an obvious and permanent break with the Kleck family.

It is likely that the inadequate housing and lack of Kleck family ties caused Johann and Victoria to accept an offer from "Mainzer Adelsverein,” not only was it not a local organization but an organization controlled out of Hanover, a non-Swabian region. Nonetheless, conditions obviously were bad enough that they took a chance on a difficult and potentially dangerous journey with non-Swabian strangers to an unsettled area of Texas. The Mainzer Adelsverein will be discussed in detail below.

Why Did the Klecks Emigrate?

Of course, we can never be sure of the Klecks’ motivation to emigrate, but there are some factors that were almost surely of importance.

In the previous section, the family circumstances are described in detail. Johann’s family was destitute after years of bad financial decisions by his father, Anton. There is a question of his personal relationship with his family, including his stepmother whom his father married three months after his own mother died, when he was nine years old. Leaving Inneringen, his family home for more than 240 years, probably included family issues. But family was not the only worrisome condition in the 1840s.

In 1844, at the time of Johann and Victoria’s marriage, Germany was in turmoil with revolution all about them.

Between the Napoleonic Wars and 1840, and long before the unification of Germany in 1871, the lot of the German industrial worker and peasant alike had fallen about as low as it could get - to a level approaching antebellum slavery. The courts of the German princes, too, suffered badly under Napoleon, and in order to reestablish their elegance and extravagance, the rulers levied what was perhaps the heaviest taxation ever known. Between 1815 and 1848, Prince Metternich of Vienna ruled Austria and the German Confederation of 40 independent countries, principalities, margraviates, and free cities with a reactionary iron fist. [“Death March to Comal County,” W.T. Block, Jr., 2006]

As a result of the turmoil in Germany:

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About 1842, twenty-one of the German princes recognized the need to reduce the overpopulation of "the Germanies," and to that end, they organized the "Mainzer Adelsverein," later known in Texas as the "Society For The Protection of German Immigrants In Texas," or simply as German-Texas Immigration Company. The princes, led by Prince Carl of Solms-Braunfels and Duke Adolf of Nassau, concluded the emigration agreement at Bieberich-am-Rhein in April, 1842, and Prince Braunfels immediately left for Texas, where he purchased the 4,000 square mile Fisher-Miller land grant (between San Angelo and San Saba). He also purchased a coastal site, where he founded Carlshafen, later Indianola, for the "Adelsverein's" seaport, and he founded New Braunfels as the midway rest site between the sea coast and the land grant. [“Death March to Comal County,” W.T. Block, Jr., 2006]

It should be noted that a "verein" is an association or society but an "Adelsverein” is an association of nobility, not surprisingly it was called a verein in practice.

The motivation of the Adelsverein was not clear. There was certainly an altruistic component to the endeavor. But there has been speculation that the Adelsverein may have had other intentions as well. Jefferson Morthenthaler has a theory.

The Adelsverein was in significant part an effort by German nobles to relieve growing economic and social pressure on the proletariat and peasantry. In this sense, it was charitable and idealistic, but its members also saw potential commercial benefit in the enterprise. Trade might flourish between Texas and Germany. Land in Texas might prove valuable. Since Texas was not yet one of the United States, there were opportunities for all sorts of political developments—perhaps even the formation of a German state in North America. 10

Shortly thereafter, the Adelsverein placed an announcement in the Frankfurt newspaper.

"After a long and careful examination, the Society has decided that Texas is the land which will best suit the emigrant. The healthy climate, the fertility of the soil, the abundance of its products, and the ease of communication with Europe have drawn any German emigrants to Texas.”

"In the western part of Texas, in its most healthy region, the Society has acquired a large unsettled tract of land on which it will promote the settlement of those Germans who want to leave their Fatherland."

The society promised “large and commodious” ships to make the voyage and inexpensive food during the journey. On arrival in Texas, colonists would be provided wagons to transport them and their belongings to the settlement, where they would find “warehouses filled with provisions, gardening and farming implements, and seeds and plants of all sorts,” not to mention “all the necessary oxen, horses, cows, hogs and sheep” at below-market prices. In addition to transportation, the verein promised to build cabins for the colonists and to feed them until their first crop came in. 10

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It is hard to imagine passing up such an opportunity. Although Frankfurt, where the advertisements were widespread, is over 150 miles from Harthausen, the Klecks became aware of the offer and made their way to Antwerp to board a ship for America.

The Fisher-Miller Grant

As described above, the Adelsverein formed the Fisher-Miller Grant. This was the intended home for all of the German immigrants. Figure 3 shows the location of the Fisher-Miller Grant, consisting of 3,800,000 acres of land between the Colorado and Llano Rivers which would later make up seven counties (Concho, Kimble, Llano, Mason, McCulloch, Menard and San Saba). The map shows the relationship to Fredericksburg, New Braunfels and Indianola (Carlshaven).

Figure 3. Location of Fisher-Miller Grant 11

Including the offers made in the Frankfurt newspaper, the Mainzer Adelsverein contracted for specified land grants in the Fisher-Miller Grant.

Each Verein immigrant had signed an Immigration Contract (Einwanderungs Vertrag) in Germany at the port of embarkation before he boarded the ship on which he would make the journey to Texas. This contract entitled him to 320 acres of land if he was a married man and 160 acres if he was single.

Having signed the Immigration Contract, the immigrant with his family and all his possessions boarded a ship, usually at Bremen or Antwerp, for the journey to Texas. There he felt sure that he would find freedom and a better life. Altogether about sixty ships from Europe brought more than 7000 immigrants to Texas during the years 1844, 1845, 1846, and part of 1847. 11

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We have evidence that Johann Kleck was indeed under contract with the Fisher Miller Colony organization eventually transferred to the German Emigration and Railroad Company. The contract was confirmed in the Fisher Miller Colony Transfer document of 18 July 1848.

…a colonist under a certain contract of colonization entered upon between the Government of the Republic of Texas and Henry F. Fisher and B. Miller, bearing date the 1st day of September, A.D. 1843… 12 [GLO Archives, The Texas General Land Office]

For the most part, promises of the advertisements and the Immigration Contract were never fulfilled. In fact, even the land transportation was not forthcoming for most.

Ultimately the project failed for multiple reasons but primarily for (1) insufficient funding, (2) distance from the nearest port (nearly 300 miles), a city (Austin-100 miles or San Antonio-150 miles) close enough to buy supplies and (3) most importantly, the presence of Comanche Indians on the land.

The Trip to America

While most of the German immigrants to New Braunfels/Fredericksburg area were from Northwestern Germany, many were from Southwestern Germany like the Klecks. What they had in common was their socioeconomic background.

The Germans were ambitious farmers and artisans who believed their futures were cramped by the social and economic system at home. They were not poverty-stricken and oppressed. Indeed, they were able to afford the substantial cash investment required in overseas migration. [“Germans,” The Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association]

With most of Germany in a state of revolution, the Klecks made plans to leave Germany and take advantage of the Fisher-Miller Grant. On 5 December 1845, when Sylvester was 11 months old, Johann, Victoria and Sylvester boarded the Ship Andacia in Antwerp, Belgium [“Ship Andacia,” Fredericksburg & Gillespie County Genealogy Society]. Almost 4 months later, on 29 March 1846, they arrived in Galveston. 12

There is an account suggesting that Victoria was pregnant when boarding and gave birth to a child onboard, with the child named Andacia after the ship. There are two versions of the account. In both versions the baby died. In one version the baby was buried at sea and in the other the baby was buried in Galveston. Neither of these accounts, or even the pregnancy, could be verified as of this writing.

It is worth noting that 2½ years after the Klecks left Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the sovereign abdicated as a result of the revolutions of 1848. [“Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen,” Wikipedia] The county was combined with Hohenzollern-Hechingen and was annexed by the Kingdom of Prussia in 1850 as the newly created Province of Hohenzollern. [“The Province of Hohenzollern,” Wikipedia] This is of note because in the subsequent census records of Johann and his son, Peter, the country of origin for John and Victoria is listed as Germany or Prussia or Hohenzollern depending upon which census you use. None of these are technically correct. When Johann, Victoria and Sylvester left in 1845, the county of their origin, Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, was a sovereign state and had not yet been annexed by Prussia nor renamed Province of Hohenzollern.

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It was not until the period 1848-1850 that the names changed. But the Klecks used the country name at the time of the census (September 1850), rather than the name when they left (November 1845). Thus, even though the Province of Hohenzollern did not come into existence for more than 3 years after they left, they still considered themselves as citizens of the new province. Finally, Germany did not become a nation state until 1871. When Johann swore his Affirmation of Allegiance securing citizenship for himself, he renounced his allegiance to the “King of Hohenzollern of whom he was before a subject.” 13

When the Klecks arrived in Galveston, Texas, they had already traveled over 350 miles from their home to Antwerp and almost four months on a ship with a one-year old child and Victoria possibly pregnant. During 1845 thousands of German immigrants disembarked ships in Galveston. The ship’s manifests and passenger lists were filed with immigration officials at the port where the immigrants first landed. Thus, we have documentary evidence that the Klecks arrived in Galveston on 29 March 1846. [“Ship Andacia,” Fredericksburg & Gillespie County Genealogy Society].

After arrival in Galveston, the immigrants were placed on smaller vessels to complete their trip in Indianola (Carlshaven, Carlshafen), 150 miles southwest of Houston in Matagorda Bay. “The smaller vessels were necessary since the bay leading into Indianola was too shallow for larger sailing vessels.” [“Indianola Immigrant Database,” Victoria Regional History Center, Victoria, TX]

Figure 4. Prussia (blue), at its peak, the leading state of the German Empire

When the first immigrants arrived in Indianola in February 1845, they expected to find camps in which they would prepare for their trip to the Fisher-Miller Grant site. However, there were no such camps resulting in no shelter, water or food for the immigrants. [“Death March to Comal County,” W.T. Block, Jr., 2006]. Nonetheless, between January and April 1845, most of the newly arrived immigrants moved inland towards La Fontana (later New Braunfels) in spite of the lack of certainty about their final arrangements for staying there.

Prince Solms (Prince Carl of Solms-Braunfels) led the immigrants despite knowing little more about the route than his followers. The recommended route would follow established roads along

Page 35 the Guadalupe River from Carlshaven (Indianola) through Victoria, Gonzales and Seguin (Figure 5). Although in most cases the groups of immigrants would travel with guides, they were still likely to have a copy of the map with them. A copy of the 1851 version of the map, Karte des Staates Texas, is included in the Appendix [See Appendix, Figure A-2-3. Karte des Staates Texas – 1851 version of map used by German immigrants to travel from Indianola to New Braunfels, Fredericksburg and the Fisher-Miller Grant and Figure A-2-4. Karte des Staates Texas – Map insert of trail from Indianola to Fisher-Miller Grant]

However, Prince Solms had his own ideas which included bypassing any existing towns.

Solms's decision to bypass existing settlements was due to more than a desire for travel efficiency. He fervently wanted to establish a piece of Germany in Texas, and saw the "Americans" in Texas as pollutants and complicators to be avoided. His desire for separation was unconcealed; according to New York newspapers of the time, "German colonists under Prince Solms have no more intercourse with the inhabitants than is absolutely necessary." 10

Figure 5. The recommended route to La Fontana (later New Braunfels) 10

On March 21, 1845, an estimated two hundred Germans reached La Fontana and “established” New Braunfels, named after Solms's estate in the village of Braunfels, along western Germany's Lahn River.

The Society, having established New Braunfels as a way station on the road to the Fisher-Miller Grant, many immigrants had settled in or near New Braunfels rather than continue their journey. This continued for most of 1845. Later in 1845, the new director of the Society, Baron Ottfried Hans von Meusebach, learned that several thousand new immigrants were due in November 1845.

Knowing that such a large number could be settled in New Braunfels, he decided to establish another way station on the road to the Fisher-Miler grant. Meusebach found a suitable place about eighty miles northwest of New

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Braunfels on the Pedernales River. At a considerable distance from the Fisher- Miller grant he selected a 10,000 acre tract. It was good land, well-watered and with ample timber to supply the needs of the colonists. The tract was surveyed and town lots made ready for the settlers. This new town was named Fredericksburg in honor of Prince Frederick of Prussia, a member of the Society. 11, 14

Those immigrants arriving in New Braunfels during the winter of 1845-46 still had reliable transportation and were essentially disease-free. In the spring of 1846, upon arrival in New Braunfels, the new immigrants were “encouraged” to move on to Fredericksburg and eventually the Grant. Thus, immigrants arriving after that date, which would include the Klecks, eventually, used New Braunfels only as a way station.

On April 23, 1846 the first immigrant wagon train left New Braunfels for the new settlement of Fredericksburg on the Pedernales River. There were about one hundred men, women and children in this group. After a trip lasting sixteen days, the settlers reached their new home. The date was May 8, 1846. 11

The Klecks had not yet arrived in New Braunfels by then.

The Klecks’ Trip to Fredericksburg

By the time the Klecks reached Indianola in the first weeks of April 1846 all had changed dramatically.

That winter (1845-46) was unusually wet and cold. Northers swept repeatedly across the low Gulf Coast, turning the land into mud and creeks into rivers. Though Meusebach had built some barracks at Carlshaven, and had erected tents to shelter more families, the accommodations were woefully inadequate. Families huddled in the cold, and built flimsy shelters of wood, grasses, sod and scraps. Influenza and fever raged through the camp, killing hundreds. Travel out of the camp was impossible: the coastal lowlands were impassable. 10

Just when conditions became deadly in Carlshaven, leaving became nearly impossible.

…war broke out between the United States and Mexico in May 1846. The United States offered a much higher price to the private teamsters than Meusebach was paying with the result that the teamsters deserted Meusebach to work for the United States Army. Over four thousand immigrants were left at Carlshafen in tents or whatever shelter they could find to protect them from the sun and rain of the Texas spring and summer of 1846. Disease broke out among the immigrants already weakened by the long ocean voyage. It is estimated that four hundred died in Carlshafen or on the journey to New Braunfels. Many preferred to start the trip inland on foot rather than wait any longer in Carlshafen 11

These are almost certainly the conditions that greeted the Klecks but we do not know when or how the Klecks left Carlshaven. The Indianola Immigrant Database has no record of their presence but Indianola was destroyed twice by hurricanes and abandoned. So, the lack of a record is not evidence that the family had not been there. There is a suggestion in a biography of John Kleck that his family spent one year in Victoria. However, there is no other evidence of

Page 37 such and the biography itself is riddled with other inaccuracies. Victoria is less than 40 miles inland and even if walking was the only transportation available, it was probably a desirable alternative to Carlshaven. Nonetheless, we do not know where they spent the summer of 1846. Even if the immigrants were able to reach New Braunfels or Fredericksburg in 1846, many of them experienced ailments as a result of the long journey.

Those who arrived at New Braunfels and the newly established town of Fredericksburg carried with them the germs of malaria, bilious fever, dysentery, and other diseases. A terrible epidemic broke out in every place traversed by or lived in by the immigrants; and to estimate the number of other deaths along the road or in remote places since many were buried on farms. In many instances every member of a family died. Many widows and orphans were left to be cared for by other settlers. 11, 14

Sylvester was 15 months old when the Klecks arrived in Galveston. Travel by wagon was unlikely and travel on foot would have been slow with a young child. So, we can conclude that the Klecks probably remained in the Carlshaven/Victoria area for at least six months, and perhaps as much as 12 months with the trip to New Braunfels and Fredericksburg still ahead of them.

In fact, we know that the Klecks were still in Comal County in July 1848, 2 years and 3 months after arrival in Galveston. As described above, Johann Kleck signed a document confirming his contract with the Fisher Miller Colony organization 8 July 1848. 12 [Included in the Appendix, Figure A-2-5. Johann Kleck Fisher-Miller Colony Transfer document of 18 July 1848 or at GLO Archives, The Texas General Land Office] The document was signed and filed in Comal County. The county seat of Comal County, as well as its population center, was New Braunfels. Thus, it is apparent that the Klecks were still in New Braunfels, or nearby, in July 1848 making it likely that the Klecks did not arrive in Fredericksburg until Fall 1848 or later. The next Kleck documentation is Johann’s Affirmation of Allegiance signed in Fredericksburg 27 November 1849. 13 [Included in the Appendix, Figure A-2-6. Affirmation of Allegiance, Johann Kleck, 27 November 1849 – side 1 and Figure A-2-7. Affirmation of Allegiance, Johann Kleck, 27 November 1849 – side 2] This makes the arrival date sometime between Fall 1848 and November 1849, between 2½ and 3½ years after arrival in Galveston.

The verein failed to provide the promised transportation and provided little, if any, food, clothing or shelter during the trip to the Grant. Johann was a blacksmith, a trade in great demand in 1840s Texas. In addition to any savings they may have brought with them, it is probable that he was able to secure enough work to provide the basics for his small family to subsist on the Gulf Coast, Victoria or New Braunfels and eventually finance their trip to Fredericksburg. But that would probably have taken appreciable time.

With the long trip from Germany, the conditions on the Gulf Coast, disease in Carlshaven, New Braunfels and Fredericksburg added to the rigors of a 200-mile trip with a child 11 months old at departure and four to five years old upon arrival, it is remarkable that the family survived. Nonetheless, they did survive, eventually settling in Fredericksburg sometime in 1848-49 and in November 1849, Johann swore his Affirmation of Allegiance. The text of the Affirmation reads:

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The State of Texas, County of Gillespie

District Court, Fall Term A.D. 1849

Be it remembered that Johann Kleck a native of Hohenzollern in Germany aged about thirty eight years having allegiance to the King of Hohenzollern, who emigrated from Hohenzollern and arrived at the Port of Galveston in the United States on or about the Month of March A.D. 1846 and Intends to reside within the jurisdiction and under the Government of the United States of America to wit in the County of Gillespie in the State of Texas makes report of himself for naturalisation and declares on oath in open Court, that it is Bona Fide his intention to become a Citizen of the United States of America and to renounce and abjure forever all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, State and Sovereignty whatsoever particularly to the King of Hohenzollern of whom he was before a subject.

Johann Kleck

Subscribed and sworn to in Open Court this day the 27th of Nov 1849. 12

And so, in November 1849, in Fredericksburg, Texas, Johann Kleck became the first American Kleck.

Life in Fredericksburg

When the immigrants arrived in Fredericksburg, one of the first tasks was to award Townlots to heads of families and single men.

Surveyor Willke laid out the town lots which were then distributed to family heads and single men. These lots measured 100’ x 200’ Many of the settlers chose lots on Creek Street, near water. By 1847 more than 500 settlers had received town lots. Later these first arrivals received also an outlying ten-acre lot. The settlers who came later received only a ten-acre lot. By 1848 about 600 settlers had received outlying ten-acre lots. Cultivation of small fields began almost at once. 15

Thus, settlers arriving “by 1848” received lots, but no mention of settlers who arrived in 1848 or later. The location of the “lots on Creek Street, near water” are Townlots 1 through 24 shown on the Townlot map in Figure 6A. Several lots in the vicinity were eventually owned by either Johann or his son, Peter Kleck. However, there is no evidence that Johann was granted any land upon arrival. Perhaps they arrived too late.

In addition to Townlots, farm land was also allotted. Johann’s contract with the German Emigration and Railroad Company, the business branch of the Mainzer Verein, which had initially been signed on departure from Antwerp, entitled him to 640 acres “being a married man.” 12 Of course, the contract stipulated that 320 of those acres would be “granted” back to the GE Company “…in consideration of the trouble and expenses of the said Company, had for transportation and otherwise…” However, there is no indication that Johann ever received any land as a result of the contract with the German Emigration Company. He had to make other arrangements.

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Figure 6A. Preferred Townlots near creek – Figure 6B. Current map of Lots 1 through 24 in the red box Fredericksburg with same red box Lots highlighted in yellow were at one time (Google Maps) or another owned by Johann or Peter Kleck

Nonetheless, during the period of April 1846 to November 1849, the Klecks not only survived but seem to have thrived. In August 1847, Maria Anna Kleck was born. Maria’s 1918 death certificate shows “Gilispi Couty Texas” [sic] as her birthplace. But there is no other evidence of that, including census records which merely note her birthplace as “Texas.” Death certificates are a notoriously unreliable source for birth dates and places. So, the arrival estimate of 1848-49 still appears reasonable.

On 18 November 1849 a third child, Therese Kleck, was born. Nine days later, on 27 November 1849, Johann signed his Affirmation of Allegiance. Johann and Victoria went on to have eight more live births from 1852 to 1868. The day before Johann’s 57th birthday, 6 February 1868, Amalia Kleck, the 11th child was born. Figure 7 shows an abbreviated chart of the family of Johann and Victoria Kleck. A more detailed chart is included in the Appendix [See Appendix, Figure A-2-8. Family Chart of Johann and Victoria Kleck]

Figure 7. Abbreviated Family Chart of Johann and Victoria Kleck

There is no question that the Klecks were residents of Fredericksburg by November 1849. The 1850 census, enumerated 16 September 1850, indicates that “John” Kleck was a blacksmith with three children and real estate valued at $300. It was not an inconsequential amount. We are not sure what the $300 worth of real estate included, but we can make a pretty good guess: Townlot 178. It appears that at about this point Johann Kleck became John Kleck.

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On 14 November 1850, Townlot 178, which had been allotted to “emigrant” Heinrich Stalp by a trustee of the German Emigration Company, Ludwig Bene. The lot was “assigned” to “H. Kleck.” This was the first land acquired by Johann Kleck and became the site of their first house and, next to it, his blacksmith business. In “Old Homes and Buildings of Fredericksburg,” 16 Elise Kowert discusses Townlot 178 while describing the White Elephant Saloon.

The saloon was built on part of Townlot 178 which the German Emigration Company allotted to Heinrich Stalp, but deeded to his assignee, H. Kleck, on November 14, 1850. The acknowledgment on the deed, however, is dated Feb. 13, 1852, and the “Mr. H. Kleck” referred to in the deed should have been John Kleck, for a quitclaim deed to John Kleck was executed May 20, 1859. 16 [Townlot 178 is one of the lots highlighted in yellow on Figure 6A.]

Ms. Kowert further describes the evolution of Townlot 178 as the site where the White Elephant Saloon was eventually located.

John Kleck and his wife, Victoria, lived in a house on the west side of what is now the White Elephant, where he had a blacksmith shop. John’s widow, Victoria, deeded 36 by 200 feet to her son John W. Kleck, September 20, 1888.

Figure 8 shows the While Elephant Saloon in the early 20th century. In the picture, Victoria’s house is just barely visible on the left.

The blacksmith shop was probably built soon after the land was acquired in 1850. The blacksmith business must have prospered because in February 1854 Johann bought the adjacent lot on the east side, Townlot 179, for $90 to expand his business. Four and one-half years later, in December 1858 Johann sold Townlot 179 for $135 and presumably discontinued his blacksmith business. Townlot 179 was eventually the site of the Keidel home and Keidel Drug Store. In the description Figure 8. Early 20th century picture of the White Elephant of the Keidel buildings that Saloon with Victoria’s house on left. 17 later stood on the lot, Elise Kowert describes the lots ownership:

The Keidel home and the drug store are built on Townlot 179, originally granted by the German Emigration Company to August Nette. His deed from the company is dated April 9, 1850. On February 27, 1854, Nette, then of Bexar County, sold it to John Kleck for $90. John Kleck was a blacksmith, and had his business here. He sold the lot on December 21, 1858, for $135 to Heinrich

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Wilke, a wheelwright, who later owned the corner lot where Keidel Clinic now stands. 16

Likewise, Johann and Victoria lived in the house on Townlot 178 until sometime in late 1858 to early 1859. The blacksmith shop had been taken down by 1888 when John Kleck, Jr built the White Elephant Saloon. Victoria moved back to the house next to the White Elephant about the time of Johann’s death in 1885 and lived there until her death in 1907. It is unclear whether Johann ever returned to live in the house.

In the early days of Fredericksburg, the street on which the blacksmith shop/White Elephant Saloon stood was officially named San Saba Street. However, from the beginning, most residents referred to it as “Haupstrassse,” German for Main Street. The official name of San Saba was eventually changed to the popular name, Main Street, in 1937. 18 The current address of the White Elephant is 246 East Main St. It should be noted as well, that the street that intersects Main Street to the east was officially Garten Street Figure 9. The White Elephant Saloon in 1950 housing the in the early days, a German Brauer Auto Supply and Garage 17 name. It was changed to N. Lincoln St. after the Civil War.

In the decades to follow, the White Elephant Saloon went on to house many different businesses, including the Brauer Auto Supply and Garage in 1950 as shown in Figure 9. The house was eventually taken down sometime before 1950 since it is not present in Figure 9.

The White Elephant Saloon building still exists today at 242 E. Main St. Figure 10 shows the Figure 10. The White Elephant Saloon (photo 2017) front of the White Elephant in 2017, the location of the blacksmith shop in 1850.

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Figure 11 shows the current building located on the east side of the lot with an extension having been added to the rear several years after being built. That extension is in the location of John Kleck, Jr.’s frame house.

The John Kleck family lived in a frame house behind the saloon which in later years was moved to the middle of the north side of the 200 block of East Austin Street in which the Jung family lived in 1956 and which was torn down in the mid-1960's to make room for the Frantzen Insurance Building. 16

The left side of the picture in Figure 11 (west side of lot) is where Johann and Victoria’s house was located and is still vacant today.

Figure 11. Townlot 178 (photo 2017)

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References – Chapter Two

1 Research project commissioned by Stephen Sanders, Summer 2017, undertaken by Marie-Christine Didierjean, Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany. Sources: Inneringen Birth, Marriage and Death records 1588-1664, 1660-1700, 1700-1819, 1819-1838

2 Correspondence between author and Marie-Christine Didierjean, Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, 05 Oct 2018.

3 „Die Geschichte der Ortes Inneringen„ von Johannes Maier und Siegfried Krezdorn, Schussenried: Eigenverlag der Gemeinde Inneringen, 1966, 524 S. ["The History of the Place Inneringen" by Johannes Maier and Siegfried Krezdorn, Schussenried: self-published by the municipality Inneringen,1966, 524 p.]

4 Correspondence between author and Anne Kleck (Kleck cousin), Inneringen, Germany, Oct 2018.

5 Harthausen Family Book, Correspondence between author and Annemarie Lorch (Failer cousin), Harthausen auf der Scher, 26 Aug 2019)

6 Correspondence between author and Annemarie Lorch (Failer cousin), Harthausen auf der Scher, 26 Aug 2019)

7 Edema, Diseases and Conditions, Patient Care & Health Information, Mayo Clinic, 2019

8 Council Documents, Harthausen auf der Scher, 15 Jul 1841, Mayor Grom, Municipal Council Josef Strauss and Hiazinth Blau

9 Texas, Marriage Index, 1824-2014, Texas Department of State Health Services; Austin, Texas

10 “The German Settlement of the Texas Hill Country,” Jefferson Morgenthaler, Mockingbird Books, Boerne, Texas, 2016.

11 “A New Land Beckoned, German Immigration to Texas, 1844-1847,” Chester W. & Ethel H Geue, 1966 Clearfield Company, Baltimore, MD

12 Fisher Miller Colony Transfer, Johann Kleck, executed 18 Jul 1848, original in GLO Archives, The Texas General Land Office [GLO Archives, The Texas General Land Office page 210, Johann Kleck, FMT]

13 Affirmation of Allegiance, Johann Kleck, executed 27 Nov 1849, original doc in Kleck Archives

14 “German Pioneers in Texas,” Don Biggers, Fredericksburg Publish Company

15 “Pioneers in God’s Hills, A History of Fredericksburg and Gillespie County People and Events,” A Glimpse of the Past page XVI, Von Boeckmann-Jones, Austin, Texas, 1960

16 “Old Homes And Buildings Of Fredericksburg,” Elise Kowert, Fredericksburg Publishing Company, Fredericksburg, Texas, 1977

17 “Images of America, Gillespie County,” Gillespie County Historical Society, Arcadia Publishing, Charleston, SC, 2013

18 Personal telephone discussion between author and Evelyn Weinheimer, Archivist, Pioneer Museum and Gillespie County Historical Society, Fredericksburg, TX, 9 Aug 2018

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Appendix – Chapter Two

Figure A-2-1. Statue of Johann ex Matha on Charles Bridge in Prague, Czech Republic. Johann ex Matha on upper left with broken chains and money with which to buy slaves (photograph 2014)

Figure A-2-2. Emigration registration for Dionis Failer, Barbara Herre and Genovefa, 1850

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Figure A-2-3. Karte des Staates Texas – 1851 version of map used by German immigrants to travel from Indianola to New Braunfels, Fredericksburg and the Fisher-Miller Grant

Figure A-2-4. Karte des Staates Texas – Map insert of trail from Indianola to Fisher-Miller Grant

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Figure A-2-5. Johann Kleck Fisher-Miller Colony Transfer document of 18 July 1848

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Figure A-2-6. Affirmation of Allegiance, Johann Kleck, 27 November 1849 – side 1

Figure A-2-7. Affirmation of Allegiance, Johann Kleck, 27 November 1849 – side 2

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Figure A-2-8. Family Chart of Johann and Victoria Kleck

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Chapter Three Johann and Victoria’s Farm

The Kleck Farm

The Preemption Act of 1841 was a federal law which permitted “squatters” to purchase up to 160 acres of land at a very low price. Land preemption laws in general, including Texas, gave male heads of households the right to buy the land if he and his family developed the land including buildings, fields, fences, etc. They then had to reside on the land for a specified number of years. For a deed to be issued, the land holder was required to have the land surveyed and a deed issued by the county in which the land was located. The land in Texas was identified by its “Survey” number and that number is often still used today.

In 1858, Survey No. 725 was a tract of land containing 160 acres lying on the county line of Gillespie and Bexar Counties. When Kendall became a county in 1862, the land was then partly in Gillespie and partly in Kendall Counties, about midway between today’s Blanco and Kerr Counties. The county line moved over the years and the land is now entirely in Kendall County.

Henry Habenicht acquired the land by Preemption and on 01 November 1858, he sold the land to John Kleck for $650. The contract certainly refers to Survey 725 but that is where the certainty ends. The contract has some very curious wording that even an experienced real estate attorney has found baffling. The first half of the document alludes to the property and somewhat indirectly suggests it is worth $1300. The second half of the document more directly sets Johann’s payment at $650, with $150 payable upon execution of the contract and the other $500 payable in four installments from December 1858 to May 1860. Are the two amounts associated? Is it coincidence that one is exactly twice the other? Furthermore, the 1860 Census shows Johann’s “Value of Real Estate” as $1300. One would think that settles the matter, except that we cannot be sure if the value indicated in the census includes Townlot 178, which Johann still owned at the time. Perhaps we will find another document which clarifies the issue. Until then, we can only speculate. (The contract is shown in the Appendix Figure A-3-1. 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725 – side 1 and Figure A-3-2. 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725 – side 2)

Figure 1 shows a portion of the 1862 Kendall County Land map on which Survey 725 is indicated in the upper right corner. Also indicated is “P. 811” which refers to the file number of the Title for Patent 811. Thus, Survey 725 became the Kleck Farm in 1858.

Presumably, the Klecks lived in the house on Townlot 178 from 1850 until they moved to the Kleck Farm sometime in 1858-59. By the time they acquired the Kleck Farm, Johann and Victoria had seven children, Peter having been born 10 July 1858, four months before acquiring the farm. After moving to the farm, four more children were born from 1860 to 1868 bringing the total to 11, five boys and five girls. (See Figure 2)

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Figure 1. Survey 725 – 160 acres of farm land purchased by Johann Kleck in 1858

Texas Mex

Figure 2. Abbreviated Family Chart of Johann and Victoria Kleck

The living quarters of the Kleck farm house consisted of a main house and a dormitory style row of rooms built into a small ridge on the west side of the main house. No pictures have yet been located of the farm house during its use in the 19th century. Figures 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 show the farm house as it looked in 2017.

We are not sure when any of the buildings were constructed. But it is probable that the Klecks lived in small temporary living quarters and built the main house and dormitory style buildings gradually.

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Figure 3. Kleck farm/ranch house rear – Figure 4. Kleck farm/ranch house front – facing southeast, away from road (photo facing west, towards road – end of wall 2017) on the west side visible in foreground (photo 2017)

Figure 5. Kleck farm/ranch house central Figure 6. Kleck farm/ranch house front room in middle of house (photo 2017) room with collapsed roof – as seen from outside in Figure 4 (photo 2017)

Figure 7. Kleck farm/ranch house out Figure 8. Kleck farm/ranch house building (photo 2017) location of dormitory rooms for children on west side of house (photo 2017)

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The Children

Johann and Victoria had 11 children. The first, Sylvester, was born December 1844 in Germany. Sylvester married Juanita Sanchez in 1865. Juanita was born March 1847 in Monterey, Mexico. Sylvester and Juanita had six children from 1867 to 1886. Their first born, Theresia Kleck, thought to be named after Sylvester’s sister, Therese, was born in Brownsville, Texas. The remaining five were born in Gillespie County. Sylvester was a veteran peace officer in Gillespie County, serving as Sheriff, and described as “One of the most picturesque characters in this section of Texas…” Sylvester is central character in Chapter Four – Civil War in the Texas Hill Country.

Johann and Victoria’s second born, Maria Anna, born August 1847, was probably born in New Braunfels or nearby. As described earlier, no suitable record of the location of her birth is available but it is unlikely that Johann and Victoria had reached Fredericksburg by August 1847. Maria Anna married Robert Pfeiffer March 1865 in Fredericksburg and they had 10 children over 19 years from 1866 to 1885. Through the seven years from 1866 to 1873, they had six children, five girls and one boy.

Therese Kleck was the third born 18 November 1849, nine days before Johann signed his Oath of Allegiance, in Fredericksburg. The 1870 Census on 25 August shows Therese living with her parents at age 20 “without occupation” and unmarried. No record has been found of her after that date.

Anton Kleck was the fourth born in July 1852. Anton disappeared from all records in about 1883. In a legal document filed by Johann 23 May 1883, Anton is described therein as “decd.” There are family accounts suggesting that he was not dead but had secretly left for Mexico at about that time. Attempts were made up until the 1970s to find traces of him, but they were unsuccessful.

Franciska Kleck was born September 1854 in Fredericksburg and married Jacob Wilhelm Bonnet in 1875. They had six children, the first six being born in Maverick County, Texas, probably Eagle Pass, from 1878 to 1890. The last two children were born in Mexico in 1892 and 1896.

John Wilhelm Kleck, also known as John Kleck, Jr, was born November 1856 in Fredericksburg. He married Louise Feller in about 1886. They had four children over 11 years from 1887 to 1898. John was the builder and proprietor of the White Elephant Saloon in Fredericksburg.

Peter Kleck was the seventh child of Johann and Victoria Kleck born 10 July 1858. Peter may have been the first child born on the Kleck Farm. Peter married Bertha Pahl 23 January 1884. Peter and Bertha went on to have eleven children over 19 years from 1884 to 1903 living in the Kleck Ranch house. Peter and Bertha were legally separated in 1914 with Bertha having moved to San Antonio. They divorced 04 January 1917.

The eighth child of Johann and Victoria was Christian Kleck, born February 1860 in Gillespie County. Nothing more is known about Christian.

Elizabeth Victoria “Lisette” Kleck was born August 1863, the ninth child. Lisette married Hermann Pahl, Peter’s brother-in-law, in 1885 and had two children in 1886 and 1889. Lisette and Hermann had no more children in spite of being married for 45 years until his death in 1930.

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The tenth child, Paulina Kleck, was born November 1865. Paulina married Willhelm “Willie” Pahl, another of Peter’s brothers-in-law, in 1884. They had four boys and one girl over 17 years from 1884 to 1901.

Finally, Amalia, the eleventh and last child born to Johann and Victoria, arrived 6 February 1868, one day before Johann turned 57. Victoria was 45 years old when giving birth. Amalia married Charles W Zenker in 1885 and had three children over 19 years from 1888 to 1907.

The Railroads and Kleck Land

Transportation in early 19th century America was difficult. In 1832 “…Dr. Hartwell Carver published an article in the New York Courier & Enquirer advocating building a transcontinental railroad from Lake Michigan to Oregon. 1

Likewise, in Texas, economic expansion would be difficult without transportation improvements.

As late as 1850 the settled area of the state was largely confined to the river bottoms of East and South Texas and along the Gulf Coast. Although steamboat navigation was common on the lower stretches of a number of such rivers as the Rio Grande, Brazos, and Trinity, Texas rivers were not deep enough for dependable year-round transportation. Roads were either poor or nonexistent and virtually impassable during wet weather. 2

Many improvements were considered, but

…it was the railroads that made the development of Texas possible, and for many years railroad extension and economic growth paralleled each other. 2

The Republic of Texas and then, after statehood in 1845, the State of Texas, began plans to encourage railroad construction throughout the state.

Texans wanted a railroad system because they believed that it would speed development of the state and increase land values. In 1852, the state legislature chartered eight railroad companies; each received eight sections of land for every mile of railroad track, but they also had to survey equal amounts of land. The land given to the railroad companies was to be sold by the end of 12 years. 3

Eight sections of land is equivalent to 5120 acres, or a square almost 3 x 3 miles for every 1 mile of track. In other words, it was a very generous offer.

However, the Civil War brought railroad construction to a virtual halt. What railroads there were could not operate due to lack of materials and manpower. The rails of others were torn up to be used as fortifications and still others were ordered destroyed to prevent use by the enemy. Not surprisingly, investors were hard to find in a state at war with the United States government.

Nonetheless, the prospect of future railroad development was alive. To build a railroad, one must first acquire the land either as an easement from a current owner or title to an entire 80- or 160- acre tract of land. As early as 1860, the railroads were beginning to acquire the land necessary for westward expansion of railroads in Texas. Likewise, private citizens were aware of the potential value of land in the path of a proposed railroad.

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Figure 9 shows the Texas General Land Office map for southern Gillespie County in 1857. Despite the notation “Kendall Co.,” Kendall County would not be founded until 1862. You can see in Figure 9, the 100-square-mile area in southern Gillespie and northern Kendall Counties was virtually unsettled. Only a handful of tracts were owned, mostly in the southeast and northwest.

In 1858, shortly after the map in Figure 9 was drawn, Johann purchased, as described earlier, his first tract of land – Survey 725, 160 acres. Four years later, in 1862, he purchased his second tract – Survey 287, 125 acres. Those two tracts of land are indicated in Figure 10, the Texas General Land Office map published in 1862, the year that Kendall County was founded.

Figure 9. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1857 – soon-to-

be location of Kleck farm.

[Note: Despite being labelled “Kendal Co.”, Kendall County was not founded until five years later in 1862.]

Figure 10. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1862. Two boxes indicate locations of Johann’s two tracts purchased in 1858 and 1862.

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In addition to the two purchased tracts, Johann acquired four more tracts using the Texas Preemption Laws of the 1850s. The map shown in Figure 11 indicates the four new tracts of land controlled by the Klecks. Survey 725 and 287 were owned by Johann and Surveys 184 (160 acres), 726 (160 acres), 86 (80 acres) and 87 (80 acres) and had been “assigned” to four or Johann’s sons, Sylvester (age 17), Anton (age 10), John Jr. (age 5), and Peter (age 4), respectively, using the Preemption Act of 1841.

Figure 11. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1862. Six boxes indicate locations of Johann’s two tracts purchased in 1858 and 1862 and tracts assigned to Johann’s four sons.

It is not apparent when the four tracts were assigned to the four Kleck sons. The process of initially claiming a tract of land by Preemption is relatively informal and there does not appear to be any documentation extant. However, since the designations did not appear on the 1857 map and do appear on the 1862 map, we can reasonably assume they were acquired sometime between 1857 and 1862.

As noted in Chapter Two – The first American Klecks, the Preemption Act of 1841 was a federal law which permitted “squatters” to purchase up to 160 acres of land at a very low price. In addition, the Texas Homestead Act of 1854 set land grants at 160 acres and required a residence of three years. 4 Land preemption laws in general, including Texas, gave male heads of households the right to buy the land if he and his family developed the land including buildings, fields, fences, etc. They then had to reside on the land for a specified number of years. For a deed to be issued, the land holder was required to have the land surveyed and a deed issued by the county in which the land was located. The land in Texas was identified by its “Survey” number and that number is often still used today.

Thus, the first step, in which the land is claimed, is an informal procedure for which little or no records may exist. The second step of surveying the property and filing the survey with the county and state is typically documented. The third, and final, step in the process is to live on the land for three years and make some effort to improve the land.

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Alternatively, if you are a railroad, you have to build a railroad on the land. The land grant law of 1854 went beyond the 1852 law and authorized a grant of sixteen sections of land per mile of railroad built – twice as much as the previous law. Sixteen sections is equivalent 10241 acres which is equivalent to a square four miles per side. The railroads received a four-mile square of land for each one mile of railroad. After building their one mile of railroad they could sell all of the remaining land to farmers or other developers, often at a large profit. Needless to say, the railroad has some pretty important allies in the Texas State Legislature.

Furthermore, the presence of a railroad increased the value of the surrounding land causing a “rush” to acquire land in the area either by land grants from the state or by purchase from the railroad. So, Johann’s endeavor to have land assigned to his sons is understandable.

It is apparent that Johann’s sons, with the possible exception of Sylvester, were not going to be able to fulfill the residency requirements to be granted a deed to the four properties. It is more likely that Johann wanted to be in a position to sell or lease railroad right-of-way, as we will see he did in 1881. Because of the land grant law described above, the railroads were anxious to acquire land and begin construction of railroads linking the southern and eastern portions of Texas to the west. By 1864 it was apparent that the Civil War would end soon and the railroads were making every effort to acquire land.

In Figure 12, the red-shaded tracts were the tracts controlled by railroads in 1862. There were a few, but railroad presence in the 100-square mile of interest was still modest. But, by 1879, Figure 13 shows the tracts controlled by railroads. By then, the Civil War had been over for more than a decade, and the race to secure the land for the westward expansion of the railroads had begun. In the fifteen-year period between 1862 and 1879, the 100-square-mile area surrounding the Kleck land had become saturated with railroad tracts. The Kleck land was centrally located in the area of railroad interest.

Figure 12. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1862. Six boxes indicate locations of Kleck tracts. Red shading indicates tracts assigned to railroads.

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Figure 13. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1879. Six boxes

indicate locations of Kleck tracts. Red shading indicates tracts assigned to railroads.

By 1874, Johann had begun the second step of securing the four tracts of land he had “acquired” for his sons – that is, surveying the tracts. Anton’s Survey 726 was surveyed in 1874. Sylvester’s Survey 184 was surveyed in 1877. John Jr.’s Survey 86 and Peter’s Survey 87 were surveyed in 1878. By 1878, all four tracts had been surveyed and only required the third step in the process, which was to live on the land for three years and make some effort to improve the land. This would be the difficult part, but if the railroads began building, they would need to buy one or more of the tracts to continue their path across Texas from Lagrange to Presidio.

Building a railroad requires significant cash up front. The railroad must acquire the land, clear the land and prepare the track bed, lay the track, buy locomotives and rolling stock (passenger and freight cars) and finally build stations, depots and water stations. The investment was far greater than any other transportation company. The railroads were having trouble raising enough capital.

At the about the same time, on 10 May 1877, the State of Texas issued “Scrip No. 0/484” to the Texas Western Narrow Gauge Railway Company (TWNGRRCo) for Surveys 73 and 77. The scrip set aside Surveys 73 (320 acres) and Survey 77 (320 acres) for the railroad as shown in Figure 14. Surprisingly, the land was then “transferred to said Kleck November 10th 1877,” just six months after acquired by the railroad. The “said Kleck” was Anton Kleck. Warranty Deeds on both properties were issued to Anton 7 September 1880. These transactions are difficult to explain. For some reason, the railroad acquired the land and then six months later, inexplicably, transferred it to Anton. One can only speculate.

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Figure 14. Approximate 100-square-mile area straddling Gillespie County line in 1879. Two yellow boxes indicate locations of Surveys 73 and 77, acquired from the TWNGRRCo by Anton Kleck in 1877.

First, a little about narrow-gauge railways. A standard gauge railroad (i.e., the distance between the rails) is 1435 mm (4 ft 8½ in).

Most narrow-gauge railways are between 600 mm (1 ft 11 5/8 in) and 1067 mm (3 ft 6 in)

Since narrow-gauge railways are usually built with smaller radius curves, smaller structure gauges and lighter rails, they can be less-costly to build, equip and operate than standard- or broad-gauge railways (particularly in mountainous or difficult terrain). [“Narrow-gauge railway” ]

The cost of narrow-gauge railways and their adaptability to difficult terrain made them appealing to railroads planning to build in the Texas Hill Country. In August 1870, the TWNGGRRCo became the first narrow-gauge railway charted in the State of Texas. 6 However, as the TWNGRRCo found when it bridged the Brazos River in Sealy, Texas and made connection with Gulf, Colorado and Santa Fe Railway Company, the difference in track gauge resulted in the Texas Western being unable to interchange cars. In April 1881, the Texas Western Narrow Gauge Railway reorganized as Texas Western Railway Company. Narrow-gauge railroads were on the way out as cross-country transportation. Previously, in late 1877, the Texas Western Railway may have seen the direction railroads would be moving and withdrew from pursuing Surveys 73 and 77, transferring them to Anton.

By 1880 Johann held deeds to two tracts of land and Anton two tracts. In addition, Johann’s sons were assigned four other tracts. As shown in Figure 14, the eight tracts were solidly in the path of any potential westbound railroad. In fact, on 25 October 1881, Johann conveyed to the Texas Mexican Railway a “strip of land 100 feet in width” extending across his land, Anton’s land and Peter’s land. Unfortunately, the agreement was not specific on the exact tracts on which the conveyance was located and no surveying was actually recorded. No other records on the

Page 59 conveyance have been found except the revocation of the conveyance in 1923 as a result of a title search on the land when Peter was preparing several tracts.

Nonetheless, in 1881 prospects were good for the Klecks having control of eight strategically located tracts of land. However, shortly thereafter the railroads began to have financing problems and the pathway through The Hill Country was being questioned. The Texas Mexican Railway did not exercise its option on the Kleck conveyance and the Texas Western Railway was sliding into bankruptcy which occurred in 1884. As the railways collapsed, the Kleck hold on the land collapsed. In May 1883, Sylvester’s claim to Survey 184 was legally “abandoned” due to lack of residence. Similarly, in May 1885, John Jr.’s claim to Survey 86, Peter’s claim to Survey 87 and Anton’s claim to Survey 726, were all legally abandoned for the same reason.

By 18 May 1885, eight Kleck properties had become four properties. Surveys 725, 287, 73 and 77, would remain in the family for 38 more years being sold by Peter in 1923. As a farm, then a ranch, but never a site for railway expansion

Kleck Farmers

We know that Johann and Victoria owned 285 acres of land in Kendall County on the Gillespie County line – Surveys 725 and 287. We also are reasonably certain that they had no livestock because the sale agreement between Johann and Peter in 1883 included “…all farming implements, horses and mules.” There is no meantion of livestock. Also, the agreement provided for Peter to “reserve our home on the farm as long as we or either of us may live, also one acre of the cultivated land suitable for garden purposes.” Thus, Johann and Victoria were farmers, not ranchers, and they had a family garden of one acre.

Beyond that, we do not know what crops they farmed or what they planted in their garden. We can only speculate based upon the times in which they lived.

The area was a climatic transition zone with humid subtropical zone on the east and a semi-arid climate to the west. The average annual rainfall in Gillespie County is 27.5 but that can mean very little when 11 inches fell in 1956 and 41 inches in 1957. The Klecks were present for at least two severe droughts in 1859 and 1879. In the early days of the German settlers, corn was the dominant crop, but by the 1860s, wheat’s resistance to drought, especially winter wheat, began making it the dominant crop.

…wheat could withstand the searing drought better than corn…One Anglo- American who lived in Gillespie County wrote in 1873 that raising wheat was the “chief employment” of the Germans there... 5

Germans also experimented with oats and haymaking was popular especially on land with and abundance of prairie grasses. Towards the end of the century, cotton became popular but never overtook wheat as the primary crop.

Gardening was primarily the work of the women and plantings were generally made in February and in late summer. Garden vegetables were popular both for home consumption and as a cash crop. So-called “kitchen gardens” were found both in rural areas as well as in towns such as Fredericksburg. A variety of traditional vegetables were raised and also many vegetables “brought from Germany such as kohlrabi, mustard, parsley and leek.” 5

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German gardens were known for the considerable variety of plants grown and they did differ in some ways from the gardens of the Anglo-Americans in the area.

Sauerkraut was put up by the barrel on some German farms to satisfy a food preference unknown to southerners, and the Germans often ate cucumbers fresh instead of pickling them as the Anglo-Americans preferred to do. 5

Retirement

With regard to the stipulation in the sale agreement for Peter to “reserve our home on the farm as long as we or either of us may live” is consistent with Fredericksburg tradition known as “Sunday Houses.”

Farmers who left to settle on their holdings in the surrounding rural areas kept possession of their town lots and later built small frame houses there to use when they came to Fredericksburg for weekend shopping and church-going. 5

We know that Johann and Victoria kept their frame house in Fredericksburg when they moved to the farm in 1858 or 1859. The frame house on Townlot 178 (see Chapter Two – The first American Klecks, Figure 8) was in the family until Victoria died in 1907. They almost certainly used the house as a Sunday House before they retired in 1883 and obviously intended to continue using it as a Sunday House when they sold the land to Peter and retained their residence on the farm.

Figure 15. About 1905 - from left: Maria Anna Kleck Pfeiffer (daughter of Johann and Victoria), Martha Herbst (granddaughter of Maria Anna), Louise Pfeiffer (daughter of Maria Anna), Victoria Failer Kleck (mother of Maria Anna)

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Johann and Victoria’s Death and Burial in Fredericksburg

On 5 July 1885 Johann Kleck died at the age of 74. All eleven children survived him, ages 16 to 41 at the time of his death, as well as 21 known grandchildren. note 1 At the time of his death, based upon a prior contract, the Kleck Farm became the property of his son, Peter Kleck. Sometime after Johann’s death, Victoria moved back to Fredericksburg and lived in the house adjacent to the White Elephant Saloon.

[note 1: “known” because one son, Anton, disappeared and is thought to have lived out his adult years in Mexico. We have no information concerning any offspring he may have had.]

Johann is buried in Der Stadt Friedhof, Gegr 1846 (The City Cemetery, Est 1846) in Fredericksburg shown in Figure 16. The gravesite and tombstone are shown in Figures 17 and 18, respectively.

Victoria died 29 September 1907 in Fredericksburg at the age of 84. When Victoria died, she had 52 known grandchildren.

Victoria is buried in the Catholic Cemetery (St. Mary’s Garden) in Fredericksburg shown in Figure 19. Her gravesite and tombstone are shown in Figures 20 and 21, respectively.

Figure 16. DER STADT FRIEDHOF (The City Cemetery), GEGR 1846 (Est 1846) Fredericksburg, TX (photo 2017)

Figure 17. Gravesite of Johann Kleck, Der Stadt Friedhof, Fredericksburg, TX Died 05 July 1885 (photo 2017)

Figure 18. Tombstone of Johann Kleck, Der Stadt Friedhof, Fredericksburg, TX, Died 05 July 1885 Note that the death month is the full German word, JULI (photo 2017)

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Figure 19. Catholic Cemetery (St. Mary’s Garden), Fredericksburg, TX (photo 2017)

Figure 20. Gravesite of Victoria Kleck, Catholic Cemetery, Fredericksburg, TX Died 29 September 1907 (photo 2017) Figure 21. Tombstone of Victoria Kleck, Catholic Cemetery, Fredericksburg, TX Died 29 September 1907 (photo 2017)

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References – Chapter Three

1 “Proposal for a Charter to Build a Railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean,” Carver, Dr. Hartwell, Washington, DC, January 18, 1847

2 Handbook of Texas Online, George C. Werner, "RAILROADS," June 15, 2010., Texas State Historical Association.

3 History of Texas Public Lands, Texas General Land Office, 2018

4 Handbook of Texas Online, George C. Werner, "LAND GRANTS," November 2, 2018., Texas State Historical Association

5 German Seed in Texas Soil, Immigrant Farmers in Nineteenth-Century Texas, Terry G. Jordan, University of Texas Press, 1966

6 Handbook of Texas Online, George C. Werner, "TEXAS WESTERN RAILWAY," June 15, 2010., Texas State Historical Association.

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Appendix – Chapter Three

Figure A-3-1. 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725, later to become the Kleck Farm/Ranch, to Johann Kleck, for $650 3 March 1858 – side 1 Page 65

Figure A-3-2. 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725, later to become the Kleck Farm/Ranch, to Johann Kleck, for $650 3 March 1858 – side 2

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Chapter Four Civil War in the Texas Hill Country

Hill Country Politics and the Coming Conflict

“Texas Hill Country” refers to the Edwards Plateau area of south-central Texas primarily populated in the 1850s by four towns, Fredericksburg, Boerne, Sisterdale and Comfort. (Figure 1) Fredericksburg is nearly equidistant from Austin (78 miles) and San Antonio (70 miles).

Figure 1. Texas Hill Country – Edwards Plateau

The Hill Country settlers were primarily German and part of the second wave of Mainzer Adelsverein settlers arriving in Texas between 1845 and 1847. 1 The first wave of settlers established New Braunfels, on the eastern edge of the Texas Hill Country. Johann and Victoria were part of that second wave having arrived in Galveston in 1846 and moving into the Texas Hill Country and Fredericksburg in 1848-49. (See Chapter Two – The First American Klecks) The geography became important to the settlers because of their desire for isolation from the rest of the state.

They were isolated by geography, language and choice. Their world revolved around their farms and local communities and, despite their love of abstract political theorizing and expostulating, they were not then prominent members of the Texas political mainstream. 2

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While Hill Country Germans were not particularly interested in politics, that is not to say that they did not have opinions on current affairs. There is little doubt that, in general, Hill Country Germans were opposed to slavery and in favor of a strong Union. Germans in East Texas and New Braunfels tended to be more conservative and Hill Country Germans in Fredericksburg, Boerne, Comfort and Sisterdale were more liberal and generally more activist. Nonetheless,

… a popular position in Fredericksburg, Boerne, Sisterdale and Comfort was in favor of the right of Texas to continue slavery, opposed to the continuation of slavery, in favor of the right to secede and opposed to secession. These were nuances lost upon an agitated pro-slavery, secession-leaning majority. 2

Most of all, they were hoping for a low-profile existence but that was not to be. The Texas Secession Convention met in January 1861 and ordered a state-wide popular vote on secession. In February 1861, a popular vote was taken in Texas, the result was 46,129 in favor of secession and 14,697 opposed. Fredericksburg's Gillespie County opposed secession by an overwhelming 398 to 16. 2

It was clear from the vote totals that the Hill Country Germans, Fredericksburg in particular, were not secessionists at heart. As the war began, German Unionists naively believed that, as long as they remained loyal to Texas, that they could still express their preference for the Union as a matter of free speech and political expression. The Confederate government of Texas did not see it that way.

The civil and military leadership of Confederate Texas was deeply concerned about invasion. Unionists and abolitionists were potential spies and traitors who might threaten the safety of every legislator's or soldier's family. It simply was unacceptable to have a nest of Unionists anywhere in Texas. If a person could not declare loyalty to the Confederacy, he was expected to leave the state. 2

Loyalty oaths were to be executed and any resident not declaring their allegiance to the Confederacy was required to leave within 40 days.

For whatever reason, Hill Country Germans never accepted this reality, believing that they could maintain a sort of conscientious objector status, quietly sitting out the war on their Texas farms. 2

The new regulations were to be enforced by the newly-formed Frontier Regiment of the Texas State Troops. But recruitment was slow and the Frontier Regiment was primarily charged with protection of the northern and western frontiers of Texas. Meanwhile, in June 1861, eighteen men in Gillespie County formed a Hill Country chapter of the Union Loyal League, a pro-Union secret organization with chapters across Texas.

In San Antonio, members from statewide chapters of the Union Loyal League met secretly in March to discuss formation of militias. But it was clear that without Union support no revolution could succeed and the Union Loyal League activity did not go unnoticed by the Confederate Authorities. A year after the war began, in March 1862, the Confederate Frontier Regiment was finally organized and placed under the command of Henry McCulloch.

Three weeks later McCulloch warned that "many of the most notorious among the leaders of the opposition, or Union men, are leaving the country, principally in the direction of Mexico." McCulloch worried that these men were organizing in Mexico "to act in concert with men of like feelings about Austin, this place, Page 68

Fredericksburg, and other points where they are still living among us." In his opinion, there was "a considerable element of this character in this section that will have, ultimately (if the war becomes any more disastrous to us), to be crushed out, even if it has to be done without due course of law." Those last few ominous words took on special meaning when he advised that "I have taken steps to prevent as far as possible the passage of these men out of the country into Mexico, by instructing the military under my command not to let any man go unless he is known to be our friend, and not then unless he can produce satisfactory evidence that he is not going to avoid the draft. 3

Thus, the Unionist Hill Country Germans in Fredericksburg were not only of interest, they had been singled out by the Confederate authorities as worthy of special “treatment.” They had to be prevented from escaping to Mexico lest they eventually take up arms against the Confederacy.

The Bush Rangers of Luchenbach

In June 1861, Johann was 50 years old and Sylvester Kleck was 16 years old. Neither were within the Confederate draft ages of 18 to 35. Neither was in danger of being conscripted. However, we have documentation that Sylvester was a member of the Luckenbach Bushwhackers.

The term “Bushwhacker” became a standard expression in the Fredericksburg vocabulary. Paradoxically, the term—with origins in guerilla-style combat in the War of Independence—was used for both sides: the hideaway Union suspects as well as the Confederate renegades who "knocked" on every bush. Bottom line: every German was a suspect. 4

We do not know if they were associated with the Union Loyal League, but it mattered little since their objectives and tactics were the same, disrupt Confederate activity and eventually form Unionist militias.

Finally, by May 1862, the Confederates were determined to stop the flow of Unionists to Mexico and dispatched James Duff’s Company toward Fredericksburg to impose martial law and enforce the Confederate oath of allegiance. The intent was to wipe out any Hill Country resistance and prevent the escape to Mexico to reform as Union regiments. But, before that could be accomplished, a group of Union Loyal League members met near Bear Creek in the hills between Fredericksburg and Comfort.

They hoisted the Union flag, talked of revolution and formed a militia, designating carpenter and miller Fritz Tegener as a major commanding a Unionist battalion composed of three companies. 3

When the approach of Duff’s Confederate regiment was imminent, Tegener’s battalion officially “disbanded” but then most of them reformed on Turtle Creek a week later. From there they intended to make their way to the Rio Grande and cross into Mexico. However, Duff “got wind” of the plan and dispatched ninety-five men under Lieutenant Collin McCrae to search for them. At this point we are fairly confident that the Luckenbach Bushwackers, known to have been 16- 17 men strong, had joined the Unionist band bringing the Unionists to 61-68 men. Sylvester Kleck was a member of the Luckenbach Bushwackers.

On August 3, a day after the Union men departed, McCrae’s patrol departed their camp on the Pedernales River, southwest of Fredericksburg. On August 9 McCrae’s scouts spotted the Page 69

Unionists camped near the headwaters of the Western Fork of the Nueces River – about 50 miles northeast of the Rio Grande. The Unionists were unaware of McCrae’s pursuit and posted only modest sentries. At daybreak, August 10, the Confederates attacked. Dead and wounded accounts varied, but it is likely that 19 Unionists were killed and nine or more wounded during the attack. Once the “Battle of Nueces” ended

The massacre came next. Some of McRae's men gathered up the wounded Germans and executed them. Then, rather than afford their opponents a decent burial, they piled their bodies on the plain and left them for the coyotes and vultures. 3

Thus, the battle is alternately referred to as the “Battle of Nueces” and the “Massacre of Nueces.” 5, 6 The latter is commemorated by the Treue der Union Monument in Comfort. Thirty-six names are listed on the monument including both those killed in the original fighting, those captured and murdered and those pursued and killed two months later while trying to escape to Mexico.

Sylvester Kleck was one of the participants of the battle who was able to escape to Mexico. Sylvester was a part of a group called Bush Rangers of Luckenbach (aka The Bushwackers). The list of the members of the group was found in a Memorandum book which belonged to Peter Kleck. The book was primarily used by Peter to record expenses starting 27 Dec 1910. Entries included:

Prunes 2.25 Sugar 1.00 Thread .25 Shirting 1.50 Hooks & Eyes .05 Matches .15 Pencils .45

The entries continue for almost two years until 11 Oct 1912 when unexpectedly a list of the Bush Rangers appears. (The handwriting appears to match the handwriting from legal documents signed by Peter.) After the page shown in Figure 2, there are no more entries. The list shows sixteen Bush Rangers, but we believe one name was left of this list, Franz Weiss, making the total seventeen.

So, we can be relatively confident that the entry was made after Oct 1912 although how much later we cannot be sure. Thus, in 1912, 50 years after the battle, Peter still seemed to be preoccupied with his brother’s involvement. There is even a suggestion that a list of the Bush Rangers was found in Peter’s wallet after his death. Figure 2. Bush Rangers of Luckenbach – Peter’s Memorandum book 1910-12

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Of the seventeen Bush Rangers, three were killed in the initial battle the morning of August 10 (Schaefer, Vater and Weyershausen). Four more were captured and subsequently murdered by McCrae’s Confederate soldiers (Adolf Ruebsamen, Louis Ruebsamen, August Luckenbach and Conrad Bock). Two more, Franz Weiss and Moritz Weiss, were killed at the Rio Grande, 18 October 1862. It was during this encounter with Confederate soldiers that we believe Sylvester was able to escape across the Rio Grande wounded.

Family legend has it that Sylvester, having been wounded and surviving the “skirmish,” managed to cross the Rio Grande by “holding onto his horse” or “holding onto the tail of his horse,” depending upon the version. The oral history of the incident passed down through family members describes Sylvester being nursed back to health by a Mexican family and later marrying one of the family members, Juanita Sanchez, in 1865. After the war ended Sylvester and Juanita returned to Fredericksburg and over the next 21 years had six children.

A similar version of the escape was related by Ester Bonnet Strange, a descendent of Peter Bonnet, who died from wounds received during the escape. 7 The account was described by Mrs. Strange on 01 May 1997 at a meeting of the descendants of the Battle of Nueces at the Admiral Nimitz Museum and reported in the local newspaper. 7 While we have no documentation of the event, Sylvester’s life in Mexico and marriage to Juanita Sanchez are consistent with the account and we have no reason to believe that this oral history is incorrect. note 1 Sylvester married Juanita Sanchez (Figure 4) in 1865. Juanita was born March 1847 in Monterey, Mexico. Sylvester and Juanita had six children from 1867 to 1886. Their first born, Theresia Kleck, thought to be named after Sylvester’s sister, Therese, was born in Brownsville, Texas. The remaining five were born in Gillespie County. Sylvester was a veteran peace officer in Gillespie County, serving as Sheriff, and described as “One of the most picturesque characters in this section of Texas…”

[note 1: Most of the comments made in “Descendant Recant [sic] Civil War Histories” 7 have not been verified with a second source. They are offered here for context.]

Figure 3. Sylvester Kleck Figure 4. Sylvester and Juanita Kleck

The Hängerbande Hangings

After the Nueces incident resistance to the Confederate control of the region was greatly diminished. Most of the avowed Unionists either fled the area or were able to escape to Mexico. But, the anxiety of being under Confederate control never ceased.

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However, by two years later, February 1864, with the Confederate cause all but lost, organized Confederate military action in Texas had ceased. At the same time any semblance of civil order also ceased. Animosity towards Unionists by criminal bands had increased and without civil order, there was little protection.

Groups of marauding vigilantes called Partisan Rangers roamed the Hill County in search of German “traitors.” A particularly vicious group, the Waldrip gang, had been active in Gillespie County before the war started. Their connection with the Confederate authorities was never known. At his peak Captain J.P. Waldrip commanded 60 armed men who spent their time in “banditry and dastardly outrages.” 8 Waldrip’s gang was generally known as the Hängerbande which, in the Fredericksburg translation, meant “lynch mob gang.” 4

The activities of the Confederate Home Guard in Texas repeated on a wider scale the atrocities of the Haenger Bande. The Home Guard was designed to include all those too young, too old, or too infirm to serve in the regular Confederate military service, "but undesirable characters had little trouble getting in" and in many localities the Home Guard fell "into discredit and became more of a menace than a help" to the populace. 9

On February 24, 1864, the Waldrip gang composed of 15-20 armed men arrived at the front door of Louis Schuetze’s house, four miles from Fredericksburg on Live Oak Creek. The gang broke into the house and dragged Louis from his home in front of his wife and children. He was found two miles north of town

hanging from a bough of a live oak. His hands were bound behind his back. On the left side of his forehead a wound was found. His pockets were turned inside out. 10

The gang had robbed him before hanging him.

Louis’s brother, Julius Schuetze, went to Fredericksburg to investigate. Upon his return from Fredericksburg to Austin on March 7, 18-20 members of Waldrip’s gang waited at location eight miles east of Fredericksburg on the road to Austin expecting to surprise Schuetze there. Schuetze, having made plans to go to San Antonio instead of Austin, took the road south to Boerne instead of east to Austin. Realizing their plan had been thwarted, the gang was “enraged.” Two days later, on March 9, they went on a murderous rampage deciding to kill all the famers on South Grape Creek who were members of Louis Schuetze’s frontier company.

The first victim was Peter Berg on the Austin Road. When the gang arrived at his house, he was ordered at gunpoint to come with them. Knowing that his life was in danger, he tried to reach his house to retrieve his firearm but was fell by two bullets. The children, whose mother was only days from death by consumption, were pushed away under threat of death and watched the gang steal weapons, ammunition, money and woolen blankets.

Waldrip continued up Grape Creek to Henry Kirchner’s house. With him as prisoner they moved up the Creek to the next neighbor, Wilhelm Feller. Continuing up the creek, they came to John Blank’s farm. He was known to be wealthy. The gang ransacked the house and took everything of value including 100 dollars of silver. They also took five of his best horses and the gang, with three prisoners, set out “on the trail beside the pasture fence.” At this point one of the gang members said

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"Boys, it is too late to fetch the others tonight. By now the settlement is aroused and warned. It would be better, if we first take care of these three and look for the others later,” The Mexican clearly heard the name Luckenbach as one of the intended victims. The men agreed and moved from the fence into the dense post oak forest.

The night was very dark and stormy. The murderers stopped about 300 yards from the corner fence, built a small fire and stood around it in a circle. Inside the circle were the three unfortunate victims. Their hands were tied behind them, a loop put around their necks and the ropes thrown over a branch. Feller and Kirchner were jerked up and strangled. John Blank asked what he had done to die such terrible death. "What harm have I done to you or any other person?" Wm. Banta, who appeared to be the leader, replied, "You are all damned Unionists, sympathetic to the Yankee cause. This is the reason you have to die." 10

A short time later John Blank was also hanged. Four innocent men died at the hands of a murderous gang of thugs. They were not the only ones to die simply because they were "damned Yankees" and, more importantly, German Unionists in West Texas.

The impact upon the Klecks is unknown. The gang's path went up South Grape Creek (south) approximately two miles ending at the hanging site which is now the South Grape Creek Catholic Cemetery (See Figure 5). From one of the sworn accounts, we know that they intended to continue their rampage It is unknown whether they followed the road or the creek. If they had followed the road another Figure 5. Probable path of Waldrip Gang during Hängerbande 6 miles farther, they murders would have arrived at the Klecks’ farm.

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We also do not know if the gang was aware of Sylvester's association with the Unionist Luckenbach Bushwhackers but it is likely that they were. It is also likely that they knew that his family lived but a few miles farther. We do know that Waldrip's gang intended to make one of the Luckenbachs a victim of their raid. Since August Luckenbach had been killed at the Battle of Nueces they must have been referring to other family members. Likewise, Sylvester Kleck, having been a member of the same militia that fought at Nueces, the Kleck family may have been a target as well.

We'll never know if the Klecks were a target and escaped only because the Waldrip gang ran out of time and were afraid of retaliation. We have no indication of Johann’s political opinions or activities, but considering Sylvester's Unionist affiliation, it is likely that the Klecks felt a heightened degree of anxiety. Indeed, under the circumstances, one would almost surely believe that a five-year-old boy like Peter would fear the Waldrip gang and the violence they intended to spread.

We have no documentation with respect to the Klecks during the period but are inclined to believe that young Peter was not unaffected. We do know that Peter apparently held his brother Sylvester in high regard until his dying day. We do not know what emotional or psychological impact the incident and the last year of the war may have had.

Figure 6. Hanging site of victims of Hängerbande Gang; burial site of John Blank; currently South Grape Creek Catholic Cemetery and (Google Maps location)

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References – Chapter Four

1 “The German Settlement of the Texas Hill Country,” Chapter Three, SOLMS DEPARTS, Jefferson Morgenthaler, Mockingbird Books, Boerne, Texas, 2016.

2 “The German Settlement of the Texas Hill Country,” Chapter Eight, CONFLICT, Jefferson Morgenthaler, Mockingbird Books, Boerne, Texas, 2016.

3 “The German Settlement of the Texas Hill Country,” Chapter Nine, VIOLENCE, Jefferson Morgenthaler, Mockingbird Books, Boerne, Texas, 2016.

4 Surviving the “Hängerbande” Times: The Murder of the German Unionists in Fredericksburg,” Annelise Makin, German Life, Dec-Jan, 2018

5 ”Hill Country Horror; Was the Battle of Nueces a battle or a massacre?” Jack Maguire, Southwest Magazine, September 1982

6 ”Massacre on the Nueces,” Richard Parker and Emily Boyd, The New York Times. August 11, 2012

7 “Descendant Recant [sic] Civil War Histories,” Fredricksburg Standard-Radio Post, Wed, May 7, 1997. (note: The headline used the word “recant” where I believe they meant to say “recall.”)

8 “German Pioneers in Texas,” Don Biggers, Fredericksburg Publish Company, 1925, 1983

9 “Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism,” Richard Maxwell Brown, Oxford University Press, 1975

10 ”My Experiences in Texas,” Julius Schuetze, Texas Vorwärts, June 4, 1886

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Chapter Five Young Peter Kleck

Young Peter Kleck – abt 1872 10 July 1858 – 13 October 1942 Studio: “Stein 25 Alamo Plaza”

Introduction

Peter Kleck was my grandfather. He died in 1942, seven years before I was born. When I tell people that my grandfather was born in 1858, they say, “You mean your great-grandfather, right?” Our family essentially skipped a generation since my grandfather was 67 years old when my mother was born. In addition, Peter’s father, Johann, was 47 when Peter was born. Thus, my Kleck line needed 114 years to traverse two generations. Most genealogical researchers estimate the average length of a male generation at 31-33 years, or 64 years for two generations. My Kleck line is almost twice that.

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This chapter will pick up where Chapter Two – The First American Klecks ended. Johann and Victoria’s story actually ended a bit prematurely. Part of the adult life of Johann and Victoria is included here because it is important in understanding the early life of Peter. So, this chapter tracks the early life of Peter, his marriage to Bertha Pahl at age 25 and the acquisition of the family farm from Johann. Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land describes their gradual acquisition of over 2000 acres of land while raising eleven children.

My grandmother was Katherine Backer of Indianapolis, Peter’s second wife. Katherine’s German ancestors are the subject of Chapter Seven – The German Becker/Bäcker and Mootz Families and her immediate family is the subject of Chapter Nine – The American Backers. Katherine’s life up to her marriage to Peter is the subject of Chapter Ten – Katharine Backer. Finally, the story of my grandparents and their six children living in Fredericksburg will constitute Chapter Eleven – Peter and Katherina Kleck.

Peter’s Childhood

Peter Kleck, was born in Gillespie County, 10 July 1858. Two years and seven months later, on 1 February 1861, by popular referendum, Texas voted to secede, making it the seventh and last state of the Lower South to do so. Two months after that, Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard opened fire on Fort Sumter in South Carolina’s Charleston Bay and the Civil War began. The Civil War was to have a profound impact on Peter and his family. (See Chapter Three – Civil War in the Texas Hill Country)

Peter’s parents, Johann and Victoria, settled in Fredericksburg in 1848-49. They lived in a house built on Townlot 178 on San Saba Street (East Main Street after 1937) 1 in Fredericksburg which they purchased in 1850. Johann’s blacksmith business was located next to the house. The business expanded and was moved to the neighboring Townlot 179 when Johann bought the lot in February 1854. (Figures 1 and 2). In March 1858, Johann purchased 160 acres of farm land in what would become Kendall County on the Gillespie County line, about 15 miles southeast of Fredericksburg. [see Appendix – Chapter Three, Figure A-3-1. Figure 1. Townlots highlighted in yellow were at 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725, one time or another owned by Johann or Peter later to become the Kleck Farm/Ranch, to Kleck. Townlot 178 was the first (1850) and Johann Kleck, for $650 3 March 1858 – Townlot 179 was the second (1859). side 1 and Figure A-3-2. 1858 Contract transferring Survey 725, later to become the Kleck Farm/Ranch, to Johann Kleck, for $650 3 March 1858 – side 2] This was Note: The street name shown is “E MAIN ST.” The the land on which they would build their official name was San Saba Street but the residents farm house and raise eleven children generally called it Hauptstraße, German for Main (Figure 3). In December 1858 Johann Street. In 1937 the name Main Street became the legal name. sold Townlot 179 and, presumably, the blacksmith business.

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Survey 725 was purchased before Kendall County was founded. When it was founded, the map in Figure 3 was published. On the map it shows Johann’s land entirely in Kendall County. However, when the County drew its official boundaries (indicated by “New Line” on the map) the county line actually went through the northern portion of the land, making Johann’s land partly in Gillespie and partly in Kendall Counties.

Figure 2. Fredericksburg Townlots 178, 179 and 180 (left to right) (photo 2017)

Figure 3. Surveys 725 and 287 on portion of 1862 Kendall County Land map

Since Peter’s birth was between the purchase of the farm land and sale of the Fredericksburg blacksmith business, we cannot be sure whether Peter was born in Fredericksburg or in the farm house. It is probably safe to conclude that Victoria and Johann continued to live in the Fredericksburg house at least until Peter was born in July. It seems unlikely that they would have moved to the farm house when Victoria was five-months pregnant when they still owned the house in Fredericksburg.

On 14 November 1866, Johann purchased Survey 287 from Heinrich Habenicht for $650. Survey 287 consisted of 123 acres adjacent to Survey 725 directly to its east. The Kendall County Map of 1879 shown in Figure 3 shows the two tracts of land consisting of a total of 283 acres. The

Page 78 farm was approximately 13 miles from Fredericksburg on the road now designated as Texas RM 1376.

Figure 4. Location of Kleck farm on a current map of Gillespie County

Figure 4 shows the location of the farm on a current map of Gillespie County. By this time, Johann and Victoria had ten children, ages one year to 22 years. They went on to raise eleven children in the farm house (Figure 5) before they sold the land and farm house to Peter in 1883.

This all sounds like the normal life of a young married couple, starting a family while operating a business and then purchasing a farm on which to raise their family, already containing seven children. But the 1850s in Texas were anything but normal. Chapter Three – Civil War in the Texas Hill Country describes the conditions Figure 5. Kleck farm house rear – facing facing the Klecks and their neighbors during southeast, away from road the 1850s-1860s. (photo 2017)

Peter’s School Years

There is no indication of the Klecks’ response to the events of March 9, 1864 where four innocent men were murdered by Waldrip’s vigilantes. (See Chapter Three – Civil War in the Texas Hill Country) Peter was 5½ years old at the time of the murders with seven siblings living at home, all but Sylvester. The farm house in which they lived is picture in Figure 5.

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The house was 4½ miles from the Luckenbach School where Peter and his siblings attended school. According to the 1860 census Mary (12), Therese (10) and Anton (8) attended school. Franziska (5), John (3), Peter (2) and Christian (5/12) did not attend school. [Appendix Figure A-5-1. 1860 Census, Grape Creek Post Office]

The Kleck children attended the log Luckenbach Schoolhouse Figure 6. Current native limestone Luckenbach built in 1855 on the site of the schoolhouse built in 1905 on the site of the 1855 log school current native limestone house building schoolhouse (Figure 6) which (photo 2017) was built in 1905. The Kleck children attended school in a log building and were taught by Herman Toepperwein. (Figure 7)

The establishment of the first public school in the area is a result of the Texas Common School Law of 1854.

As a result of receiving $10 million from the United States government in exchange for giving up claims to western lands claimed by the former Republic of Texas, Texas was able to retire the public debt of the Republic, and $2 million was left over which the School Law of 1854 used to create a special fund 2

In 1854-55 the State began per-capita distribution from the Texas Permanente School Fund but the payments were suspended during the Civil War. After the war, the U.S. government and prominent philanthropist George Peabody re-started the distributions. Thus, the log cabin school that Peter and his siblings attended was constructed and operated as the first public school in the Fredericksburg area.

Peter probably began school in the fall of 1864 six months after the Hängerbande Hangings and probably attended until 1872, the year of his 14th birthday. Figure 7. Plaque on Texas Historical Commission marker in front of 1905 native limestone Luckenbach schoolhouse The Family Farm and Mortgage

Few specifics are known of Peter’s life before 1883. On 23 May 1883, at the age of 24, Peter bought 640 acres of land from his father, Johann, for $300. The land he bought consisted of two 320-acre tracts, Surveys 73 and 77. You will remember these two tracts from Chapter Three. Page 80

They were “transferred” to Anton Kleck from the Texas Western Narrow Gauge Railway Company on 10 November 1877 and Warranty Deeds were issued to Anton 7 September 1880. As noted in Chapter Three, these transactions are difficult to explain. Nonetheless, Anton was the registered owner in 1880.

Thus, since Anton was the owner of the land in 1880, how is it that Peter bought the land from Johann in 1883? There is no documentation supporting any transfer of the land from Anton to Johann. However, in the sale document filed with Gillespie County 23 May 1883 and signed by Johann, there is the following passage:

The land hereby conveyed was inherited by me & my wife from our son Anton Kleck decd. we being the only heirs at law of him the said Anton Kleck. [See Appendix, Figure A-5-2. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 1 and Figure A-5-3. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 2]

Thus, almost in passing, the document states that Anton is deceased (“decd.”) and Johann and Victoria had inherited Surveys 73 and 77. This is curious since there is no documentation to support either Anton’s death or the inheritance and there is no known burial site in Gillespie County. In fact, in an Abstract of Title performed on Peter’s land holdings completed 40 years later in 1923, the title company issued an abstract concerning the land transfer:

Conveyance missing, but see notation of abstr. and closing part of conveyance Johan (sic) Kleck to Peter Kleck as shown on page No 9 of this abstract. (Johan Kleck claims by inheritance)

“Page 9” is the title company’s document noting the sale of the land to Peter. Thus, a thorough, professional search of Gillespie County records by Gillespie County Title and Realty Company 30 September 1923 produced no documentation of the inheritance except for the single sentence in the sale document of 23 May 1883. So, the land was sold to Peter and the fate of Anton remains unknown.

The last record of Anton’s whereabouts is the 1880 Census [See Appendix, Figure A-5-6. 1880 Federal Census – 30 June 1880, Anton and Johann in different dwellings] The Census was enumerated on 30 June 1880 when Anton was 27 years old. The Dwelling House number and Family number for Anton was listed as 245 but was then crossed out. No other House or Family number was listed for Anton. Then, three houses/families later, Johann was listed as “Farmer,” followed by Victoria as “Keeping house,” John, age 23 as “Farmer,” followed by Peter, Elise, Paulina and Amalia. This is a all very curious since we have no reason to think that Anton was living anywhere but with Johann and the rest of the family. The intrigue with respect to Anton continues later.

Peter’s purchase of Surveys 73 and 77 (640 acres total) was apparently with cash. Less than eight months later, Peter would complete the acquisition of Surveys 725 (160 acres) and Survey 287 (125 acres) from Johann and Victoria. [See Appendix, Figure A-5-4. Johann’s Sale of Kleck Homestead to Peter, 1 November 1883 - page 1 and Figure A-5-5. Johann’s Sale of Kleck Homestead to Peter, 1 November 1883 - page 2] Thus, the family farm would be sold to Peter for

… the sum of Two Thousand Dollars, to be paid to us by our son Peter Kleck in such rates and at such times as his circumstances may permit, he paying an

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annual interest of five per cent on said sum, or on all sums that from time to time may remain unpaid after any of' the payments have been made…

Included in the sale:

…our present family homestead. Also all farming implements, horses and mules.

This is the basis for our conclusion that Johann owned no livestock and that he used the land exclusively for farming. We can also conclude that Johann and Victoria planned to live on the farm and cultivate a garden since the sale agreement included the notation:

Provided further that we reserve our home on the farm as long as we or either of us may live, also one acre of the cultivated land suitable for garden purposes.

But, as was noted in the Retirement section of Chapter Three this is consistent with Fredericksburg tradition known as “Sunday Houses” where they probably continued to spend time in their house in Fredericksburg as well as the family homestead. Johann was 72 years old and Victoria 60 years old when they sold the homestead to Peter. We do not know if Johann was in bad health at the time. We do know that 20 months after the sale, Johann died of causes unknown.

A question which may arise concerns the other children – why the family homestead was sold to Peter rather than one of his three older brothers? His oldest brother, Sylvester, was almost 39 years old, married with five children, living in Fredericksburg and was eight years into an eleven- year term as Deputy Sheriff of Gillespie County. Anton would have been 31, but as we noted above, he was either deceased or had disappeared. John Kleck, Jr. was almost 27 years old, but as we saw in Chapter Two, John’s heart was elsewhere. Five years later, after Johann had died, Victoria willed half of Townlot 178 to John to build the White Elephant Saloon. Peter’s only younger brother, Christian, was 20 months younger than Peter. We know nothing about Christian after the 1860 Census in which he was listed as five months old.

Peter may have been the only son who showed interest in the land. Nonetheless, it is not like the land was “gifted” to Peter. There were strict conditions placed on the sale as well as a $2000 mortgage.

It is especially agreed and stipulated however, that in case the total amount of $2000.00 has not been paid to us, or either of us, during our life time, then the remainder thereof, if so much, shall be paid to our following children, and in following portions. Mrs. Mary Pfeiffer to receive Two hundred Dollars. Mrs. Franziska Bonnett to receive Four Hundred Dollars, and our two daughters, Lisette and Amalia, yet unmarried, each four hundred Dollars. This indebtedness to our children to be discharged by said Peter Kleck, and their respective shares paid to them, within fifteen years after our decease, he always paying five percent interest per annum to each of the above named children, amounting in the aggregate to $1400.00. Now should there be an overplus of said amt then and in that case the same shall be equally divided among all of our children, including this grantee P. Kleck.

Mrs. Mary Pfeiffer was Johann and Victoria’s second living child, 36 years old at the time, married to Robert Pfeiffer since 1865 with nine children. Mrs. Franziska Bonnett was the fifth child, age

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29, married to Jacob Bonnet since 1875 with three children. Lisette (Elizabeth Victoria) was 20 years old and Amalia was 15 years old.

Every female child of Johann and Victoria is “provided for” except Paulina, who would have been three weeks from her 18th birthday. We know that she married in Gillespie County to a neighbor soon after in 1884. But there is no apparent reason for her absence in the mortgage document.

So, what about the mortgage? When I received the nine boxes of materials in 2016, one of the most inconspicuous and yet most interesting items was a small purse (Figure 8) containing eighteen receipts dated from 1885 to 1897. All receipts were dated after Johann’s death and therefore were signed by Victoria Kleck. They account for all interest and principal payments made on the mortgage from its inception to final payment.

Figure 8. Purse containing Peter’s mortgage receipts – 1885 - 1897

The eighteen pieces of paper covered the entire loan history of the mortgage. Some of the receipts were on standard receipt forms [See Appendix, Figure A-5-7. Receipt for payment of “One Hundred Dollars, As part Paym’t on Mortgage” – 4 March 1893], many on small pieces of lined paper [Appendix Figure A-5-8. Receipt for payment of “Fifty Dollars, being part of interest on principal” – 8 August 1885], and still others on stationery borrowed from “Office of J. W. Kleck” (John Wilhelm Kleck, also known as John Kleck, Jr.) – “Staples and Fancy Groceries, Flour, Grain and Produce.” [See Appendix, Figure A-5-9. Receipt for payment of “…the sum of fifty dollars for the year of 1888…” – 6 December 1888]. The arrangement was precise but informal.

The mortgage loan terms were re-written 29 June 1889. The provision for Peter’s sisters, Franziska, Lisette and Amalia were removed form the terms. Instead, Victoria paid the proscribed amounts to them directly. Peter retained the responsibility to pay his sister, Mrs. Mary Pfeiffer, $200, but, in turn, his loan responsibility was reduced to $1800 with interest computations retroactive to 1883. Thus, the mortgage loan was, based upon a loan of $1800, dated 1 November 1883 at 5% interest accrued annually on 1 November. The graphical representation of the Mortgage Balance is shown in Figure 9. All of the computed values are probably close but not identical to those computed by Peter and Victoria. After all, they did not have the benefit of Microsoft Excel.

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Figure 9. Mortgage Balance - November 1883 to November 1887

As is apparent from Figure 9, Peter paid only interest until November 1892 at which time he began making regular payments on the principal. Thus, the first eight years amounted to an interest-only period followed by six years of paying the principal plus interest. Although not explicitly stated in the terms, it was expected that Peter would repay the loan with interest within fifteen years. He accomplished that with a year to spare.

Therefore, as of November 1883, Peter was the owner of Figure 10. Peter’s 925 acres in 1884 925 acres in northern Kendall County as shown in Figure 10.

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References – Chapter Five

1 Personal telephone discussion between author and Evelyn Weinheimer, Archivist, Pioneer Museum and Gillespie County Historical Society, Fredericksburg, TX, 9 Aug 2018

2 “Texas Public Schools,” Sesquicentennial Handbook, Texas Education Agency, 2004

.

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Appendix – Chapter Five

Figure A-5-1. 1860 Census, Grape Creek Post Office

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Figure A-5-2. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 1 [read box: notation of inheritance by Johann as a result of Anton being deceased – continued on page 2]

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Figure A-5-3. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 2 [read box: notation of inheritance by Johann as a result of Anton being deceased.]

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Figure A-5-4. Johann’s Sale of Kleck Homestead to Peter, 1 November 1883 - page 1

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Figure A-5-5. Johann’s Sale of Kleck Homestead to Peter, 1 November 1883 - page 2

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Figure A-5-6. 1880 Federal Census – 30 June 1880 Anton and Johann listed separately

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Figure A-5-7. Receipt for payment of “One Hundred Dollars, As part Paym’t on

Mortgage” – 4 March 1893

Figure A-5-8. Receipt for payment of “Fifty Dollars, being part of interest on principal” – 8 August 1885 (the first payment)

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Figure A-5-9. Receipt for payment of “…the sum of fifty dollars for the year of 1888…” – 6 December 1888

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Chapter Six Peter, Bertha and Land

Seated left: Peter (34); seated right: Bertha (32); Standing: Jessie (7), Willie (3), Arthur (6), Alfred (8) and Alma (1) on Bertha’s lap 1892

Peter’s Marriage to Bertha Pahl

On 23 January 1884, two months after acquiring the family homestead, Peter, age 25, and Bertha Pahl, age 23, were married. Bertha had lived with her parents, Esaias and Elizabeth “Elisa” Pahl, on a farm less than one mile from the Kleck farm house (Figure 1). The Pahls had two girls and two boys born from 1855 to 1863. Being approximately the same ages, it is likely that the Kleck children and the Pahl children had frequent contact growing up.

Later in 1884, Peter’s sister, Paulina Kleck, age 19, married Bertha’s brother, Willhelm “Willie” Pahl, age 27. You will remember Paulina from the sale of the family homestead - the only female sibling unnamed in the mortgage document. Finally, in 1885, another of Peter’s sisters, Elizabeth Victoria “Lisette” Kleck, age 22, married Bertha’s other brother, Hermann Pahl, age 22. Thus, all but one of the Pahl children married Klecks (Figure 2). The fourth child, Mina Pahl, born in 1855, was last known to be living in Fort Worth in 1942, age 87. It does not appear that she ever married. Thus, within less than two years, three Pahl children married three Kleck children.

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Figure 1. The Esaias Pahl homestead is shown, about one mile from the Kleck homestead which was in the northwest corner of Survey 725.

Figure 2. Kleck-Pahl marriages 1884 - 1885

On 21 March 1884, almost exactly two months after they were married, Bertha gave birth to Alfred Herman Kleck. We have no information regarding the birth of the child, obviously conceived out of wedlock. His birth became the subject of controversy within the family 100 years later.

In March 1979, Alfred’s daughter, Bertha “Bert” Rose Kleck Weigler, placed a notice in the Frontier Times:

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I am searching for information regarding a great-uncle. His name was Anton Kleck, born July 16, 1852 in Gillespie County, Texas. He disappeared sometime between 1878 and 1884 and the stories conflict somewhat. [See Appendix, Figure A-6-1. March 1979, Frontier Times notice placed by Bertha “Bert” Rose Kleck Weigler, daughter of Alfred Herman Kleck]

She describes Anton in glowing terms as “…rich, handsome, well dressed, something of a showoff and quite a ladies man.” She described glamorous exploits with the Pony Express and suggested he may have been murdered in Mexico. The interesting part is that Bert never really believed that Anton was her great-uncle. Rather, she believed that Anton was her father. This belief persists today among some of Alfred’s descendants. The legend is that Anton impregnated Bertha and when he realized she was pregnant, he “ran away” to Mexico. Hence, her suggestion that he disappeared between 1878 and 1884. Alfred, Anton’s supposed illegitimate child, was born 21 March 1884.

We do have Anton listed in the South Grape Creek 1880 Census despite the curious listing described in the previous chapter. [See Appendix, Figure A-5-6. 1880 Federal Census – 30 June 1880 Anton and Johann listed separately] We also have an official document from 23 May 1883, also described in the previous chapter:

The land hereby conveyed was inherited by me & my wife from our son Anton Kleck decd. we being the only heirs at law of him the said Anton Kleck. [See Appendix, Figure A-5-2. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 1 and Figure A-5-3. Johann’s Sale of Surveys 73 & 77 to Peter, 23 May 1883 - page 2]

Thus, if indeed Anton was deceased or was absent from Kendall County in May 1883, eleven months before Alfred was born, there is no chance that Anton left as a result of having learned that he impregnated Bertha. Rather, it is likely that the legend was fabricated because Peter and Bertha’s children developed an intense animosity for Peter and his new wife, Katherina, after Peter divorced Bertha in 1917 and married Katherina in 1919. It would not be surprising to invent a story in which the hated Peter Kleck was not really their father, grandfather, etc. There is no evidence of any kind that Alfred was not Peter’s biological son.

From 1884 to 1903 Peter and Bertha had eleven children (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Abbreviated Family Chart of Peter and Bertha Kleck

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Peter’s Land Holdings Grow

Johann Kleck died 5 July 1885, five days before Peter’s 27th birthday and 20 months after the sale of the family homestead to Peter. At the time of Johann’s death, Victoria was 62 years old and lived another 22 years until 1907. We believe that she spent time at the homestead but her primary residence was in Fredericksburg in the house adjoined to the White Elephant Saloon, owned and operated by her son, John. [See Chapter Two – The First American Klecks, Figure 8. Early 20th century picture of the White Elephant Saloon with Victoria’s house on left]

When Peter and Bertha married, Peter owned 925 acres of land in northern Kendall County as shown in Figure 4 below. note 1

[note 1: At this point the presentation of maps are made with the BIS Consulting, Texas County GIS and Property Data maps, in particular, the maps for Kendall County and Gillespie County]

Land acquisition transactions are denoted in order, for example the first acquisition: and by date, “1 Nov 1883”

Figure 4. As of January 1884 - Land owned by Peter in Kendall County, Texas - 925 acres

District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

On 19 June 1886, Peter and Bertha sold 2.42 acres of land in the northeast corner of Survey 287 to Henry Meier for $1.00 with a handwritten deed of sale (Indicated as acquisition 5 in Figure 5 below). The specified size of the land sold, 2.42 acres, is curious considering that often land sale

Page 97 contracts stated the size in round numbers such as “Three hundred twenty (320) acres of land, more or less…” The sale document contains no clue to the strategic nature of this small parcel of land and makes no mention of any physical attributes or structures included in the sale. These sorts of sales typically involve right of way, but there is no way of knowing the story of the sale.

Figure 5. As of April 1906 - Land owned by Peter in Kendall County, Texas - 1591 acres District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

As described previously, Peter paid interest on his mortgage until 1892 and then retired the principal in 1897. Presumably he had no additional funds until after his final payment on the mortgage. But, having retired his mortgage debt in November 1897, Peter apparently was once again in a position to purchase land.

On 13 October 1900, Peter purchased “Twenty eight acres of land out of the South East corner of School Section No. 74” from Esaias Pahl, his father-in-law, for $75 (Acquisition 6, Figure 5). Thus, at the end of 1900, Peter owned 951 acres of ranch land.

It is likely that by this time Peter had become more of a rancher than a farmer. The number of acres were far more than one family could farm and his quantity of “stock cattle” was growing. Also, most of the new land purchases were at a distance from the Kleck homestead that farmer would become more impractical.

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The cost of Survey 74 was small so we can assume that he was not significantly indebted as a result of the transaction. Less than two years later, on 3 September 1902, Peter acquired the east half of Survey 38 (320 acres) through a patent from the State of Texas (Acquisition 7, Figure 5). The land had originally been set aside for the H & O B Railway Company, one of the many railroads that never actually made it past the land acquisition phase. The deed states “...said land having been purchased and fully paid for in accordance with an act of 1895 and the amendment thereto by the act of May 19, 1897." It does not include, however, the amount paid.

Again, on 9 April 1906, Peter acquired the west half of Survey 38 (320 acres) in the same manner, from the State of Texas also land having been set aside for the H & O B Railway Company (Acquisition 8, Figure 5). The deed for this purchase stated "...said land having been purchased and fully paid for in accordance with an act approved April 19, 1901." Thus, a similar transaction, also with no amount stated, acquired using one of the liberal Texas state land acquisition laws. The amount paid for each of these is unavailable elsewhere.

In the nine years since retiring the mortgage on the land purchased form Johann and Victoria, Peter had acquired 24 acres from his father in law and 640 acres from the State of Texas - land that was abandoned by non-existent railway companies, in return for negligible expense. By April 1906, Peter had 1591 acres of land in northern Kendall County.

Thus, Figure 4 shows the land owned by Peter as of January 1884, at the time of his marriage to Bertha, and Figure 5 shows his holdings in 1906 at age 48, after 22 years of marriage and 11 children. It was at about this time that Peter seems to have turned his interest in land acquisition to town lots.

Town Land and a Family Lawsuit

In January 1907 Peter and Bertha celebrated 23 years of marriage with eleven children ranging in age from Alfred at 22 to Edgar at three years old. Peter was 48 years old and Bertha was 46. Peter owned 1591 acres of land in northern Kendall County including the family homestead where Peter, Bertha and the eleven children lived. But the next decade would bring many changes.

On 3 April 1907 Peter bought three Town Lots in Boerne from Albert Kutzer, the first time Peter is known to have acquired land in town. The lot, fronted on Main Street and Courthouse Street. The Kendall County Courthouse was catty-corner from the three lots owned by Peter. In current day Boerne, the lots are on E. San Antonio Ave, between No Main St. and Watts, still catty-corner from the County Courthouse.

Almost six month later, Peter’s mother, Victoria Kleck, died in Fredericksburg. When she died, her will ignited a controversy amongst the eight surviving children. The will called for the remaining western one half of Town Lot 178 to be divided among the eight surviving children. In previous chapters we saw that Victoria had given the other half (eastern half) to her son, John, for construction of the White Elephant Saloon. The western half included in the will contained the house that Johann and Victoria had used as their “Sunday House” in Fredericksburg. We also believe that Victoria spent most of her time in the house after Johann died in 1885. [See Chapter Two – The First American Klecks, Figure 8. Early 20th century picture of the White Elephant Saloon with Victoria’s house on left]

The beneficiaries of the will were:

Peter Kleck, Kendall County

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Sylvester Kleck, Gillespie County Pauline Pahl, born Kleck and her husband Wm. Pahl, Gillespie County Lisette Pahl, born Kleck, and her husband Herman Pahl, Gillespie County Therese Schwethelm, born Kleck, Kendall County Franziska Bonnet, born Kleck, Bexar County John W. Kleck, Bexar County Amalia Zenker, born Kleck, and her husband Chas. W. Zenker, Tom Green County

Each of the eight surviving children, as listed above, were to received 1/8 of the remaining half of Town Lot 178. Since the property could not be divided, it would have to be sold to distribute the inheritance. However, Peter refused to sell his portion of the property, causing the executor of the will, Wm. Bierschwale, to file suit in the District Court of Gillespie County to force Peter to agree to sale of the property. The case would not come to court until February 1909.

In the meantime, Peter was busy with other land transactions. On 2 October 1908 he sold the three lots in Boerne to Adam Phillip for $2000 to be paid over two years at 8% interest. We do not know the price Peter paid to buy the three lots in Boerne, but the seventeen- month turnaround in a town in which he had no long-term interest, leads one to believe that he was simply searching for short-term profits. We can also assume that since he sold the land for a promissory note, he was probably not lacking for cash.

Two months later, on 1 December 1908, while continuing his litigation of Townlot 178, Peter made his first purchase of land in Fredericksburg. He acquired Townlot No. 75 on Austin Street and the northwest half of Townlot number 499, which adjoined lot 75. 1 (Figure 6) Again, it is unclear why Peter acquired the land from W. Staats or what he intended to do with it. We do not know if there was a structure on the land, but it is unlikely because none is mentioned in the deed. There is no documentation concerning its sale but we know he no longer owned it in 1923 when a title Figure 6. As of December 1908, Townlots owned by search of Peter’s property was Victoria (178, 179) and Peter (75, 499) completed. [Lot 75 is the current location of The Admiral Nimitz

Foundation office at 310 Austin Street] Finally, in February 1909, after 17 months of holdout by Peter, Wm. Bierschwale filed suit in the Gillespie County District Court in his capacity as “independent executor of the will and estate of Victoria Kleck, decd...” as the plaintiff vs. the eight siblings as defendant. Including the other seven siblings was merely a point of law, the substantive element of the suit was for Wm. Bierschwale, as the plaintiff:

Plaintiff as executor is compelled and required to sell the one half of said real estate vested in him, and is unable to do so the out sacrificing the interest of the legatees under the will of said Victoria Kleck and defendant, Peter Kleck, has set up claim to one eighth of said property and has failed and refused and

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still fails and refuses to join plaintiff in selling the whole of said property or to relinquish his pretended claim thus preventing plaintiff from disposing of said undivided one half, and carrying out the provisions of said will, and casting cloud upon plaintiff’s said title to undivided one half of said premises. [See Appendix, Figure A-6-2. Lawsuit to force sale of Townlot 178 over Peter’s objection - February 1909]

We do not know Peter’s motivation in blocking the sale of the land. It is clear that he was the only sibling to object to the sale. From correspondence and personal documents, it is apparent that by this time Peter had become very combative with virtually everyone, his neighbors, government officials and his relatives including his immediate family. We will see later that his relationships with his wife and children was degrading as well. He may have had a business reason for his objection to the sale or it may have been pure obstinacy. Whatever his reason, he felt strong enough about it to pursue it in court.

Peter lost. The lot was sold, the house eventually removed and the lot remains vacant to this day. [See Chapter Two – The First American Klecks, Figure 11. Townlot 178 in 2017]

More Ranch Land and More Court Appearances

In the years 1909 and 1910 Peter added considerably to his ranch land in Kendall County and his properties in the town of Fredericksburg. He also spent a significant amount of time involved in another lawsuit from October 1910 to September 1911.

On 24 February 1909, Peter acquired Survey 360 (80 acres, Acquisition 9, Figure 7), a relatively small tract but located strategically south of Survey 725, location of the Kleck Homestead. It was also part of the original Survey 726, previously owned by his older brother, Anton. Survey 726 had, by this time, been absorbed into two other Surveys. Thirteen months later, on 15 March 1910, Peter acquired Survey 329 (291 acres, Acquisition 10, Figure 7), also containing part of Anton’s Survey 726. The acquisition of Surveys 360 and 329 (Figure 7) effectively connected Surveys 725 and 77 with Survey 38 (Figure 8).

When looking at The Kleck Ranch in Figure 8 you might be tempted to say “If only Peter could acquire Surveys 78 and 166, he could fill in the southern side of the ranch.” Whether he actually spoke these words or not, his actions spoke for him.

While he was in the process of acquiring Surveys 360 and 329 using the standard procedures, he had simply taken possession of Survey 78 (320 acres) and the middle section of Survey 166 (320 acres) leaving the apparent owner, E. J. Lindeman, unable to access the land he thought he had acquired legally (Figure 9).

According to a Petition filed 3 October 1910 in the District Court of Kendall County, where E. J. Lindeman is the plaintiff and Peter Kleck is the defendant:

That on October 1.1908 defendant unlawfully and without plaintiffs consent, entered and took possession of said land and premises ejecting plaintiff therefrom, and has ever since withheld possession of same from plaintiff and

Defendant has during mentioned period converted to his own use all the rents and revenues accrued from said premises, which plaintiff avers are worth $128.00 per annum.

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Figure 7. As of March 1910 - Land owned by Peter in Kendall County, Texas - 1962 acres District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

Figure 8. As of March 1910 – The Kleck Ranch - 1962 acres District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

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Figure 9. As of October 1910 – The Kleck Ranch - 1962 acres and the disputed 640 acres District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

So, Peter was accused of being a “land-grabber.” Peter’s response to the complaint came five months later on 7 March 1911. His response was over 560 words and a transcript of his response can be found in the Appendix, Figure A-6-3. Transcript of Defendant, Peter Kleck, Answer to Complaint by E. J. Lindeman of 3 October 1910.

In summary, Peter claimed that he had fenced the property in question in 1885, 23 years prior to the alleged land-grab. He claimed that the land was fenced from that date until 1898 when Willie Pahl purchased the land from the State of Texas. But, in 1898, Willie Pahl, who had married Peter’s sister, “…owned no home at the said time, and this defendant being desirous of furnishing the said Willie Pahl with a home…” kindly offered to trade land “…upon which there had been established a farm of about 30 acres, upon which said farm the defendant then owned a crowing [sic] crop.”

In other words, or should I say in many more words, Peter was just trying to do a good deed for his brother-in-law who had no place to live, so he provided him with 30 acres and a growing crop in return for 640 acres of prime ranch land which Peter had already fenced in anyway. At no point does Peter comment upon the apparent transactions suggesting that E. J. Lindeman was the established owner of the property.

The District Court judgment was delivered 5 September 1911. Apparently, the Court did find some merit in Peter’s argument when it granted him possession of 150 acres in the northwest corner of Survey 78 (Figure 10). The remaining 170 acres of Survey 78 and 320 acres of Survey 166 remained in the possession of E. J. Lindeman.

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Figure 10. As of September 1911 – The Kleck Ranch - 2112 acres including the 150 acres added by the District Court judgment

District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

Land Near Fredericksburg

On 18 Jan 1911, Peter borrowed $2000 from H. J. Robinson. The security for that loan was two tracts of land four miles east of Fredericksburg on the Pedernales River (“Perdenales” in the document of 1911). One was the 200-acre “subdivision No. 3 out of survey No. 32.” The other was 75 acres of Survey 30, which was adjacent to Survey 32. These tracts are shown on Figure 11.

Documentation concerning the purchase or the sale is unavailable at this time. We do know that Peter no longer owned the property in 1923 since all property was listed in a property transfer document. In fact, to date no reference to the property has been found in any of Johann, Peter or Katherina’s effects. It is indisputable, however, that Peter owned the land in 1911 and he repaid the loan as agreed, one year later, on 5 Feb 1912.

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Figure 11. “Subdivision No. 3 out of survey No. 32” and a portion of Survey 30 – security for 18 Jan 1911 loan

District Map BIS Consulting, Kendall County Texas

Land on Fredericksburg Main Street

During 1910, Peter turned 52 years old and Bertha 50. They had been married 26 years and still lived in the family homestead. Six of their children still lived with them: Ella, 18, Dillie, 15, Thala, 13, Allinia (“Ollie”), 12, Benno, 10, and Edgar, 7. All of them except Edgar attended school that year.

The five older children had left home and were living together in San Antonio on N. Mercer Street: Alfred, 26, Jesse, 25, Arthur, 24, William (“Willie”), 21, and Alma, 19. The 1910 Census shows Jesse as the head of the household and he was employed as a chauffeur for Mary Winslow and her family who lived on W. Nueva St. Alfred and Willie were employed as plumbers and Arthur as a furniture store clerk. It appears that Alma kept house for her four brothers.

Future events suggest that Peter and Bertha were having marital problems at this point and there is evidence that his relationship with his children was not optimal. Nonetheless, Peter was very active with business interests during the period.

As the ranch purchases, “Subdivision 3 purchase” and lawsuits described in the two previous sections were in progress, Peter was busy acquiring land on San Saba Street (Hauptstraße to most residents and E. Main Street since 1937) and E. San Antonio Street. These were in the principal commercial areas of Fredericksburg and would remain in the Kleck family for over 70 years.

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On 15 March 1910,

…August Sembritzky and wife Sedonie Sembritzky…Granted, Sold and Conveyed…All that parcel of land in the said town of Fredericksburg which is known and described as the S. E. one half of town lot No. (232) two hundred and thirty two fronting on San Saba Street and the S. E. one half of Townlot No. (321) three hundred and twenty one fronting on San Antonio Street… [Sale contract in Appendix: Figure A-6-4. Purchase of “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232)” and “S.E. one half of Townlot No. (321)” by Peter Kleck from August & Sedonie Sembritzky 15 Mar 1910 – page 1 and Figure A-6-5. Purchase of “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232)” and “S.E. one half of Townlot No. (321)” by Peter Kleck from August & Sedonie Sembritzky 15 Mar 1910 – page 2]

These two half-lots were quite expensive for 1910. Peter paid the Sembritzkys $4,500 in cash plus he assumed three promissory notes including notes for $1,750 to each of the two original owners, Chas. and Wm. Kiehne. He also assumed a Vendor’s Lien of $2,000 to Felix Reinbach that August Sembritzky had signed in 1909 when he bought the land from Reinbach. So, Peter paid a total of $10,000 for the combined S.E. half of Townlot 232 and S.E. half of Townlot 321.

[Note: Although all of the purchases of Townlots 232, 321, 231, and 322 where “half lots,” for all intents and purposes they each constituted a full 50 ft. wide by 200 ft. deep lot. The original Townlot layouts were for 100 ft. wide and 200 ft. deep lots but for most purposes the lots were divided in half making 50 ft. wide and 200 ft. deep]

Four months later, on 25 July 1910,

Vincent Wahl, Gustave Wahl, Frank Wahl,…being the surviving husband and all the descendants and heirs of Catharine Wahl dec. formerly wife of said Vincent Wahl… grant, bargain, sell, convey and deliver unto the said Peter Kleck…all that North West part of townlots Numbers (231) two hundred and thirty one fronting on San Saba Street and ( 322 ) fronting on San Antonio Street… [Sale contract in Appendix: Figure A-6-6. Purchase of “…North West part of townlots Numbers (231)…fronting on San Saba Street and (322) fronting on San Antonio Street” by Peter Kleck from Vincent Wahl, et al. - 25 Jul 1910 – page 1 and Figure A-6-7. Purchase of “…North West part of townlots Numbers (231)…fronting on San Saba Street and (322) fronting on San Antonio Street” by Peter Kleck from Vincent Wahl, et al. - 25 Jul 1910 – page 2]

Peter paid the Wahl family $3,500 in cash for the two half-lots. Thus, in four months, Peter had spent $8,000 in cash and assumed $5,500 in promissory notes for a total of $13,500 for the four half-lots. The location of the Townlots is shown in Figure 12 and the layout of the half-lots is shown in Figure 13.

With the purchase of lots 231 and 322 from Vincent Wahl, combining the four lots (232 and 321; 231 and 321) he had acquired from March to July 1910, Peter owned a block of property with contiguous 100 ft fronting on San Saba Street, connected to 100 ft. fronting on San Antonio Street. (Figure 12 and Figure 13).

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Figure 12. Townlots 231 & 232 on San Saba Street (E. Main St.) and Townlots 321 & 322 on San Antonio Street. All four

lots acquired between March and July 1910

Figure 13. Portions of Townlots 232, 321, 231 and 322 owned by Peter Kleck, July 1910

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The first lot acquired, Townlots 232 and 321, had been transferred three times in six years:

Charles and William Kiehne sold the property to Felix Reinbach, 1 Feb 1904 Felix Reinbach sold the property to August and Sedonie Sembritzky, 7 Jan 1909 August and Sedonie Sembritzky sold the property to Peter, 15 March 1910

The S.E. half of Townlot 232 would eventually become 229 E. Main St. The building on the fifty- foot wide, one-half of Townlot 232 has “Felix Reinbach” on the crown of the façade still today (Figure 14). There is no date indicated on the building, but since Felix Reinbach owned the building from Feb 1904 to Jan 1909, it is reasonable to conclude that the building was built between 1904 and 1909.

Figure 14. Crown of Façade on Reinbach building, probably built between 1904 and 1909 (photo 2017)

Only three weeks after buying Townlots 232 and 321, Peter leased both lots, including the Reinbach Building, to the Burrier-Maier Company for $660 per year. The lease was "...for a period of five years, commencing the 1st day of May A. D. 1910..." and ending 01 May 1915. A five-year lease was extraordinarily long in 1910 Fredericksburg.

The Burrier-Maier Company was owned by R.M. Burrier and Florent J. Maier. R. M. Burrier had owned a general merchandise and hardware store before 1900 and later combined with Florent Maier to expand to clothing and food products. Figure 15 shows the original location of Burrier and Maier Co. The location may look familiar. It is on Townlot 180, later owned by Victor Keidel from 1919 to 1923, sold to the Klecks in 1923 and sold back to Victor Keidel in 1937. The building was erected by Charles Priess in 1878 and remodeled into a hospital by Dr. Keidel in 1937-38. But around the turn of the century it was the location of Burrier and Maier Co.

Burrier and Maier Co. later moved to the Nauwald house (Figure 16) in the 300 block of E. Main St. sometime after 1900. While at that location, the inside of the Burrier and Maier store is shown in Figure 17.

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Figure 15. The Priess building, abt 1890, on the corner of San Saba Street (E. Main St.) and Garten Street (N. Lincoln St.) - Townlot 180 – home of R. M. Burrier

& Co. (later home to Burrier-Maier Co.) Courtesy of the Gillespie County Historical Society

Figure 16. Nauwald House – location of Burrier and Maier Co. between 1900 and 1910 “Old Homes And Buildings Of Fredericksburg,” Elise Kowert, 2

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Figure 17. Burrier and Maier Co. store while in Nauwald House building between 1900 and 1910 Courtesy of the Gillespie County Historical Society

It is likely that the next location of Burrier-Maier Co. was in the Felix Reinbach building owned by Peter Kleck. It is not known whether the company vacated the Nauwald House when it moved to the Reinbach building. It may well have had two or more locations. But it is safe to conclude the inside of the Burrier-Maier Co. store in the Reinbach Building was similar to the one shown in Figure 17.

A picture of the Reinbach building from the 1950s or early 1960s is shown in Figure 18. We have reason to believe that it looked essentially the same in 1910 when Peter Kleck bought the property and Burrier and Maier Co. leased it for their clothing and food store.

The lease for Townlots 232 and 321 contained two notable clauses:

...in case said party of the first part shall provide the said party of the second part with a suitable warehouse, in addition to such houses already situate on said premises, the said party of the second part shall pay the annual rent of Seven Hundred and Twenty ($720.00) Dollars... and

And provided further that in the event a railroad should be operated into the town of Fredericksburg during the term of this lease, the rental of said premises shall by mutual consent of the parties hereto be increased at a rate not exceeding twenty per cent of the amount previously paid...

So, the Burrier-Maier Co. was interested in having a warehouse and both parties concluded that the arrival of the railroad would increase the value of the property. This brings us to the second purchase, Townlots 231 and 322, adjacent to Townlots 232 and 321, purchased four months later, on 25 July 1910.

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Figure 18. The two-story Reinbach Building – sometime in 1950s or early 1960s. Townlot 231 immediately to left of two-story building. Courtesy of the Gillespie County Historical Society

When Townlots 232 and 321 were purchased, Burrier-Maier Co. leased the property almost immediately and for five years. The adjacent Townlots 231 and 322, however, were not leased until 10 Jul 1911, almost a year after they were purchased and for $300 per annum, less than half that for Townlots 232 and 321. Of course, Townlot 232 had a two-story building (the Reinbach Building) ready for use and we are not exactly sure what the state of Townlot 231 was when leased, but we can make a reasonable guess.

When the second set of lots was leased, the term of the lease was set to run exactly concurrently with the lease on first two lots, Townlots 232 and 321, suggesting that the two properties would operate in concert. Again, this lease contained the clause:

Provided, however, that in the event a railroad should he operated into the town of Fredericksburg during the term of this lease, the rental of said premises shall by mutual consent of the parties hereto be increased at a rate not exceeding twenty per cent, of the amount previously paid...

But it contained no language about a future warehouse. The evidence is circumstantial, but convincing, that Peter built a building on Townlot 231 (currently 231 E. Main St.) to serve as a warehouse for the general store (clothing and food store) located in the Reinbach building. On the corner of the property is a cornerstone, still standing today, “P. Kleck 1911” (Figure 19) and the cornerstone can be seen in a picture from 1976 (Figure 20).

The cornerstone would be consistent with the date of the lease on the property by Burrier-Maier Co. and the lack of further mention of a warehouse in the lease on Townlot 231 suggests that one had already been built.

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Figure 19. “P. Kleck 1911” cornerstone at north east corner of Townlot 231 (231 E. Main St.) (photo 2017)

Figure 20. The two-story Reinbach Building and Townlot 231, the one-story building immediately to left of two-story building with cornerstone indicated – 1976

In 1914, a year before the Burrier-Maier Co. leases were to run out, Peter made arrangements to build a new building on Townlot 231, perhaps to retain Burrier-Maier’s business. To start, Peter borrowed $1000 on 14 Mar 1914 from Louis Kusenberger using Townlots 232 and 321 as security. Then, two weeks later, on 31 Mar 1914, Peter paid Louis Kott and John Kott $250 for

…an undivided one half interest in and to the lower story of the north west wall of the building used as a garage on the part of town lot No. Two hundred and thirty one (231)

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The sale contract included

Also the privilege on the part of said Peter Kleck to utilize the said wall in the construction of a building on the north west side of said wall by said Peter Kleck, including the privilege to attach the roof of said contemplated building to said wall as well as the walls of the front and back part of said building.

The fourth wall, of course, was the northeast wall of the Reinbach building. Thus, Peter was preparing to build a new building on Townlot 231, using as a starting point, the wall on the northwest side of the garage owed by Louis and John Kott. We believe that the building he built is still essentially intact as the building to the left of the Reinbach building in Figure 20. Although this building was built in 1914, it includes the 1911 cornerstone.

These four lots and buildings became central to Peter’s business and personal life from the time of purchase until his death in 1942. In fact, the lots remained in the family until after 1981, over 71 years. From 1919 until 1943 the 2nd floor of Townlot 232 served as the home for Peter, his second wife, Katherina, and their six children.

Peter and Burrier-Maier Co. Slander Suit

The section above goes into some detail on the rental of various properties by Peter to the Burrier- Maier Co. Starting in 1910, Burrier-Maier Co. signed a five-year lease with Peter for Townlots 231 and 321 where the Reinbach building stood. The leases were revised and expanded in 1910, 1911 and 1914. Then on 1 May 1915, Peter, R. M. Burrier and F. J. Maier all signed a Memorandum of Agreement in which they “extended and continued in force until the first day of July, A.D.1915” all of those leases. There were five conditions including (1) exclusion of part of the Sembritzky building from Burrier-Maier use, (2) full control of the cistern by Peter, (3) free access by Peter to premises, (4) Peter’s right to remove the elevator in the Sembritzky building and (5) the right for Peter to construct a warehouse in the rear of the Sembritzky building. None exceptionally noteworthy, but noticeably all in Peter’s favor. Nonetheless it was signed by all parties on 1 May 1915 with the intent of extending all leases until 1 Jul 1915.

Then, apparently something caused Peter to erupt. The lawsuit of 15 Sep 1915 filed by Mr. Maier describes, in detail, alleged comments made by Peter between 5 May and 10 July in which Peter slanders Mr. Maier in German to Otto Burgdorf, Felix Stehling and Felix Saenger. Mr. Burgdorf said the comments were made during the time Peter was “negotiating with Burrier-Maier Co. in regard to continuing to rent to them the buildings belonging to defendant then used by said Burrier-Maier Co. and wherein they conducted their mercantile business.” Four of the seven alleged comments were made May 5-6, four to five days after the agreement was signed. All seven comments were included verbatim in the suit including both German and an English translation.

The last comment was made on 10 Jul 1915, ten days after the conclusion of the extended leases. The leases were not extended past July 1 whether due to lease issues or Peter’s conduct is unknown. The final comment by Peter (as translated):

"I am glad that I have Burrier-Maier Co. out of the house, I could not sleep any more, I was always afraid that they would set my house on fire; they had high insurance on their goods, thirty to thirty-five thousand dollars, and I had no

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insurance. I was in San Antonio and saw the Dalkowitz fire; You bet you, I had to get the fellows out, it did not go any more. One night at two o’clock I caught Maier in my store, the stove was red hot. The following morning I called him into my house and said to him; Do you see that Bull-dog (meaning a pistol known as a bulldog) there, it is large enough to kill any bull, and one thing I will say to you, if my house ever burns down, either carelessly or intentionally, then I take this six shooter and shoot you full of holes from head to stern. He also burnt down his dwelling house; You bet you, I fixed them.”

There may be imperfect translation or muddled commentary, but the comment is definitely threatening if indeed true. It was reported by Clem Pahl and Walter Petsch who are not exactly objective observers, one being a relative of Bertha Kleck and the other a relative of Bertha’s attorney. There was, nonetheless, extensive reporting by the other three men mentioned above.

With Mr. Maier as plaintiff and Peter as defendant, the suit claimed damage

Caused by said false, slanderous and malicious statements made and published by defendant of and about plaintiff, he, plaintiff has suffered great mental anguish, being greatly injured in his good name, standing, reputation and credit, to his damage in the sum of ten thousand dollars.

All of said statement being false and made by defendant without cause or provocation, and only for the purpose and with the intent of injuring plaintiff and gratifying defendants hatred of plaintiff, and with special malice on the of defendant against plaintiff, plaintiff sues for and says that he is entitled also to exemplary damages in the sum of ten thousand dollars.

The objective of the suit probably was not monetary award. Being a commercial entity dealing with the public, F. J. Maier and the Burrier-Maier Co. would be eager to respond to any critical Public comments made about them. In 1915 the reputation of a merchant was almost as important as his goods.

No documents have been found with respect to the resolution of the case. Typically, these kinds of cases are resolved with an out-of-court agreement.

Bertha Leaves for San Antonio, Separation and Divorce

Meanwhile…on 23 Sep 1914, Peter and Bertha, together, filed a petition for legal Separation. The document was nine pages long with one short paragraph addressing Bertha’s “habitation,” one paragraph for the “maintenance and education of said minor children” and twenty paragraphs outlining the land to be included in the settlement - eight pages of detail on 20 items of property owned by Peter and Bertha.

The document estimates the total value of the property at $10,000 of which Bertha is to receive half ($5000) in the form of a promissory note bearing 6% interest per annum from 1 Jan 1915, interest payable monthly with the following provision

…if the said Bertha Kleck, should at any time have need of a greater sum of money than the interest payments will provide, then upon her demand, or the demand of those legally acting for her, the said Peter Kleck is to pay to her a

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part of the principal of said note as so demanded, in any sum not to exceed the sum of Two Hundred ($200.00) Dollars for any one year 1

It appears that Bertha did not have the benefit of legal counsel. The property is wildly undervalued and the payments would not allow her to live independently under any circumstances. As expected, she was given housing and subsistence by her children in San Antonio. Nonetheless, the Separation agreement was signed by both parties and executed.

The Divorce document was a typical four-page diatribe upon how Peter

…provided for her support and maintenance, furnished her with a good and comfortable home and furnished it with all modern equipment, suitable to their station in life-provided all the necessaries incident to a pleasant home life, and also allowed defendant such pleasures as his means would permit for the comfort, entertainment and pleasure of defendant and her children… 3 while Bertha

…without just cause or provocation has quarreled and nagged at plaintiff until it undermined his health, and by reason of her constant interfering in his business affairs with other people, some of them being defendant’s relatives, and secretly and unjustly opposing plaintiff’s interests, has often involved him in serious trouble and law suits, and finally when plaintiff kindly protested with defendant, she became sullen and morose, and non-communicative with him, and refused to perform her duties as a wife, and refused to do the cooking for plaintiff’s household, or aid or assist him in any manner in his efforts to sustain defendant and their children.

And so it goes.

In the divorce petition, filed 14 Jan 1917, Peter, as the plaintiff, claims that on or about 15 Dec 1912, that Bertha and Peter

…continued to live together as husband and wife until about the 15th day of December, 1912, when defendant without any just cause or provocation deserted plaintiff and abandoned him, with the intention of permanent abandonment, since which time they have not continued to live together as husband and wife. 3

In the same document, Peter also claims that:

…about three years ago, November 7th, 1913, while plaintiff was at work striving to support defendant and her children, defendant secretly went to the home of one Henry Jung, and had him to take herself and her children to Waring, Texas, where she boarded the train and went to San Antonio to live, and forbade the said Jung and others she knew of her whereabouts to inform plaintiff where she was.

This establishes that Bertha had returned home sometime between 15 Dec 1912 and 7 Nov 1913, only to leave again. The fact that she “left twice” is supported by other documentation. Finally, in the same document, the plaintiff, Peter, continues:

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Plaintiff represents and alleges that by reason of defendant’s actions as aforesaid he has been forced to practically abandon his home and home life, forced to live in seclusion and to himself, abandoned by his wife, that he has provided her and set apart to her a good home but she refuses to live at it, and continues to live separate and apart from plaintiff, and now resides in Bexar County, Texas, at 105 San Pedro Avenue in the City of San Antonio; that the minor children of plaintiff and defendant, realizing the disturbed and distressing conditions of plaintiff’s surroundings by reason of defendant’s actions aforesaid, have returned to plaintiff, are living with plaintiff and he is striving to educate and maintain them, and the defendant for all of the reasons hereinbefore alleged has been guilty of cruelties and outrages toward plaintiff such as renders their further living together as husband and wife insupportable. 3

We cannot be sure how accurate Peter’s claims are, but we do know that Bertha’s final departure was 7 Nov 1913 and had moved to 105 San Pedro Avenue in San Antonio.

The divorce was granted 17 Feb 1917 after just over 23 years of marriage and 11 children, and the terms of the Separation Agreement were enforced. More on that later.

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References – Chapter Six

1 “Separation Petition, Peter and Bertha Kleck,” Item “Thirteenth”, pages 5-6, Sep 1914,

2 “Old Homes And Buildings Of Fredericksburg,” Elise Kowert, Fredericksburg Publishing Company, Fredericksburg, Texas, 1977

3 “Peter Kleck vs. Bertha Kleck., Plaintiff’s Original Petition,” filed 4 Jan 1917, District Clerk Gillespie Co. Texas

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Appendix – Chapter Six

Figure A-6-1. March 1979, Frontier Times notice placed by Bertha “Bert” Rose Kleck Weigler, daughter of Alfred Herman Kleck

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Figure A-6-2. Lawsuit to force sale of Townlot 178 over Peter’s objection - February 1909

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Figure A-6-3. Transcript of Defendant, Peter Kleck, Answer to Complaint by E. J. Lindeman of 3 October 1910

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Figure A-6-4. Purchase of “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232)” and “S.E. one half of Townlot No. (321)” by Peter Kleck from August & Sedonie Sembritzky 15 Mar 1910 – page 1

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Figure A-6-5. Purchase of “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232)” and “S.E. one half of Townlot No. (321)” by Peter Kleck from August & Sedonie Sembritzky 15 Mar 1910 – page 2

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Figure A-6-6. Purchase of “…North West part of townlots Numbers (231)…fronting on San Saba Street and (322) fronting on San Antonio Street” by Peter Kleck from Vincent Wahl, et al. - 25 Jul 1910 – page 1

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Figure A-6-7. Purchase of “…North West part of townlots Numbers (231)…fronting on San Saba Street and (322) fronting on San Antonio Street” by Peter Kleck from Vincent Wahl, et al. - 25 Jul 1910 – page 2

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Chapter Seven The German Becker/Bäcker and Mootz Families

Elisabetha Keller (wife of Friedrich “Fritz Bäcker) Approximately 1880 note 1 Carte de Visite type photograph

[note 1: The photograph of Elisabetha Keller is a Carte de Visite type photograph which employed a glass negative. The image was developed on a very thin sheet of paper and then was glued to stiff card stock. The original of the above copy is in the Kleck-Backer archive. It is 2½” x 4¼” and, by dating conventions, was probably printed between 1874 and 1882 in the German town of Kusel in the photographic studio of Philipp Fritz. On the back of the photograph: “Platte bleibt fur Nachbestellungen aufbewahrt”, translation: “Plate remains stored for reordering.” This is in reference to the new technology of retaining the negative on a glass plate.]

The Palatinate and Annweiler am Trifels

The Becker/Bäcker note 2 and Mootz families have been in the Palatinate region of Germany for many generations. In modern Germany, the Palatinate is part of the German state Rhineland- Palatinate. The map in Figure 1 illustrates the location of Annweiler am Trifels within the Rhineland-Palatinate state and the state within modern Germany and Europe. Furthermore, the location of the district of Südliche Weinstraße within the state of Rhineland-Palatinate is shown in Figure 2.

[note 2: The family name was spelled Becker until the 1830s when the name apparently changed to Bäcker. In German, the pronunciations of Becker and Bäcker are essentially identical, sounding much like an American short “e” as in “beg.” Thus, it is possible that in the oral transmission of the name to an official there was a mistake in notation. In fact, the spelling Baecker is also pronounced the same, accounting for

Page 125 that spelling periodically. Bäcker is the spelling used today by current-day German family members. The American family members spell the name Backer without the umlaut over the “a.” The result is that the pronunciation of the American family name is Backer, with a short “a” having the sound of “bat.”]

Figure 1. Location of Rhineland- Palatinate and Annweiler am Trifels in modern Germany. Courtesy of Britannica.com

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The Becker/Bäcker families originate in the Annweiler am Trifels area, including the towns Gräfenhausen and Quiechhambach, both of which are administratively in Annweiler am Trifels. The total population in 2019 is approximately 7000.

We know there was a substantial population in the Annweiler area in the 12th century since a church had been built as early as 1153. 1

There is evidence that the Beckers were in the Annweiler area of the Palatinate in 1606 and probably before. The Mootz family originates in the nearby town of Wernersberg with a current population of 1100. In addition Figure 2. Location of Südliche Weinstraße within to the Becker and Mootz families, the Rhineland- Palatinate in modern Germany. Huber, Keller, Dörner, Puster, Courtesy of Wikipedia Flickinger, Schlosser, and Hartkorn families are all from the same general area. The pedigree charts shown in the Appendix exhibit the ancestral track of these families and as well as 33 other surnames. [In Appendix, For Becker/Bäcker see Figure A-7-1. Backer- Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 1, for Mootz and Hartkorn see Figure A-7-2. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 2, for Keller see Figure A-7-3. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 3, for Dörner, Puster and Flickinger see Figure A-7-4. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 4, for Huber see Figure A-7-5. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 5, for Schlosser see Figure A- 7-6. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 6 ]

Figure 3 shows the locations of the three smaller towns around the larger Annweiler am Trifels. The proximity of these towns should be noted. The center of Annweiler is about two miles from Wernersberg and two miles from Gräfenhausen. Queichhambach is essentially a “suburb” of Annweiler. Thus, all four are within easy walking distance.

Also indicated in Figure 3 is the location of the Burg Figure 3. Locations Annweiler am Trifels, Gräfenhausen, Trifels (Trifels Castle) Quiechhambach, Wernersberg and Burg Trifels. (Figure 4). Burg Trifels is a Courtesy of Michelin Maps castle located at an

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Figure 4. Burg Trifels (Trifels Castle) from Scharfenberg Castle Courtesy of Wanderparadies Wasgau

elevation of 1600 feet on the Sonnenberg peak also within walking distance of Annweiler. There are castle ruins on two adjacent peaks (Anebos Castle and Scharfenberg Castle).

Trifels Castle is famous as the

site where Richard the Lionheart, King of England, was imprisoned after he was captured by Duke Leopold V of Austria near Vienna in December 1192 on his return from the Third Crusade. Handed over to Emperor Henry VI of Hohenstaufen, a period of three weeks of captivity at Trifels from 31 March to 19 April 1193… [Trifels Castle]

Outside a small town, Hinterweidenthal, 13 miles west of Annweiler am Trifels in the southern Palatinate (Palatine) Forest is a rock formation known as Teufelstisch (Devil’s Table) (Figure 5). The Devil's Table is one of the landscape symbols of the Palatinate and is also the subject of a local legend.

Annweiler am Trifels is surrounded by the Figure 5. Teufelstisch (Devil’s Table) Palatinate Forest as can be seen in Figure 6. in southern Palantine Forest (photo The figure shows the various regions of the 2019)

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Palatinate Forest and the insert shows its location in modern Germany. “Together with the northern part of the adjacent Vosges Mountains in France it forms the UNESCO-designated Palatinate Forest-North Vosges Biosphere Reserve, one of the biggest forests in Europe.” [Palatinate Forest].

The 1911 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica described Annweiler:

ANWEILER, or ANNWEILER, a town of Germany, in the Bavarian Palatinate, on the Queich, 8 m. west of Landau, and on the railway from that place to Zweibrücken. Pop. 3700. It is romantically situated in the part of the Haardt called the Pfälzer Schweiz (Palatinate Switzerland), and is surrounded by high Figure 6. Palatinate Forest in modern Germany. hills which yield a Courtesy of Wikipedia famous red sandstone. On the Sonnenberg (1600 ft.) lie the ruins of the castle of Trifels, in which Richard Cœur de Lion was imprisoned in 1193. The industries include cloth- weaving, tanning, dyeing and saw mills. There is also a considerable trade in wine.

And Brockhaus’ Kleines Konversations-Lexikon (small encyclopedia of conversation), also in 1911, Figure 7. River Queich in Annweiler am Trifels – Water wheel described the Annweiler near Gerberstraße (Tanner Road) (photo 2019) valley as “eine der schönsten

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Gegenden der Pfalz” (one of the most beautiful areas of the Palatinate).

Annweiler am Trifels is “mostly” in the Wasgau region of the Palatinate Forest – the southernmost part of the forest. It is “mostly” in the Wasgau because the northern boundary of the Wasgau is the River Queich, which runs through the middle of the Annweiler, providing numerous scenic locations in the town. (Figure 7 and Figure 8). The river also runs on the northern edge of Queichhambach which refers to the close proximity of the River Queich.

Figure 8. River Queich in Annweiler am Trifels – River Queich on Wasserstraße (Wa ter lane) (photo 2019)

Figure 9. Rathausplatz (Town Hall Square) in Annweiler am Trifels (photo 2019 – taken with Town Hall behind photographer)

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The Rathausplatz (Town Hall Square) in Annweiler am Trifels (Figure 9) is centrally located and the site of town events and meetings. There is a legend: “Before World War II, the square was the location of multiple buildings. Allied bombers, targeting the train depot, which is less than ¼ mile away, destroyed the buildings. After the war, it was decided to not rebuild some of the buildings and refurbish others, creating the current Rathausplatz.” The legend is only partly true.

Figure 10 is a pre-World War II view similar to the view in Figure 9 – down Hauptstrasse with a left turn onto Altenstrasse. If you walk forward in Figures 9 and 10 until reaching the tall building in the center, then turn left, looking down Altenstrasse, on 29 Dec 1944 you would have seen the image shown in Figure 11. On that day at 2:30 pm, an Allied bomber group bombed Annweiler killing 126 and destroying an estimated one-third of the buildings. The building on the left in Figures 9 and 10 seems to have been destroyed but rebuilt roughly on the same site. The square, nonetheless, appears to be basically the same.

Figure 10. Pre-World War II Town Hall Square in Annweiler am Trifels

Figure 11. Altenstrasse after Allied bombing – 29 Dec 1944

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The Beckers of Annweiler

Friedrich “Fritz” Bäcker was born 4 Dec 1835 in Queichhambach. It is likely that his father, Georg Adam Becker, was born at the same location on Christmas Day 1808. The current house at that location is shown on the right of the photograph in Figure 12. The Protestant Church is on the left. Typically, the small towns in Germany built around the church first. Thus, the closer a house is to the church, the longer it has existed. The Becker house is 100 feet from the church suggesting that it was one of the first houses in Queichhambach. We do not know how much of the original house remains but since Georg Adam Becker was probably born there in 1808, we can conclude that the original house was either removed and rebuilt or massive renovations have been made in the 200 years since.

Elisabetha Keller was born 8 Sep 1836 in either Leinsweiler or, les likely, Ilbesheim. Leinsweiler is slightly over 3 miles from Annweiler on foot, walking around the Trifels Group of hills (Sonnenberg, Anebos, Scharfenberg). Elisabetha Keller, whose picture is shown at the beginning of this chapter, married Friedrich Becker on 20 Jan 1859. They lived in the house located on the site in Figure 12.

Figure 12. The Bäcker house (on right) and Protestant Church on left in Queichhambach (photo 2019)

The Becker children, Heinrich (born 11 Nov 1864), Georg (born 9 Mar 1866), Friedrich (born 21 Apr 1867) and Jakob (born 3 Jan 1875). The children were raised in the house in Figure 12. Heinrich and his wife, Wilhelmina, (Figure 13 and Figure 14) lived out their lives in Germany and died in Germany in 1938 and 1931, respectively. Jakob married Friederike Charlotte Grosse on 23 Dec 1899 (Figure 15 and Figure 16). They had five children, the last of which was Rudi Bäcker. Most of the current day Bäckers in the Annweiler area are descendants of Rudi and Charlotte.

Friedrich emigrated to America at age 21 or 22 and married Elizabeth Seebach two years later in Indianapolis. They had three children, two of which, Alma and Fred, are shown with Frederick and Elizabeth in Figure 17.

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Figure 13. Heinrich Bäcker and wife,

Wilhelmina Elisabetha Hoffmann – abt 1890 Figure 14. Heinrich Bäcker – abt 1930 Courtesy of Barbara Backer

1890Abt-Heinrich Backer And Wilhelmina Elisabetha Hoffmann

Figure 15. Jakob Bäcker and wife, Friederike Charlotte Grosse – abt 1890 Figure 16. Jakob Bäcker – abt 1935

Figure 17. Frederick Backer and wife, Elizabeth Seebach, with children, Fred and Alma – abt 1900 Courtesy of Barbara Backer Page 133

The Town of Wernersberg

For the first time the name Wernersberg is formally mentioned in a document of 1283 in relation to the monastery Hornbach. There are elements of the church tower that date to the 13th century. 1 From 1300 to 1603, Wernersberg belonged to the rule of one family, the Dahn family. During that period, in 1546, when Palatine Elector Friedrich II openly “confessed” to Luther’s teachings, some of his protestant followers inhabit the Wernersberg area. When Ludwig von Dahn died in 1603, the Speyer Cathedral sent a “competent” Catholic priest to make the population “familiar again with the Catholic faith.” 1

The Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) was devastating for the Annweiler/Wernersberg area severely reducing the population in some areas by as much as 50%. “One of the most destructive conflicts in human history, it resulted in eight million fatalities not only from military engagements but also from violence, famine, and plague.” 2 The Peace of Westphalia, ending the war in 1648, resulted in the area being acquired by the French king, Louis XIV.

Louis wanted to bring the population of the newly occupied territories to the Catholic faith. The Catholics were granted the right to use the churches in the Protestant towns. Thus, the Catholics of Annweiler were also allowed, for the first time after the introduction of the Reformation, after about 160 years, to use the choir of the church for services held by the priests of Wernersberg. 1

And as a result, Wernersberg became the “mother church with many far-flung branches” - a center for Catholics in the area. However, by 1700 the church in Annweiler had returned to the Reformed church and in 1701 Wernersberg was reduced to 17 Catholic families. From that point it grew to 36 families by 1718 and 199 total persons by 1728.

In 1783, the first church on the site of Saint Matthew’s was built. Soon thereafter, in August 1789, the French Revolution began. The civil constitution brought to the area by the French, caused most of the clergy to be under threat through 1795. In 1794, nineteen people in Wernersberg were known to have died at the hands of the French revolutionary authorities. By 1799, the church and people of Wernersberg had returned to normal and by 1808, Wernersberg had 808 Catholics. At the end of 2018, the population of Wernersberg was 1102.

The Mootz of Wernersberg

The earliest Mootz known to have lived in Wernersberg was Thomas Mootz, born 3 Aug 1811, who moved along with his wife, Margaretha Hartkorn, from Burrweiler to Wernersberg shortly before 1800. Burrweiler is slightly less than 9 miles northeast of Wernersberg where we know the Mootz and Hartkorn families resided since before 1685. (See Appendix, Figure A-7-2. Backer- Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 2)

As I said above, with respect to the Bäcker family in Queichhambach, the small towns in Germany built around the church first - the closer a house is to the church, the longer it has existed. The Mootz house was approximately 250 feet from the Catholic church in Wernersberg. A view of Wernersberg in 1905 from the neighboring hill is shown in Figure 18. The Mootz house is located at Kirchstraße 1 and the church at Kirchstraße 17.

When Christina was born in 1870, you were either a church-going-Catholic or an ex-resident of Wernersberg. But more importantly, marriage to a Protestant would not have been allowed by the Catholic families of Wernersberg. We do not know if a relationship with Georg Bäcker, a Page 134

Protestant, was the reason Christina was the first member of her family to emigrate to America, but it is a distinct possibility.

The house in Figures 19, 20 and 21 is where Heinrich and Rachel Mootz raised their four children, Christina, Katharina, Henry and Friedrich. As you will see in Chapter Nine – The American Backers, after Heinrich died in 1886, all four children and Rachel emigrated to America, ending up in Indianapolis, Indiana. Christina was the first to leave in 1891 and the other four were also in Indianapolis by 1894. Until they left, they all lived in the house indicated in Figure 19 as it looked in 1935 and Figures 20 and 21 as it looked in 1970.

Figure 18. 1905 Wernersberg from neighboring hill with location of Mootz house and Catholic Church noted. Courtesy of Paul Schuhmacher

Figure 19. 1935 view of Mootz house and barn at Kirchstraße 1 - two smaller

buildings in center of photo; Trifels Castle is visible on the hill behind the town Courtesy of Paul Schuhmacher

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Figure 20. 1970 view of Mootz house and barn at Kirchstraße 1 Courtesy of Paul Schuhmacher

Figure 21. 1970 view of Mootz house at Kirchstraße 1 Courtesy of Paul Schuhmacher

Figure 22. Former location of Mootz Figure 23. Former location of Mootz house house at Kirchstraße 1 in 2014 at Kirchstraße (photo 2019)

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In 1894, when the last three of the Mootz family moved to America, Rachel, Friederich and Katharina, the house was sold to Peter Götz. Peter’s grandson rebuilt the house in the 1980s. Figure 22 shows a 2014 view of the Götz building on the location of the Mootz house and Figure 23 shows the view in 2019.

Wernersberg Catholic Church

In 2019, when I asked my cousin, a respected genealogist and recognized expert on the history of Wernersberg, about the Mootz attendance at the Catholic Church in Wernersberg over the centuries, he said “The children born in Wernersberg were all baptized in this church. Only Catholic families lived here in the 1850s. The married Protestant partners also had to baptize and raise their children as Catholics. Regular church visits were self-evident here.” 3

The Wernersberg Catholic church has been on the same site for over 700 years. The church was originally consecrated to St. Matthew, but sometime before 1967 it was renamed Parish Church of St. Philip and St. James in Wernersberg. When the Mootz family attended the church, it was known as St. Matthew’s.

The building elements of our church tower date back to the 13th century. The square, massive, blunt tower - it was only now raised by about 4 m resembles a row of church towers of the Western Palatinate, built by monks of the monastery Hornbach. 1

The Monastery of Hornbach owned forest estates in the immediate vicinity since 828, the "Pirminius district" near Wilgardswiesen. “…the monks of the abbey of St. Pirminius built the first church here” and that appears to have been in 1283.

Not surprisingly, many changes and additions where made over the next 500 years. The church as it stood when Heinrich, Rachel and their four children lived at Kirchstraße 1 is shown in Figures 24 and 25 and it remained the same until 1967. In 1912, 21 years after Christina left Wernersberg, the church had again outgrown its congregation.

The nave (4 x 4.50 m), which had Figure 24. Wernersberg Catholic church before become dilapidated and too 1967 renovations Courtesy of Paul Schuhmacher small, was demolished around 1782 and a church measuring

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11.50 x 23 m was added to the tower in baroque style, which no longer served as a choir but as a sacristy. At that time - it was shortly before the French Revolution - the village counted about 290 souls. When the population increased to Figure 25. Wernersberg Catholic church before 1967 renovations 700 Catholics in 1900 and 833 in 1912, the church again proved to be too small. 1

There was talk of expanding the church in 1912, but the outbreak of World War I, the aftermath of high unemployment, the “unfavorable conditions of the Third Reich,” World War II and finally, “narrowness of the available building site” brought about “delay after delay.” 1

Finally, in 1967, the church was expanded to its current state as shown in Figure 26.

Figure 26. Wernersberg Catholic church (photo 2019)

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References – Chapter Seven

1 Festschrift zur Einweihung der Pfarrkirche zu den hl. Aposteln Philippus und Jakobus in Wernersberg, (Commemorative Publication, Dedication of Parish Church of St. Philip and St. James in Wernersberg), 27 August 1967)

2 Europe's Tragedy: A New History of the Thirty Years War, Peter H. Wilson, 2010

3 Correspondence between author and Paul Schuhmacher (cousin of author), 18 Oct 2019, (Wernersberg, Palatinate Germany, Roman Catholic Parish, 1688-1899, St. Louis, 1999)

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Peter Becker Agathe (?) Appendix – Chapter Seven

Jost Bieber Anna Maria (?) Wolf Matthes Becker Ursula (?) b: Thalwil, Switzerland b: b: 1606, (Gräfenhausen?) b: Jakob Reimel d: Hanß Jung ?? d: 29 Nov 1673, Anna Barbara Bechtold d: 1641 d: 24 Jun 1674, m: Gräfenhausen m: Gräfenhausen occupation: carpenter

Anna Katharina Reimel Abraham Bieber Anna Katharina Kuhn Georg Peter Becker b: Klingen b: 20 Aug 1665, Annweiler Anna Maria Jung m: 17 Apr 1655, b: 1630, Gräfenhausen d: d: Spirkelbach b: Spirkelbach Queichhambach d: 7 Nov 1704, Gräfenhausen d: m: 21 Aug 1677, Queichhambach m: 1 May 1691, Hinterweidenthal

occupation: carpenter

Johann Heinrich Becker b: 26 May 1686, Gräfenhausen (Marie?) Margaretha Bieber d: 4 Sep 1766, Gräfenhausen b: 6 Aug 1762, Gräfenhausen m: 27 Aug 1715, Wilgartswiesen d:

Johann Adam Becker b: 1718, Gräfenhausen Juliane Hauck Georg Peter Hauck ?? d: 2 Jul 1793, Gräfenhausen b: calcd 4 Mar 1725 (1726?)

m: d: 13 Jan 1777, Gräfenhausen

Philipp Jakob Becker Maria Anna Katherina Hauck b: 19 Jan 1766, Gräfenhausen (19 Feb?) b: 14 Jun 1774, Gräfenhausen d: 25 Feb 1838, Queichhambach d: 29 Nov 1829 m: 15 Mar 1792, Queichhambach

Georg Adam Becker Marie Margaretha Dörner Elisabeth Jung b: 25 Dec 1808, Gräfenhausen b: 20 Aug 1792, Queichhambach (8 Aug, Gräfenhausen?) m: 1 Apr 1832, Queichhambach TO Page 4 (Queichhambach?) d: 20 Dec 1873, Queichhambach

d: m: 2 Oct 1834, Queichhambach (Georg Adam Becker)

Friedrich “Fritz” Bäcker Maria Elisabetha Keller b: 4 Dec 1835, Queichhambach b: 8 Sep 1836, Leinsweiler (Ilbesheim?) TO Page 3 d: 28 Sep 1885 Queichhambach d: 18 Jan 1902, Leinsweiler

m: 20 Jan 1859 m: 20 Jan 1859 (Friedrich “Fritz” Bäcker) )

Georg Backer Christina Mootz b: 9 Mar 1866, Annweiler (Hambach?) b: 14 Jun 1870, Annweiler d: 17 Jun 1950, Ferdinand, IN TO Page 2 d: 14 Dec 1922, Indianapolis, IN m: 4 Feb 1893, Indianapolis, IN m: 4 Feb 1893, Indianapolis, IN (Georg Backer) occupation: teamster, farmer, truck garden

Figure A-7-1. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 1 Katherina Backer b: 2 Dec 1894, Indianapolis, IN d: 29 Aug 1982, San Antonio, TX m: 25 Nov 1919, Fredericksburg, TX (Peter Kleck) Page 140

Philipp Schilbert Maria Magdalena (?) Heinrich Henrich (French of Gilbert) b: bef 1685 b: 1670 Barbara Freind b: bef 1680 d: 26 Jan 1732, d: 9 Apr 1760, Burrweiler b: bef 1698 d: bef 1732 Burrweiler m: m:

Johannes Stephan Henrich Johannes Jakob Gilbert Anna Maria (?) Christina Henrich b: 1690 b: 1701, Ramberg b: bef 1712 b: bef 1712, Burrweiler d: 16 Apr 1740, Burrweiler d: 23 Feb 1778, Burrweiler d: abt 1762 d: bef 1778 m: m: 29 Jun 1732, Burrweiler occupation: wine maker

Johannes Hartkorn Leonhard Eberle Jakob Mootz Anna Katharina Lehnert b: bef 1725 Maria Elisabeth Bohl b: 1719, Burrweiler Anna Maria Henrich b: 1685, Burrweiler b: 1681 d: bef 1790 b: 1721 d: 13 Apr 1796, Burrweiler b: 29 Feb 1732, Burrweiler d: 6 Dec 1755, Burrweiler d: 4 Nov 1763, Burrweiler m: 15 Feb 1745, Burrweiler d: 21 Nov 1796, Burrweiler m: 4 Aug 1749, Burrweiler d: aft 1796 m: religion: Roman Catholic occupation: tailor religion: Roman Catholic occupation: baker religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic

Mathias Hartkorn Johann Peter Mootz Barbara Gilbert Anna Barbara b: 6 Nov 1745, Burrweiler Maria Eberle b: abt 20 Feb 1729, Burrweiler b: abt 29 Jan 1734, Burrweiler Mootz d: 31 Dec 1805, Burrweiler b: abt 6 Jun 1753, Burrweiler d: 1 Nov 1799, Burrweiler d: 1 Jan 1802, Burrweiler m: 6 Aug 1781, m: d: 23 Apr 1781, Burrweiler m: 9 Feb 1756, Burrweiler religion: Roman Catholic Burrweiler occupation: cooper religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic

Thomas Mootz Margaretha Hartkorn b: abt 4 Jul 1778, Burrweiler b: abt 3 Feb 1779, Burrweiler d: 26 Apr 1843, Wernersberg d: 19 Jan 1858, Wernersberg m: aft 1802 religion: Roman Catholic religion: Roman Catholic

Jakob Mootz b: 3 Aug 1811, Burrweiler Elisabeth Schlosser d: 10 Apr 1880, Wernersberg b: 18 May 1815, Gossersweiler m:18 Oct 1841, Gossersweiler d: TO Page 6 occupation: farmer/day laborer m:18 Oct 1841, Gossersweiler (Jakob Mootz)

Heinrich (Henry) Mootz b: 16 Sep 1842. Wernersberg Rachel Huber d: 02 Feb 1886, Wernersberg b: 26 Jan 1845, Annweiler TO Page 5 m:22 Dec 1867, Wernersberg d: 13 Apr 1919, Indianapolis, IN occupation: bricklayer m:22 Dec 1867, Wernersberg (Heinrich “Henry” Mootz) )

Christina Mootz b: 14 Jun 1870, Annweiler FROM Page 1 d: 14 Dec 1922, Indianapolis, IN m: 4 Feb 1893, Indianapolis, IN (Georg Backer)

Figure A-7-2. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 2 Page 141

Johann Georg Johannes Maria Anna Nicklaus Hahn ?? ?? Johann George Clementz Nikolaus Becker Elisabetha (?) Otillia (?) Schmitt

Johann Jakob Hahn Johannes Becker Maria Margaretha George Adam b: Maria Margaretha b: 29 Nov 1722, Leinsweiler Schmid (Schmitt?) Keller Anna Maria Johann Adam ?? d: Clementz d: b: 16 Oct 1726 b: Jan 1741 Muller Schmitt Würtenbächer m: 16 Feb 1740, (Clements?) m: 13 Jan 1750, Leinsweiler d: d: Leinsweiler

Maria Magaretha (Magdalena?) Johann Georg Hahn Anna Elisabetha Becker Johann Jakob Keller Würtenbächer b: 30 Mar 1759, Leinsweiler (Ilbesheim?) b: 11 Jan 1758, Leinsweiler b: 1 Feb 1750, Ilbesheim b: d: 4 May 1839, Ilbesheim d: 19 Feb 1819, Ilbesheim d: 10 Apr 1831 d: 29 Mar 1839, Ilbesheim m: 15 Jul 1783 Ilbesheim

Johann Adam Keller Anna Katharina Hahn b: 9 Jun 1792, Ilbesheim (7 Jun?) b:29 Apr 1794, Ilbesheim d: 7 Jan 1864, Leinsweiler d: 29 Jan 1872, Leinsweiler m: 27 Apr 1815, Leinsweiler

Maria Elisabetha Keller FROM Page 1 b: 8 Sep 1836, Leinsweiler (Ilbesheim?) d: 18 Jan 1902, Leinsweiler m: 20 Jan 1859 (Friedrich “Fritz” Bäcker) )

Figure A-7-3. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 3

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Alexander Flickinger Verena Rheinhard b: b: d: d: m: 1597, Sumiswald, Switzerland

Jakob Flickinger Hensel Veick b: 17 Apr 1597, Sumiswald, Switzerland Elisabeth b: 1588 Michael Rothgerber ?? ?? d: 1635 Grossenbacher d: bef 1642 b:

m: 1630 m: d: bef 1642

Daniel Puster Joseph Flickinger Adolf Veick b: b: 6 Jun 1635, Susanna Rothgerber b: 1618, Gersbach d: ?? Hans Daniel Staub ?? Neunhoffen, Switzerland ?? b: 1619, St. Avold, Lorraine, France d: 23 Feb 1687 occupation: wool weaver in d: 1684, Queichhambach d: m: 9 Jan 1642, Annweiler Lambrecht m:

Hans Adam Flickinger Daniel Puster Katharina Staub Anna Sara Veick Anna Maria Cußler b: b: 1657, Lambrecht b: 1660, Leinsweiler George b: 21 Feb 1654, Konrad Graff m: 24 Jan 1708, ?? d: 2 Nov 1688, Annweiler ?? d: 11 Aug 1721, Annweiler d: 12 Aug 1707, Annweiler Michael Müsel Queichhambach b: bef 1721 Annweiler occupation: baker m: abt 1680 m: 21 Nov 1682, Queichhambach d: 2 Nov 1688, Annweiler

Daniel Puster Johann Peter Flickinger b: 3 Jul 1684, Annweiler Anna Maria Müsel b: 18 Sep 1688, Annweiler Maria Elisabeth Graff d: b: Albersweiler d: 8 May 1754, Queichhambach b: 1696, Siebeldingen m: 14 May 1715, Annweiler d: m: 12 Aug 1721, Annweiler d: 8 Feb 1756, Queichhambach occupation: baker in Albersweiler occupation: linen weaver

Bernhard Dörner Georg Daniel Puster Marie Elisabeth Flickinger b: Maria Eva (?) b: 10 Oct 1733, Albersweiler d: Ilbesheim d: 28 Jun 1796, Queichhambach b: 5 Apr 1733, Queichhambach m: m: 16 May 1759, Queichhambach d: 1 Feb 1786, Queichhambach

Wilhelm Dörner b: 26 Jun 1757, Ilbesheim Elisabeth Puster d: 11 Jul 1828, Queichhambach b: 2 Oct 1760, Queichhambach m:15 Aug 1780, Queichhambach d: 26 Aug 1838, Queichhambach

Marie Margaretha Dörner b: 20 Aug 1792, Queichhambach (8 Aug, Gräfenhausen?) Figure A-7-4. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 4 FROM Page 1 d: 20 Dec 1873, Queichhambach m: 2 Oct 1834, Queichhambach (Georg Adam Becker) Page 143

Johann Jacob Huber b: Maria Magdalena (?) d: 15 Apr 1780, Annweiler b: abt 1728 Georg Hahn ?? m: d: 22 Sep 1786, Annweiler occupation: weaver

Johann Daniel Huber Maria Elisabeth Hahn b: 13 Apr 1756, Annweiler b: 1755, Albersweiler d: 11 Apr 1823, Annweiler d: 29 Dec 1825, Annweiler m: 20 Jan 1784, Annweiler

occupation: cart driver (transport wood & stone)

Daniel Schüßler Elisabeth Fischer

Johann Jacob Huber Elisabeth Schüßler b: 31 Mar 1785, Annweiler b: 1791, Hinterweidenthal d: 9 Dec 1850, Annweiler d: 14 May 1870, Annweiler m: 31 Dec 1813, Annweiler

occupation: cart driver (transport wood & stone)

Joh. Philipp Sturm ??

Daniel Huber Elisabeth Sturm b: 14 Oct 1816, Annweiler b: 16 Nov 1812, Annweiler d: 5 Jan 1893, Annweiler d: Siebeldingen m: 9 Aug 1844, Annweiler

Rachel Huber b: 26 Jan 1847, Annweiler FROM Page 2 d: 13 Apr 1919, Indianapolis, IN m: 22 Dec 1867, Wernersberg (Heinrich “Henry” Mootz)

Figure A-7-5. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 5

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Jakob Jean (French of Schaan) b: Buschborn, France ?? d:

m:

Andreas Schaan b: calcd 1721 Johannes Schlosser ?? d: 9 May 1764, Gossersweiler Margaretha Günther m: 22 Sep 1745, Gossersweiler occupation: tailor 0

Peter Schlosser Franz Karl Schaan b: Eschbach b: 8 Jul 1751, Gossersweiler Barbara Hammer d: Anna Elisabeth Welsch d: 22 Apr 1834, Völkersweiler b: abt 1752 m: 13 Sep 1779, Gossersweiler m: 10 May 1773, Gossersweiler occupation: farmer occupation: field worker 0

Johannes Schlosser Barbara Schaan b: 3 Jan 1791, Völkersweiler b: 3 Nov 1790, Völkersweiler d: 29 Dec 1867, Völkersweiler d: 29 Apr 1850, Völkersweiler m: 15 Sep 1812, Gossersweiler

Elisabeth Schlosser FROM Page 2 b: 18 May 1815, Gossersweiler d:

m:18 Oct 1841, Gossersweiler (Jakob Mootz)

Figure A-7-6. Backer-Mootz Pedigree Chart, Page 6

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Chapter Eight Indianapolis at the Turn of the Century

German Immigration in the Nineteenth Century

It is important to understand the conditions in Germany that lead to the emigration of the Backer and Mootz families in the nineteenth century. Furthermore, the conditions in Indianapolis during last the three decades beginning in 1890 reflect the attitudes that the families encountered.

Germans had been arriving in Indiana in significant numbers from 1850s to 1890. By 1890 there were 100,898 foreign-born in Indiana of which 77% were German. 1 The German “element” population in Indianapolis, consisting of foreign-born or having at least one foreign-born parent, was 28% of the total city population - that is, first- and second-generation Germans. Furthermore, if third- and or later-generation Germans who still spoke German or lived by old-world German traditions were included, an estimated one-third of the city population would be considered German. 1

George Backer had immigrated in 1887 and Christina in 1891. As it turned out, they were the end of the “German-wave.” Between 1881 and 1890, there were 1.45 million German immigrants and between 1890 and 1900 there were 0.51 million. By 1900, only one of seven immigrants to the U.S. was from Germany. The reasons for this change are partly a result of changes in Germany: 2

1) Germany’s rapid industrial development 2) Bismarckian legislation providing social protection for workers 3) Growing identification with the reunited Fatherland 4) Peace within and without Germany’s borders

And partly because of changes in America: 2

1) The 1893 depression in America 2) Public lands were exhausted 3) Poor labor market in cities 4) Changing attitudes of Americans towards immigrants

As a result, during the decade ending in 1900, the German element in Indianapolis had increased only modestly but the total population of the city had doubled. Thus, in 1900, the German element made up 23% of Indianapolis, down from 28% ten years earlier. 3

The Spanish American War

During the Spanish American War in 1898, Germany was sympathetic towards Spain rather than the United States. In St. Louis a German newspaper called the American administration’s policy one of “imperialism, militarism and jingoism.” 4 There were similar publications in other cities. However, Germans in Indianapolis were an exception.

The German element had a demonstration in which thousands flocked to Germania Park to celebrate American victories. A parade of some twenty-three organizations was arranged, after which a crowd of 4,500 to 5,000 gathered at

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the park to hear speeches in German and in English, which in no way seemed to arouse the indignation of the “News,” a paper which challenged the Germans of the other cities. 5

Indeed, in June of 1898 the News pronounced a benediction upon the Germans after the dedication of The German House (Deutsche Haus) by saying, “No truer Americans walk the soil or breathe the air than the Germans that have made this land their home” 6

The German Element in Indianapolis

At the turn of the century, the German-language press was still widely read in Indianapolis. In 1903, Die Glocke, a German Roman Catholic weekly, had a circulation of 3,600 between the highest of 8,500 and the lowest of 1,800. 1

It is correct to say that the Indianapolis Germans attempted to preserve their native tongue even in the face of opposition. The clubs and churches strongly resisted attempts to change their language to English 7

Furthermore,

…the traditional mainstays of instruction in German, the parochial schools under the auspices of the Lutheran, Reformed, and Roman Catholic churches which continued the use of German in the classroom along with English.

But the German element was not merely concerned over the preservation of the German language as such. The language was also a symbol of their different philosophy of life, and in this period it helped to identify those who accepted similar ideals. In general, German-Americans tended to regard their culture as being superior to the native culture, and many of them were willing to spare no effort for the preservation of their way of life within our multi-ethnic American society—for themselves and for their children. 1

There were fundamental differences between the German element and the descendants of New England colonists, the “native element.” Historians suggest that conflict resulted because the Germans introduced customs such as “beer drinking and an enjoyable use of the Sabbath, and because they supported social reform and resorted to political action-all of which offended New England traditions.” 1

Indiana Germans strongly opposed national prohibition on the grounds that it would be a restriction of personal freedom. In 1914, 100,000 protest letters and telegrams were sent to Washington by the Indiana German-American Alliance. Thus, the “cultural conflict between Germans and the puritanically influenced native element was already apparent prior to 1914.”

The First World War

When the First World War started in the summer of 1914, there was only a moderate amount of interest in the United States. Nonetheless, the German-American press sided with the homeland while the majority of papers in the U.S. sided with the Allies. Bearing in mind that the American involvement in the war was still almost 3 years away, the German-language press gave three principal causes for the conflict: (1) Russia’s imperialistic designs for more territory; (2) the revengeful attitude of the French resulting from the Franco-German War and (3) the desire for

Page 147 economic gain by the British. 8 In addition, the news from the battlefields was reported in such a way as to play up the successes of the German army, and to depreciate the British.

The War was the focus of attention among Indianapolis Germans who had also sided with the position of Germany while the United States was yet a neutral. When there were rumors that the United States might side with the Allies a group of German business men in Indianapolis sent a letter to Senator John W. Kern protesting that Germany had not violated international law to the extent of justifying a severance of diplomatic relations or a declaration of war. Further, between 300 and 400 telegrams were sent in protest to America’s potential involvement.

From 1914 to 1917 a total of $886,481 was sent to Germany and Austria-Hungary for relief work by sympathetic Americans who wished to help them in their need. 9 The pro-German sentiment was strong enough among a few of the Indianapolis Germans to volunteer for the Kaiser's army.

When Germany began its unrestricted submarine warfare in early 1917 and America entered the war in April, the German element was left in an embarrassing position bringing real conflict of loyalties into their lives.

Many of the German-Americans had friends and relatives fighting for the honor of the German Empire. To have enthusiasm in killing one's own relatives can hardly be expected. Because of the position taken by many of the German- American leaders while the United States was still a neutral, a social persecution of the Germans followed the declaration of war. 1

A group of native element aroused a large part of the public to regard the German element as unpatriotic, and the created a definite feeling of antagonism. The Germans of Indianapolis had an understandable sympathy for their homeland. It was their opinion that the United States was being used not to further its own interests but the interests of Great Britain. 1

In spite of their misgivings about the necessity of the war, the German element participated in the conflict. The loyalty to their adopted country was greater than their loyalty to the land of their fathers. Hundreds of Germans served in the armed forces, German congregations were active selling Liberty bonds and German organizations offered facilities for use by the Red Cross. In return, the governor of Indiana stated that “he did not question the loyalty of the German citizens.” 10 The German element made still other efforts to placate the rest of the community and as a result there were no public demonstrations against the Germans in Indianapolis as there were in other cities.

The World War and its aftermath deeply affected the German-Americans in Indianapolis and throughout the country. It caused a sharp curtailment of German activities and a decline in German organizations and institutions. There was a nationwide movement to eliminate German names from public buildings, streets and parks, and there were numerous Schmidts who became Smiths, and Muellers who became Millers. 8

An almost universal assault began on the teaching of German in the schools. The "enemy language" was removed from the grade schools or the entire school system in Toledo, Chicago, Milwaukee, New York, Philadelphia, Cedar Rapids, Duluth, Baltimore, Columbus, Cincinnati, Dayton, and Indianapolis. Ostensibly the World War hastened assimilation of the German element. However, this "assimilation" was not a voluntary one. It is, therefore, very doubtful that it really changed the minds of the older generation.

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In later chapters it will be noted that several Backer and Mootz family members altered or augmented their name to Americanize them.

Figure 1. Advisement for Helfrich Dum Wagon - 1888 Polk Indianapolis City Directory 1888

Figure 2. Advisement for Pumps, Wells and Cisterns - 1888 Polk Indianapolis City Directory 1888

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References – Chapter Eight

1 “The Germans in Indianapolis 1840-1918,” George Theodore Probst, German-American Center, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, and American German Heritage Society, 1898

2 “German Immigration into the United States,” Turner, Chicago Record Herald, 1901

3 “Twelfth Census of the United States Taken in the Tear 1900, Population,” Washington, 1901, German Immigration into the United States,” Turner, Chicago Record Herald, 1901

4 Indianapolis News, April 29, 1899

5 Indianapolis Journal, October 10, 1898

6 Indianapolis News, June 25, 1898

7 Greater Indianapolis, Dunn, Journal Handbook of Indianapolis

8 “German-Americans and the World War,” Carl Frederick Wittke, 1936

9 National German Alliance Hearings, 249-250

10 Indianapolis Turnverein, Seventy-Fifth Anniversary, 21

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Chapter Nine The American Backers

George S Backer Christina Mootz 9 March 1866 – 17 June 1950 15 June 1870 – 14 December 1922

The Backer and Mootz Arrival in America

As indicated in Chapter Seven – The German Becker/Bäcker and Mootz Families, Georg Bäcker arrived in America 6 Apr 1887 according to his Declaration of Intention [See Appendix, Figure A-9- 1. Declaration of Intention, George Backer]. The 1900 Census [See Appendix, Figure A-9-2. 1900 Census: “Backer George C”], taken 6 Jun 1900, indicates that he had been in the United States 12 years which would allow for late 1887 through 1888. However, the 1910 Census [See Appendix, Figure A-9-3. 1910 Census: “Backer George”] shows the “Year of Immigration to U.S.” as 1888. We will just have to be content with the range of 1887-88 for George.

The 1900 Census indicates Christina had been in the United states 9 years and the 1910 Census shows 1891 as her arrival date, the two seemingly consistent.

As indicated in the previous chapter, George had lived in Queichhambach and Christina in Wernersberg, 3-4 miles apart. We do not know if they knew each other in Germany. If they did and wished to marry, it would have been very unlikely that either German family would have permitted the marriage since Georg was protestant and Christina was Catholic.

We do not know the precise arrival date or location. Georg and Christina arrived in 1887-88 and 1891, respectively. The federal installation at Ellis Island did not open until 1 Jan 1892. From 1855 to 1890, Castle Garden (Figures 1 and 2) served as the immigrant processing station run by the

Page 151 state of New York. Castle Garden is now known as Castle Clinton National Monument which is located in Battery Park in lower Manhattan. Since Georg arrived in 1887-88, he probably was processed at Castle Garden. Unfortunately the records from Castle Garden were destroyed in a fire in 1897. What few records remain are on microfilm at the National Archives. No record of Georg’s arrival has been located.

Figure 1. Castle Garden at site of current day Battery Park, Lower Manhattan, NY Courtesy National Park Service

Figure 2. The Bay and Harbor of New York by Samuel Waugh (1814–1885), depicting the castle in 1848 Courtesy Wikipedia

It is estimated that between eight and twelve million immigrants came through its walls between 1855 and 1890…During the time of Castle Garden immigration, there was essentially an “open door” policy where if an immigrant could pay to make their way to the United States, they could live here. There were no Visas and no passports. The story of Ellis Island immigration is marked by quotas and deportations, while Castle Garden represents a time when immigrating to the United States was a bit of a free-for-all. Of course, nothing was free once an immigrant arrived in Manhattan. 1

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Although no records can be found, it is reasonable to conclude that Georg was processed at Castle Garden. However, Christina’s arrival is less obvious. She was too late for Castle Garden and too early for Ellis Island.

In 1890, the Treasury Department terminated its contract with New York and took over control of immigration through the Port of New York. New York State wouldn’t give Castle Garden to the feds, so a new federal facility was opened in April 1890 at the Barge Office near the Battery in lower Manhattan. A year later, in 1891, a federal law created the office of superintendent of immigration and made it a permanent requirement that immigrants be examined by federal immigration officers. 2, 3

So, it is reasonable to assume that Christina’s first exposure to America in 1891 was at the Barge Office, located in the southeast corner of Battery Park, which served as a temporary depot until Ellis Island opened 1 Jan 1892.

When they arrived in Indianapolis is also uncertain. The 1890 Census was badly damaged by a fire in the Commerce Department Building in January 1921. No records from Indiana survived. George does not appear in the Polk Indianapolis City Directory until 1897.

Figure 3. Christina Mootz ̶ probably soon after her arrival in Indianapolis abt 1892 – age 22 Courtesy of Kelly Roggenkamp

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George and Christina were married in 4 Feb 1893 (Figure 4), within 14 months of Christina’s arrival in America. They were married at St. Mary’s Church (Figure 5), located at 117 East Maryland Street in downtown Indianapolis,

Parish priests conducted services in Latin and German, and the church retained Old World traditions. 4

They were married by Father Anton Scheidler, the pastor of St. Mary’s from 1874-1918. The record indicates (Figure 6) that George Backer was not Catholic, though baptized, and that a dispensation was obtained for this marriage. 5

After the turn of the century , when the neighborhood surrounding St. Mary’s became commercial, the parish purchased property at

Figure 4. Christina Mootz and George Backer, married 4 Feb 1893 Courtesy of Barbara Backer

New Jersey and Vermont streets, where they built the present church, which was under construction from 1910 to 1912. 4 When the new church was built the old church was eventually demolished and the site is currently occupied by a parking garage.

St. Mary’s celebrated their 50-year Gold Jubilee in 1910 which coincided with the construction of the new church. The celebration was large, as can be seen in Figures 7-9. Since Katie was 15 years old and Henry 11 years old at the time it is likely that the Backers took part in the celebration. Figure 5. St. Mary’s Church, downtown Indianapolis Courtesy of the Office of the Archives, Archdiocese of Indianapolis

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Figure 6. Marriage record of Georgius Bäcker and Christina Mootz by Father Anton Scheidler Courtesy of Barbara Backer

Figure 7. 50-year Gold Jubilee of St. Mary’s Church – 1910 (Note: “10 ¢ CIGAR” on the building behind the crowd of people. You can see the same sign in Figure 5 above. That is, the crowd is standing directly in front of St. Mary’s Church) Courtesy of the Office of the Archives, Archdiocese of Indianapolis

Figure 8. 50-year Gold Jubilee of St. Mary’s Church – 1910 (St. Mary’s Church steeple is visible on the street behind.) Courtesy of the Office of the Archives, Archdiocese of Indianapolis

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Figure 9. 50-year Gold Jubilee of St. Mary’s Church – 1910 Courtesy of the Office of the Archives, Archdiocese of Indianapolis

The Backers of Indianapolis

In 1897, 4 years after they were married, the Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1897 (Figure 8) lists George and Christina as living on 1522 N. Illinois Street, about 1½ miles from St. Mary’s Church. In the 1898 Polk Indianapolis City Directory (Figure 9), they seem to have moved another 1½ miles farther north to 2926 N. Illinois Street.

Figure 8. Backer George, laborer, home at 1522 N Illinois Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1897

Figure 9. Backer George, laborer, home at 2926 N Illinois Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1898

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St. Mary Parish downtown would have been fairly close to where they lived, especially as SS. Peter and Paul Cathedral had not yet been built. St. Mary’s was also a German parish, so it is not surprising that the Backer family were members there. 5

It should also be noted that both of these directories indicate that George’s occupation in 1897-8 was “laborer.” The directory continued to list George as a laborer until 1905 when it listed him as a “tmstr” (teamster, i.e., a truck driver).

In June 1900 we know they lived at 1517 Reisner in West Indianapolis (Figure 10) [See Appendix, Figure A-9- 2. 1900 Census: “Backer George C”], about 6 miles southwest of the 2926 N. Illinois address, less than ½ mile from the Union Stock Yards. According to Figure 10. 1517 Reisner - Google Maps Street View the 1900 Census [See Appendix, Dec 2019 Figure A-9-3. 1910 Census: “Backer George”], they owned the home but it was mortgaged and George was listed as a “Day Laborer.”

We know that in 1897 the Backers lived at the downtown address, 1522 N Illinois, and in 1898 nearby at 2926 N Illinois. We have no more documentation of their residence until 1900 when they lived on the west side at 1517 Reisner. Since Katherine Backer was born in Dec 1894 it is safe to conclude that she was born in downtown Indianapolis. However, since Henry Figure 11. 1521 Reisner - Google Maps Street View George was born in Dec 1898, we can Dec 2019 only conclude that he was born either in the northern downtown area or on the west side.

The 1910 Census indicates that they lived at 1521 Reisner (Figure 11), which was next door to the 1517 address. They owned the house free of any mortgage. The same 1910 Census shows that the Backers rented the 1517 Figure 12. Backer George S, teamster, home at 1517 Reisner Reisner Street house to the Horn family Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1905 from Tennessee.

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The 1910 Census listed George as a “Contractor.” As mentioned above, the 1905 Polk Indianapolis City Directory (Figure 12) also shows 1517 Reisner as the address and “tmstr” (teamster) as George’s occupation. So, his occupation in 1900 was day laborer, in 1905 a teamster (truck driver) and in 1910 a contractor. The 1920 Census shows George’s occupation as “Operator” and his industry or business as “Farm.” We know from other family documents that, at this time, he was a “truck farmer.”

It should be noted that George was listed with a middle initial (i.e., “S”) for the first time in the 1905 directory. He had been listed once with the middle initial of “C’ in the 1900 Census, but the “S” would remain for the remainder of his life. As will be noted below with his brother, Frederick, there was a trend towards dropping German sounding names around 1900. Anti-German sentiment was growing across the country, including Indianapolis, and did not abate until well after World War I. During World War I, Bismarck Avenue renamed Pershing Avenue and Germania Street renamed Belleview Street because of war-time anti-German sentiment. 6 In fact, in many ways it actually intensified in 1919, the year after the war ended.

Nonetheless, in a span of 10 years, the Backers went from one mortgaged house to two houses, both free of any encumbrance. George’s occupation went from day laborer to contractor. It is apparent that their financial situation had improved significantly during the decade.

By 1920, they had moved to 6416 Morris St, Wayne Township, Marion County, in the Ben Davis area of Indianapolis. (Figure 13) [See Appendix, Figure A-9-4. 1920 Census: “Backer George S”] The house was another 5 miles due west of the Reisner houses. The Reisner house was almost 6 miles southwest of the 2926 N. Illinois Street residence and located in “West Indianapolis.” The Backers had now lived in at least three distinctly different locations in the area: downtown, West Indianapolis and Ben Davis. Figure 14 shows the five known homes of the Backers in Figure 13. 6416 W. Morris St. - Google Maps Indianapolis Street View, Dec 2019

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Figure 14. George S. Backer & Family known residences - 1897-1920 1899 Bicycle & Driving Map of Indianapolis Topological Map & Survey Co.

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The Other Backers and Mootz in Indianapolis

Four brothers grew up in the Bäcker house in Queichhambach in the Palatinate region of Germany. Two brothers, Jakob and Heinrich, stayed in Germany and two brothers, Georg and Friedrich, emigrated to America. Heinrich became a Lutheran minister in Germany and Jakob went on to marry Friederike Charlotte Grosse in 1899 and raise five children who in turn have yielded dozens of children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, many of whom still live in the Annweiler area. From 1880 to 1894, eight Backer/Mootz family members entered the United States and made their way to Indianapolis. (Figure 15).

Year of Entry Age on Name Relationship Entry Location to U.S. Entry John Konrad Katharina Mootz's husband 1880 or 1890 20-34 probably Castle Garden George Backer 1887 21 probably Castle Garden Frederick Backer George's brother 1889 22 probably Castle Garden Christina Mootz 1891 21 probably Barge Office Henry Mootz Christina’s brother 1892-07-13 16 Ellis Island Katherina Mootz Christina’s sister 1894-05-03 20 Ellis Island Friedrich Mootz Christina’s brother 1894-05-03 15 Ellis Island Rachel Mootz Christina’s mother 1894-05-03 49 Ellis Island Figure 15. Backer/Mootz family members entering U.S. from 1880-1894

As described earlier, George Backer probably entered at Castle Garden and Christina Mootz at the Barge Office. Likewise, because of their date of entry, John Robert Konrad, Katharina’s husband- to-be, and Frederick Backer, George’s brother, both probably entered at Castle Garden also.

According to his citizenship application papers filed on September 11, 1906, Frederick Backer arrived in the United States at the Port of New York in 1889. [See Appendix, Figure A-9-5. Frederick “Becker” Application “To be admitted to become a citizen of the United States.”] The application is notable in several respects. The application was made in September 1906. It is probably not coincidental that in 1906 the Immigration and Naturalization Service was created and forms were standardized at which time many longtime residents were encouraged to apply. Also, application is made for “Frederick Becker.” It is likely that his given name, Friedrich “Fritz” Bäcker, was Americanized to Frederick “Fred” Backer sometime between arrival and 1900. Anti-German sentiment was growing across the country, including Indianapolis, and German sounding names were generally changed. Furthermore, the “Becker” spelling was probably a result of the pronunciation of the last name Becker/Bäcker/Baecker, all of which have identical pronunciation in German. Finally, the application is made with the Marion Superior Court rather directly with Federal Immigration authorities. This was the procedure in Marion County until the 1960s.

The entry of John Konrad is essentially undocumented. The 1900 Census indicates his entry date as 1890 and the 1910 Census indicates 1880. The census documents are equally inconsistent when reporting his birthdate (1856 or 1860), his birthplace (Austria or Germany), his wife’s birthdate (1872 or 1847) and birthplace (Indiana or Germany). They appear to be reporting the correct persons and each census contains correct information and information that is not even close to correct. This is a problem that occurs frequently in census records.

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As described earlier, the 1890 Census was destroyed in a fire. The first mention of any Backer or Mootz in the Indianapolis city directory is in the Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1891 Figure 16. Backer Fred, molder, home on (Figure 16). Fred (Frederick) Backer, Michigan, (Haughville) George’s brother, is listed as living in Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1891 Haughville, which is directly north of West Indianapolis. There is also an unidentified John A Backer listed.

There is no other Backer or Mootz listed until 1895. The Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1895 (Figure 17) lists the home of Rachel Mootz (nee Rachel Huber) as 217 S. Reisner. That address does not exist today but it appears that in 1895 Rachel Mootz, Christina Mootz’s mother, widow of Henry Mootz, was living in West Indianapolis about ½ mile Figure 17. Mootz Rachel (widow of Henry), home from the house that George and at 217 S Reisner (West Indianapolis) Christina would move into in 1899-1900. Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1895

Before 1896, there are only these two Backer or Mootz entries in the city directory. This is surprising since we know from Figure 15 that by 1895 eight family members had arrived in America and are believed to be living in Indianapolis.

In 1896 the city directory has entries for Frederick Backer, Rachel Mootz and John Konrad. Frederick lived on Germania Ave in 1896. In the previous section, it was noted that during World War I, Germania Street was renamed Belleview Street because of war-time anti-German sentiment. 6 Finally, in 1897, George Backer appears in the directory (Figure 8 above) along with Frederick Backer and John Konrad.

George was living at the downtown Illinois address. Frederick appeared in the Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1897, this time living at 105 Tremont Ave (Haughville) which is less than ¼ mile from his 1896 address, but 3½ miles from George. Frederick remained in that house until 1899 by which time George had moved to Reisner. They were still about 2 miles apart, but at least both lived in West Indianapolis.

In 1898, George and Frederick Backer, Henry Mootz and John Konrad appear Polk Indianapolis City Directory. The Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1899 contain entries for George S Backer, Frederick Backer, Rachel Mootz, Henry Mootz and John Konrad. Thus, all family members were included in the city directory except Fred Mootz. Then in 1900, Frederick Mootz appears in the Polk Indianapolis City Directory of 1900. By 1900, all Backer and Mootz immigrants have appear at least once in the Indianapolis city directory.

In 1905, all Backer and Mootz families appeared in the same city directory for the first time. By 1905, the five Backer/Mootz/Konrad families were established, living in houses on the west side of Indianapolis and all had at least two children. Figure 18 shows the Backer/Mootz family’s vital statistics. The two Backer families would have no more children after 1905 and the three Mootz families would add to their family size. In fact, Henry and Clara Mootz would have seven more, bringing their total to ten by the time they were finished in 1924.

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Years Family Age Children Occupation Address married George Backer 39 12 2 teamster 1517 Reisner St Christina Mootz 35 Rachel Mootz (nee Huber) 58 4 boarder 1517 Reisner St Frederick Backer 38 14 4 molder 739 N Tremont Ave Elizabeth Seebach 37 Henry Mootz 30 5 3 baker 1721 Howard Clara Theresa Roeckel 24 Frederick Mootz 27 3 3 laborer 1315 Gillette Addie Mae Keenaugh 26 John Konrad 49 10 5 grinder 401 Arbor Ave Katharina "Katie" Mootz 31

Occupations teamster Truck driver (probably agricultural products) molder Probably brass or iron molder in a foundry or vehicle manufacturer grinder Iron and steel, machinery, and vehicle industries

Figure 18. Backer/Mootz/Konrad families in 1905

Figure 19. Rachel Huber Mootz, about 1908 with granddaughter, Cecilia Mootz, daughter of Fred and Addie Mae Mootz Courtesy of Barbara Backer

The occupations are listed with the five Backer/Mootz/Konrad males. As we will see, George was a teamster (truck driver). Later he would be a “Truck farmer” so it is reasonable to speculate that he was involved in transporting agricultural products at this point.

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Frederick Backer was a “molder” and John Konrad was a “grinder.” Molders were generally a skilled tradesperson who fabricated molds for use in casting metal products. Both molders and grinders were primarily employed in iron, steel and brass industries. 7 But both molders and grinders were occupations in the early automotive industry. Indianapolis was a center for early automobile manufacturing. One of the early electric cars, the Waverly Electric, was built near downtown Indianapolis and began selling its cars in 1903. The Indianapolis Motor Speedway would be built four years later, in 1909. This is not to say that they necessarily worked directly for the automobile companies, but the associated industries providing parts was also thriving.

In 1905, the five families were living within less than 3 miles of one another on the west side of Indianapolis in West Indianapolis bordering Haughville (Figure 20). In addition, Rachel Mootz, widow of Henry Mootz and mother of Christina, Henry, Frederick and Katharina Mootz, was living with George and Christina at 1517 Reisner.

Rachel died in 1919, Katharina Mootz Konrad in 1924, Frederick Mootz in 1939, and Henry in 1954. All of these lived the remainder of their life in Indianapolis and died there.

In 1905, Katherine Backer was 11 years old and Henry George was 7 years old. George and Christina’s family life will be the subject of the next chapter, Chapter Ten – Katherine Backer.

Figure 20. Backer/Mootz/Konrad family’s residences in 1905

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References – Chapter Nine

1 “Before Ellis Island,” Tenement Museum Blog Archive, Lib Tietjen, 2020

2 “Records lost and found,” The Legal Genealogist, Judy G. Russell, Oct 2, 2015

3 “The Compass, Castle Garden Special,” Immigrant Ships Transcribers Guild, June 2000 Edition of “Nase Rodina,” Gene Aksamit

4 “Indiana: A New Historical Guide,” Indiana Historical Society, Robert M., Taylor, 1989

5 Correspondence between author and Julie Motyka, Archivist, Archdiocese of Indianapolis, Indianapolis, IN, 2019.

6 “A Timeline of Faith and Community: Near Westside, 1830 to 1995,” T Polis Center. Indiana University – Purdue University Indianapolis, 2016

7 “COMPARATIVE OCCUPATION STATISTICS 1870-1930 A Comparable Series of Statistics Presenting a Distribution of the Nation's Labor Force, by Occupation, Sex, and Age,” U.S. Census Bureau, 1940

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Appendix – Chapter Nine

Figure A-9-1. Declaration of Intention, George Backer Date of Intention: “Oct 23, 1888” Date of Arrival: “06/26/1887”

Figure A-9-2. 1900 Census: “Backer George C” Number of years in the United States: “12”

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Figure A-9-3. 1910 Census: “Backer George” Year of Immigration to U.S.: “1888”

Figure A-9-4. 1920 Census: “Backer George S” Year of immigration to the United States: “1888” Trade, profession, or particular kind of work done: “Operator”

Industry, business, or establishment in which at work: “Farm”

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Figure A-9-5. Frederick “Becker” Application “To be admitted to become a citizen of the United States.” 11 Sep 1906 Marion Superior Court of the State of Indiana

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Chapter Ten Katherine Backer

[note 1: This photograph has become affectionally known as “The Lady with the Rose.” At one time we were not confident that it was indeed a photograph of Katherine. Hesitant to call it “Katherine,” we dubbed it “Lady with the Rose” until we had verified the identity. We are now confident that it is a photograph of Katherine taken in Indianapolis. However, we are still not sure of the date. In Figure 6 below, she seems to have the same dress and necklace and her hair appears the same. But the facial characteristics are difficult to judge because in the Lady with the Rose photo she has makeup. The makeup may have been applied by Katherine or it may have been applied by the photographer directly to the photo explaining why Figure 6 has no makeup. In either case, the face is altered enough that comparison is difficult. They may or may not be from the same photo session. So, we will speculate that the photo was taken either immediately before Nurse training or immediately after, Summer 1918-Spring 1919.]

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My Grandmother

Katherine Backer was my grandmother. She is the first ancestor in this narrative that I knew. I was born in 1949 when she was 55 years old. She would live to be 88. During my childhood in the 1950s and early 1960s, my mother, brothers and I made annual 21-hour train trips from Kanas City, where we lived, to San Antonio to visit “Grandmother,” “Sissy,” as we knew Aunt Kathryn, and Sissy’s son, Henry Joe Schuwirth.

We never knew Grandmother by any other name, not even Grandma. She was earnest in all matters and during the approximately 25 years I knew her, I cannot remember seeing her smile. While at her house on Adams Street we were always a little “on edge.” Admittedly, one of my younger cousins relates more pleasant times with her towards the end of her life.

My wife and I lived in San Antonio from 1975-77. We visited her as time allowed, went to my cousin’s wedding with her and always found her somewhat grumpy and unpleasant, including at the wedding celebration. In 1976, I had begun to be interested in genealogy. One day, in an attempt at conversation, I said to her, “Tell me about your family, Grandmother.” She flared and became quite angry. “What do you want to know that for?” was her reply. Having succeeded in making her even more unpleasant than usual, I quickly changed the subject as if nothing had happened. Years later I learned why her emotion had spiked and felt bad that I had inadvertently reminded her of what was probably her greatest pain in life. In fact, perhaps the reason she was persistently unpleasant. But I am ahead of my story.

The last time I saw her was in 1976. She died in 1982.

Katherine, Katie, Catherine, Katherina…

Katherine “Katie” Backer was born 4 Dec 1894 in Indianapolis to George Backer and Christina Mootz. Katie was the first born, followed by two pregnancies that ended in death at birth, the first in Nov 1896 and the second in late 1897. Then in Dec 1898, four years after Katherine’s birth, Henry George Backer was born. Henry Backer would go on to medical school, practice in Ferdinand, Indiana living until 1984, one month shy of his 86th birthday. The family would know him simply as “Doc.” Katharine was close to her brother and would remain so throughout her life. “Doc” was a legend in the family. I corresponded with him as late as 1979.

Seven years after Henry’s birth, in 1905, George and Christina made their last attempt to give birth. The baby did not survive. The circumstances surrounding this pregnancy are unknown. George was 39 years old and Christina was 35, not particularly old, but the lapse between Henry’s birth and this last pregnancy is notable. Of course, there may have been miscarriages or other events not subject to documentation.

Katherine’s first name has been spelled differently over the years. The official Marion County certified birth certificate [See Appendix, Figure A-10-1. Official Certificate of Birth – Katherine Backer – 4 Dec 1894] indicates "Katherine.” As with all modern certificates, they are machine generated. No original document is available. Birth certificates were not mandatory or collected at the state level until 1907. The documentation is held by Marion County and the original documentation is not available to the public. However, as a courtesy, the accuracy of the birth certificate has been verified by the Marion County Health Department. “The birth record that you have is correct per our records. Katherine is spelled with a ‘K’.” 1 Thus, we are confident that the name filed with the health department at birth was “Katherine.”

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Her baptism record of 23 Dec 1894 shows her name as “Catherinam.” [[See Appendix, Figure A- 10-2. Baptism record – Catherinam Backer – 23 Dec 1894]. Catherinam is a Latinized version of Katherine/Catherine commonly used for Catholic Church records in the 19th century. 2 As a child, Katherine was known as “Katie” – the 1900 and 1910 Census show her as “Katie” and “Kattie,” respectively. She was named for her mother’s sister, Aunt Katharina “Katie” Mootz. (Note the German spelling Katharina versus the American spelling Katherina.) But by about 1912, she had started writing her name as “Catherine” as we see in her German language instruction book. [See Appendix, Figure A-10-3. Immensee (Immense Lake) with Introduction, Notes, Vocabulary, and English Exercises, Dr. Wilhelm Bernhardt, Heath’s Modern Language Series, 1890, 1902; Figure A- 10-4. Name on inside cover of Immensee language book]. At about this time, her brother, Henry George Backer, began calling her “Sis.” Thirty years later he still called her “Sis” as seen in a letter he wrote to Katherine a month before Peter died in September 1942. [See Appendix, Figure A-10- 5. Letter from Henry G. Backer to his sister, Katherine Kleck, addressed to “Sis” – 11 Sep 1942]

When she applied to the Army Nurse training program she was “Catherine A. Backer.” [See Appendix, Figure A-10-6. Notification of receipt of application for Student Nurse program, Army School of Nursing, 10 Aug 1918] The origin of the “A.” is a mystery. But, the change from Katherine with a “K” to Catherine with a “C” could have been as a result of the political climate in Indianapolis at the time.

As you will see later, in 1919 at age 24, her wedding certificate shows her as “Katy Backer” and the 1920 Census also lists “Katy.” Her new husband, Peter Kleck, knew her as “Katie” but soon after marriage he started using the modified old-world German spelling, with an “e” instead of “a”, “Katherina,” for all documents and letters. The 1930 and 1940 Census both list “Katherina.”

“Catherine” was used in five of her children’s birth certificates between 1921 and 1931, all except Constance, in which case “Katherine” was used. However, in May 1942, at about the time Peter Kleck was infirm and probably unable to protest, she legally changed the spelling of her name on at least four of the certificates from “Catherine” to “Katherine.” All documents, letters and notes use “Katherine” after Peter’s death.

One might have thought that the different spellings were merely consistently inconsistent usage. But, the change from Katherine to Catherine and the introduction of the middle initial in the years 1912 to 1918 was probably due to anti-German sentiment. The intentional legal change in 1942 from Katherina or Catherine to Katherine suggests that she did prefer “Katherine” to all other spellings. Perhaps she knew that the spelling on her original birth certificate was “Katherine.” So, I will call her Katherine.

Katie in School

Katherine’s parents, George Backer and Christina Mootz, as described in a previous chapter, were both born in Germany. They both arrived in Indianapolis between 1887 and 1891. We do not know where they lived immediately upon arrival, but as described in the previous chapter, we know they lived in downtown Indianapolis until 1898. In 1899 they lived in West Indianapolis at 1517 Reisner. Katherine was about 4 years old when they moved and her brother, Henry, who was born 23 Dec 1898, could have been born while they lived downtown or in West Indianapolis.

Katie’s family attended Assumption Church in Ward 14 on the west side of Indianapolis at 1117 Blaine Ave. (Figure 1) The church was purchased by St. Athanasius the Great Byzantine Catholic Church in 1993 and still operates as such.

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Katie probably attended Elementary and High School at Assumption School (Figure 2) from 1900 to 1913. We have no documents relating to Katie’s school attendance but Barbara Backer, wife of Katherine’s first cousin, Peter Backer, has done considerable research on the only sibling of Katherine, Henry G. Backer. According to Barbara with respect to Henry G. Backer, “Henry went to Assumption School in Indianapolis and his family attended that church.” 3 If indeed her brother, who was four years younger, attended Assumption School it is probably Figure 1. Assumption Church (Current St. Athanasius reasonable to conclude that she did the Great Byzantine Catholic Church) also. Assumption Church and School were 0.6 mile from the house at 1517 Reisner and, hence, an easy 10- minute walk.

We do have her German Reader probably from her later High School years (about 1912) or after. Since the inside of the Reader designates “Session Room 15,” we can reasonably conclude that she was a part of organized classroom study as opposed to individual study. [See Figure 2. Assumption School (Currently no longer in Appendix, Figure A-10-4. Name on operation) inside cover of Immensee language book] We do not, however, know where those classes were.

We know very little about her childhood. Two pictures of her have survived from her own archives, both apparently taken at the same time, in which she appears to be high school age (Figure 3 and Figure 4). It does not appear to be in front of the Backer house on Reisner and there are no notations on the back, so we can only guess as to the time, location and people in the picture.

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Figure 3. Katherine Kleck, first person in front row with plaid skirt. (abt 1912)

Figure 4. Katherine Kleck, first person seated in front with plaid skirt. (abt 1912)

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Anti-German Sentiment

It was estimated that in 1890 as much as a third of Indianapolis residents were of German ancestry. Katherine and her brother, Henry, grew up in a predominantly German neighborhood and probably experienced very little anti-German sentiment until it became apparent that the United States was drifting towards war with Germany.

In Indiana, laws passed in 1869 and as late as 1907 encourage teaching German in schools. 4 And in the 1908-09 school year, the Indianapolis Public Schools (IPS) designated fifth, sixth and seventh grades teachers to teach “German fairy tales and legends” to acquaint students “with Germany, with the nature and customs of the people, and with Germany’s culture and intellectual life.” 5

After 1909, Katherine and her brother, Henry, grew up in an environment of increasing anti-German sentiment. Sometime around 1912-1913, Katherine started spelling her name Catherine, a more anglicized name. As described above, we have her German Reader which would have probably been used in about 1912 in which she wrote her name as Catherine.

Outward animosity did not begin until The United States declared war on Germany in April 1917. In fact, until the sinking of the Lusitania (1915), exaggerated war reports from the British news monopoly and the Zimmerman telegram (Jan 1917), America’s involvement in World War I was doubtful. Once the Unites States entered the war in April 1917, the anti-German sentiment became mainstream. It was at this time that former president Theodore Roosevelt denounced “Hyphenated-Americans” (e.g., German-Americans) and the Red Cross barred individuals with German names from joining in fear of sabotage. Historian Frederick Luebke write in 1917 that war “converted latent tensions into manifest hostility. 6

In 1918, Germanophobia took hold of Indianapolis’s public Schools. Teachers, who now had loyalty clauses written into their contracts, could be terminated if they spoke out against the U.S. or were found to ‘inculcate or aid in the support of, or admiration for the …Kulter of Germany.” 5 After the war ended in November 1918, the “nativist” population of Indiana still felt that the “enemy language” need to be eradicated and in February 1919 passed a law making German instruction illegal not only in public schools, but in private and parochial elementary school as well. (Part of the legislation was eliminated in 1923 when the United States Supreme Court found that banning German in private and parochial schools was unconstitutional.) Needless to say, the impact upon all elements of German-American life in Indianapolis was chilling.

Katherine as a Nurse

On 10 Aug 1918, a month before the war ended, Catherine A. Backer was notified that her application to the Indiana State Council of Defense for a position in the Students Nurse Reserve had been received. [See Appendix, Figure A-10-6. Notification of receipt of application for Student Nurse program, Army School of Nursing, 10 Aug 1918] The spelling of Catherine could be an attempt to downplay her German ancestry, but the middle initial “A” is very suspicious.

On 5 Sep 1918, at the age of 23 she was accepted by the Surgeon General’s Office to attend the Army School of Nursing. [See Appendix, Figure A-10-7. Notification of “admission on probation” for Student Nurse program, Army School of Nursing - 5 Sep 1918] At the same time she was provided with “Information for Probationers” which included a list of items she should bring with her including four uniforms made from material matching a swatch of material attached to the

Page 173 information sheet. [See Appendix, Figure A-10- 8. “Information for Probationers,” including fabric swatch for Army School of Nursing uniforms - 5 Sep 1918; Figure A-10-9. “Information for Probationers,” page 2, including instructions to make Army School of Nursing uniforms - 5 Sep 1918]. The timing of the application is curious. “The Allied counteroffensive, known as the Hundred Days Offensive, began on 8 August 1918, with the Battle of Amiens.” The Germans “displayed a marked collapse in morale” and many thought it to be the beginning of the end of World War I. Katherine applied two days after the offensive began. The timing was probably coincidental.

On 18 Sep 1918 she was notified that she “will be ready for a call by the first of October” to report to Camp McClellan. Then on 28 Sep 1918, she was ordered to “report at Base Hospital, Camp McClellan, Anniston, Alabama, October 10, 1918.” But on 4 Oct 1918, she heard from the War Department, Office of Surgeon General: “By direction of the Acting Surgeon General we are Figure 5. Katherine Backer in Army School writing to inform you that your call for duty has of Nursing – Nov 1918 - Feb 1919 been delayed owing to the influenza epidemic.”

Meanwhile, on 1 October 1918, two months before his 20th birthday, her younger brother, Henry G. Backer, enlisted in the Student Army Training Corps. He trained in Bloomington, Indiana, where he attended the University of Indiana. [See Appendix, Figure A-10-10. Henry G. Backer World War I Enlistment Record 1918]. He would serve for less than three months, being discharged on 21 Dec 1918, a month after the end of the war.

Deaths from the 1918 Influenza Pandemic (Spanish flu) stayed at relatively constant levels in the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany into the first week in October 1918. So, there was reason to believe that it would be controllable. However, by the last week in October, three weeks later, the mortality rate in New York City had increased six-fold. [See Appendix, Figure A-10-11. Influenza Pandemic Mortality Rate, 1918 and 1919] It was during this time period that the Army began taking precautions. Figure 6. Henry G. Backer in Student Army Training Corps – Oct 1918 – Dec 1918

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Finally on 14 November 1918, three days after the Armistice of 11 November 1918 ending World War I, the Army School of Nursing, Surgeon General's Office: "WITH THE APPROVAL OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR: Catharine Backer of Indianapolis, Indiana is hereby appointed Student Nurse in the Medical Department of the Army, at $15.00 a month…This appointment is for a probationary period of not to exceed six months. Retention in the service after the probationary oath will be required.”

The chart in Figure A-10-11. Influenza Pandemic Mortality Rate, 1918 and 1919 indicates that the mortality rate for the Spanish flu had also decreased significantly by the middle of November. So, the war was over and the threat from the Spanish flu seemed to be decreasing. Did the Army really need additional nurses?

On 25 Feb 1919, four months and two weeks after she reported, she was given orders by the Office of the Surgeon General to “proceed without delay to her home, Indianapolis, Indiana. The travel directed is necessary in the military service…. Immediately upon arriving home she will by letter report to the Surgeon General for discharge.” [Figure A-10-12. Notification to Catherine A. Backer to proceed to her home and upon arriving report to the Surgeon General for discharge – 25 Feb 1919]

We have no information concerning the reason her departure from Army School of Nursing. It could have been the decreasing need for nurses. It could have been her dislike for the program, personnel or nursing in general. Finally, it could have been her performance. Having known my grandmother for many years, I suspect it was not the last reason. It is most likely that either the Army needed fewer nurses or she decided to move on.

Katherine 1919

As noted above, Katherine was ordered on 25 Feb 1919 to proceed home and, upon arrival, immediately report for discharge by letter. Assuming she was at Camp McClellan, Alabama when she received the orders, she would have had to prepare to leave and travel 500 miles to her home in Indianapolis. She probably would have arrived home in the first or second week of March. Her whereabouts are unknown between mid-March and October, when she was apparently in Fredericksburg, Texas. Figure 7. Katherine Backer – probably Spring 1919

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We believe that during the period soon after her return home in mid-March that her portrait was taken twice at least. One of the photos is at the beginning of this chapter which we have affectionally named “The Lady with the Rose.” The other photo is shown in Figure 7. Both pictures we believe were taken in Spring 1919 when Katherine was 24 years old. It is also possible that one or both were used in communication with Peter Kleck. Since we believe there were “audition” materials exchanged by mail and Katherine had no other formal photographs prior to her marriage it is likely that these were used. Of course, she may have also been in communication with other potential spouses.

We then lose track of Katherine until October when she is in Fredericksburg, Texas according to a letter written by Peter in 1927. April through September are critical months for Katherine. We believe that she made contact with Peter in some manner.

The family story is that she was a “mail-order bride.” The story probably originated with Katherine herself. So, we believe that she was contacted through printed periodical or an organization communication and then replied to an advertisement or personal entry by mail. The reply probably included biographical information, a picture and possibly financial information. We think that Peter then responded with the same sort of information. However, there is indication that he may not have provided a totally accurate description of himself.

The circumstances surrounding Katherine’s move to Texas will be covered in the next chapter since it concerns Peter as much as Katherine.

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References – Chapter Ten

1 Correspondence between author and Gwen Martin, VRP-S, Marion County Public Health Dept., Vital Records, Indianapolis, IN, 11 Dec 2019

2 Correspondence between author and Julie Motyka, Archivist, Archdiocese of Indianapolis, Indianapolis, IN, 19 Dec 2019.

3 Correspondence between author and M. Barbara Backer, wife of cousin, Georg Phillip “Pete” Backer, 17 Nov 2019.

4 "Historical Account of German instruction in the Public Schools of Indianapolis 1869—1919,” Frances H. Ellis, Indiana Magazine of History, June, September, December 1954

5 "The War against German-American Culture: The Removal of German-Language Instruction from the Indianapolis Schools, 1917-1919,” Paul J. Ramsey, Indiana Magazine of History, December 2002

6 "Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War I,” Frederick Luebke, 1974

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Appendix – Chapter Ten

Figure A-10-1. Official Certificate of Birth – Katherine Backer – 4 Dec 1894

Figure A-10-2. Baptism record – Catherinam Backer – 23 Dec 1894

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Figure A-10-3. Immensee (Immense Lake) with Introduction, Notes, Vocabulary, and English Exercises, Dr. Wilhelm Bernhardt, Heath’s Modern Language Series, 1890, 1902

Figure A-10-4. Name on inside cover of Immensee language book

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Figure A-10-5. Letter from Henry G. Backer to his sister, Katherine Kleck, addressed to “Sis” – 11 Sep 1942

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Figure A-10-6. Notification of receipt of application for Student Nurse program, Army School of Nursing, 10 Aug 1918

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Figure A-10-7. Notification of “admission on probation” for Student Nurse program, Army School of Nursing - 5 Sep 1918

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Figure A-10-8. “Information for Probationers,” including fabric swatch for Army School of Nursing uniforms - 5 Sep 1918

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Figure A-10-9. “Information for Probationers,” page 2, including instructions to make Army School of Nursing uniforms - 5 Sep 1918

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Figure A-10-10. Henry G. Backer World War I Enlistment Record 1918

Figure A-10-11. Influenza Pandemic Mortality Rate, 1918 and 1919 National Museum of Health and Medicine - Pandemic Influenza: The Inside Story

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Figure A-10-12. Notification to Catherine A. Backer to proceed to her home and upon arriving report to the Surgeon General for discharge – 25 Feb 1919

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Chapter Eleven Peter and Katherina Kleck

[note 1: These two photographs are included here because it is likely they are the photos used in response from each to the advertisement for a spouse. The photo of Peter was taken at about age 45, approximately 1903. If correct, then the photo is over 15 years old at the time it was sent to Katherine. Katherine’s photo appears to be a recent photo from 1919, since she does appear to be about 24 years old.]

Katherine Arrives in Texas

We last heard from Peter in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land, when the divorce between Bertha Pahl Kleck and Peter was granted on 17 Feb 1917 after just over 23 years of marriage and 11 children. As I mentioned in the previous Chapter Ten – Katherine Backer, the family story is that she was a “mail-order bride.” We have no documentation to either prove or disprove that story and we have no information regarding the movements or whereabouts of either Peter or Katherine during the seven months from March to September 1919. However, from Peter’s effects we know that he was receiving a national German-language newspaper, VolksPost, published in La Crosse, Wisconsin and delivered by mail. While the evidence still eludes us, it is quite possible that he advertised in that paper for a German wife. In addition, the local German-language newspapers in Indianapolis had stopped printing in early 1919 because of anti-German sentiment following the First World War. 1 So, Katherine and her family may have been receiving their news and personal

Page 187 advertisements via national publications like VolksPost. We know of no other contacts Peter may have had in Indianapolis. Unfortunately, we only have circumstantial evidence and speculation at this time.

Figure 1. Peter Kleck – 1916 Folder frame notation: “Peter Kleck 58 Years old”

[note 2: It is relatively certain that this photograph was taken in 1916 when Peter was 58 years old since the notation on the folder is “Peter Kleck 58 Years old.” The handwriting is not Peter’s, but it is the same style of the period and probably not added years later. Thus, this would have been taken between Peter and Bertha’s separation (1914) and their divorce (1917). Formal photographs of Peter or Katherina were very rare. We do not know the occasion for this one.]

According to a letter written by Peter in 1927, Katherine was in Fredericksburg in October 1919. [See Appendix, Figure A-11-1. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan 1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 1-2 and Figure A-11-2. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan

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1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 3-4 ] Then, on 25 Nov 1919 Peter and Katherine “Katie” Backer were married. [See Appendix, Figure A-11-3. Marriage License – Mr. Peter Kleck and Miss Katie Backer 25 Nov 1919]

There are two enduring mysteries surrounding the Peter/Katherine match: how they connected and why Katherine moved to Texas.

We have briefly discussed the possible ways in which Peter and Katherine may have been “matched.” But we have not discussed why 24-year-old, never-married Katherine Backer traveled over 1100 miles from a midwestern city to a small southwestern town about which she knew nothing to marry a 61-year-old, divorced man with 11 children, an ex-wife and a questionable financial condition. Of course, we do not know how much of this Katherine knew when she agreed to the match. What we do know:

• Her mother was Catholic and her father was probably a lapsed Protestant. We do not know whether they would have objected to her marrying a divorced man if indeed they knew he was divorced. • She had only one sibling, a younger brother, Henry George Backer, who was 20- years-old and had been discharged from the Student Army Training Corps on 21 Dec 1918. [See Appendix, Figure A-11-4. Indian Veterans of WWI, Henry George Backer, Discharge 21 Dec 1918]. In the spring of 1919, he was a student at Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana. All evidence suggests that Henry and Katherine were close. • Her parents, George and Christina, owned the home in which they lived and possibly two other rental properties. They appear to have been financially stable. • Katherine was discharged from the Army Student Nurse program 25 Feb 1919. Presumably she went directly home to Indianapolis at that point, her last known whereabouts until October.

We do not know what her relationship was with her parents. There is no oral or written history describing the relationship. When I had my chance to ask her in 1975 it was obvious that she was not going to be forthcoming. She had no intention of divulging anything relating to her family. So, we are forced to speculate based upon circumstantial evidence. We will probably never know why Katherine moved to Fredericksburg but a few possibilities include:

• Katherine was 24-years-old and did not seem to have any matrimonial prospects. In 1919, a 24-year-old unmarried woman was approaching being labeled “old maid” or “spinster.” She may have felt the need to marry soon. • Peter may have sent her an outdated picture of himself. The picture at the beginning of the chapter shows a handsome, 45-year-old man that would have been easily acceptable to a 24-year-old woman in 1919. My Uncle Pete believed that this is the picture he sent to her. • Peter had a history of misleading people about his wealth. We know that in 1919 he had well over 2000 acres of land as well as property in Fredericksburg, San Antonio and Boerne. But we also know that it was highly leveraged and he was borrowing more money every year. He may have told her the former, leaving out the latter. Later in this chapter we will discuss the evidence that he misled her with regards to finances. • He almost certainly did not tell her about the very confrontational relationship he had with his ex-wife, Bertha, and their eleven children.

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• We do not know what he told her about his religious leanings. We do know that Peter and Katherine’s children started in public schools but were all suddenly moved to Catholic schools when Peter was 76 years old and possibly ill. • Anti-German sentiment was growing in Indianapolis after World War I while Fredericksburg was 90% German. 1 • All of the Army correspondence was official and had no indication of the reason for her discharge. There is the possibility that it was a bad experience making her more eager to start anew in Texas. • We have no idea if there was family dysfunction. Below we will discuss her family after Katherine’s departure.

Certainly not inclusive of all possibilities and all speculative. We have no alternative but to leave it at that.

“Mr. Kleck” and Katherina’s Early Days

We are relatively confident that Katherine arrived in Fredericksburg in October 1919 but we do not know where she lived between arrival and marriage to Peter. She probably lived in the future living quarters of the family, in the 2nd floor area of Townlot 232, the Reinbach Building on San Saba Street (229 East Main Street). Photos of the street facing west are shown in Figures 2-5. In figure 2, taken in about 1925, the building in the right foreground with the “Superior” sign hanging from the front is the Priess Building, also known as Townlot 180, which was mentioned in Chapter Five – Young Peter Kleck and Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land and will be mentioned in detail later in this chapter.

Figure 2. Facing west – San Saba Street (East Main Street), Fredericksburg – Priess building in right foreground – about 1925 based on newest automobile in photo 2

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The building with the future living quarters of the family, the Reinbach Building, also known as the Kleck Building, is on the left side of the street, about halfway, with the marquee extending out over the sidewalk. An enlarged image of that portion of the street is shown in Figure 3.

The marquee in Figure 3 reads “GENERAL MERCHANDISE” and refers to the Henke & Hirsch Company. The area above the marquee is the front balcony of the Kleck 2nd floor living area. In later pictures you can see the tall front windows looking out upon the street. There are also smaller windows facing east. On the top of the building is the Reinbach Building façade, which was described in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land and will also be discussed more below. Figure 3 is particularly interesting since there are both early Motel T Fords and a horse sharing Main Street. Immediately to the left of the Reinbach Building is the local Ford dealership, Kott Motor from 1914- 25

Figure 3. Facing west – San Saba Street (East Main Street), Fredericksburg (Enlarged image) – about 1925 based on newest automobile in photo 2

The view in Figures 2 and 3 are probably what greeted Katie Backer when she arrived in Fredericksburg in October 1919. It is likely that Peter was still living at the Kleck Ranch in Kendall County since he was still an active rancher in 1919. In fact, there is circumstantial evidence that Peter continued to live at the ranch while Katherine lived in Fredericksburg until Peter sold all of the ranch and farm land in October 1923.

The name shown on the marriage certificate is “Katie Backer.” But, from this point Katherine became Katherina in all documents, letters and notations until Peter died in 1942. It is likely that Peter preferred the traditional German spelling and pronunciation and adopted it for his wife. Furthermore, Katherine told me that she never called her husband anything but “Mr. Kleck.” [Note: Women were denied the right to vote until the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified August 18, 1920. In 1919, suffrage was not the only right denied women, especially in an old-world German household.] Therefore, when referring to the part of her life with Peter, I will refer to her as Katherina.

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A curious item was included in the Kleck archives. A personal check for $100.00 made out to “Yourselves” by Peter Kleck on the day after the marriage and cashed by “Katie Kleck, Ex Miss Backer” on same day as written. [See Appendix, Figure A-11-5. Personal check for $100.00 to “Yourselves”]. There are so many extraordinary possibilities, it is probably best to leave them unmentioned.

As described in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land, on 15 March 1910, Peter acquired

…the S. E. one half of town lot No. (232) two hundred and thirty two fronting on San Saba Street and the S. E. one half of Townlot No. (321) three hundred and twenty one fronting on San Antonio Street…

[See Appendix, Figure A-6-4. Purchase of “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232)” and “S.E. one half of Townlot No. (321)” by Peter Kleck from August & Sedonie Sembritzky 15 Mar 1910 – page 1 ]

Figure 4. Facing west – East Main Street, Fredericksburg – 1930 or later based upon presence of 1930 Ford Model A Coupé 2

Figure 5. Facing west – East Main Street, Fredericksburg (Enlarged image) – 1930 or later based upon presence of 1930 Ford Model A Coupé 2

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This is the 2nd floor living area described above and shown in Figures 2 and 3. Figures 4 and 5 show a similar view, but about five years later in 1930. You can see the Reinbach Building façade as the highest point on the buildings on the left (south) side of East Main Street.

The enlarged image in Figure 5 shows an obstructed view of the front of the Reinbach Building – obstructed because there are trees growing in front of the building. There were no trees in the previous photo (about 1923). So, during the time in which the Klecks first lived in the building trees were planted and thrived.

Figure 5 also shows the Ford dealership which was Kott Motor until 1930 and by the time of this photo had become Advance Motor Co. Presumably they were doing a lot of business since the number of automobiles on the road significantly increased from the 1925 photo.

As shown in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land, the front of the building as it looked in 1950s or early 1960s is shown in Figure 6 – the trees are gone – and as it looked in 1976 in Figure 7. Figure 8 shows how it looked after substantial refurbishment in the 1980s through 2000s.

Figure 6. The two-story Reinbach Building at 229 East Main St. – sometime in 1950s or early 1960s. Courtesy of the Gillespie County Historical Society

Immediately after purchase, Peter leased the two-story building to the Burrier-Maier Company for a period of five years ending 01 Jul 1915. We will talk more about the contentious end of that lease below. The storefront was then leased to Bertha Priess and H.W. Kusenberger from Jan 1917 to Sep 1917. On 1 Sep 1919 Peter leased the building to Henke & Hirsch, a storefront retailing company. In leasing the building to Henke & Hirsch, the lease contained the following clause, where Peter Kleck is the party of the first-party:

… excluding, however that part of the second story of said Bldg,, consisting of four rooms now used and occupied by said party of the first-part, as also a small room located on the back galery [sic] of the second story said building, and reserving unto party of the first part the right of ingress and egress to said

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reserved rooms from the front entrance at San Saba Street as well as from the back stairway leading to the second story of said building…

Figure 7. The two-story Reinbach Building at 229 East Main St. (front entrance and stairs indicated) – 1976

Figure 8. The two-story building at 229 East Main St. – Owned by Lauren Bade – 2017

This describes the 2nd floor of the building at 229 East Main Street, aka “S.E. one half of town lot No. (232).” The language suggests that the space was either already being occupied or was being prepared for occupation. If the timing of Katherine’s trip to Texas is as we think, September would have been the appropriate time to prepare for a family living area. This presumes that Katherina

Page 194 would not be living at the farm house in Kendall County even if Peter was. If this logic is correct, then this is the property that became the home of Peter and Katherina in 1919.

While the legal name of the street was San Saba Street, its name was Hauptstraße to most residents and legally changed to East Main Street in 1937. 3 The “four rooms” (as described in the lease) are the rooms shown in Figure 9 (i.e., Bedrooms 1 and 2, the Parlor and the Kitchen). The

Figure 10. Front entrance to stairs to 2nd Floor of 229 East Main Street (photo 2017)

Figure 9. Layout of Kleck family residence on San Saba Figure 11. Front stairs to 2nd Street, Fredericksburg - now 229 East Main Street. Floor of 229 East Main (shaded area Kleck living area) Street (photo 2017)

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“the front entrance at San Saba Street” to the stairs along the west side from the sidewalk in front of the building as seen in Figures 10 an 11. The stairs terminate in the “Dance Hall.” The “back stairway” is shown in Figure 12, led from the rear of the building to the kitchen at the back of the living space. From my visit in the 1950s I remember very well the back stairway and interior wall along the four rooms.

Figure 12. Rear stairs to 2nd Floor of 229 East Main Street – 2020 Courtesy of Wayne Kleck

Figure 9 indicates a Parlor at the front of the living space with doors to the front balcony overlooking San Saba Street. The Parlor was a formal sitting room in which the children were only allowed at Christmas and Easter. All other times, the children were prohibited from entry.

Pete Kleck, Peter’s fourth child and oldest son, my uncle, remembered the room as “The Christmas Room.” 4

Katherina, Lily and Christina

On 19 April 1921, 17 months after they were married, Peter and Katherina had their first child, “Lily” Kleck [Figure A-11-6. Original birth certificate of “Lily” Kleck, filed 28 Apr 1921] (More later on when her legal name became “Lillian” and nickname “Lillie.”) Sometime in the summer of 1922, Katherina and her baby girl, Lily, made the trip back to Indianapolis to visit the grandparents and Uncle Henry Backer. We can only guess the date based upon the apparent age of Lillian in the photographs in Figures 13, 14 and 15.

We know the photographs were taken in the Dexheimer Studio in Indianapolis. Lillian’s age appears to be 11-15 months. That would bracket the dates between March to July, 1922. It appears that the family took the opportunity to have everyone’s picture taken at the same time. Figure 16 shows a photo of George S., Christina and Henry George Backer. We believe the photos in Figures 13- 16 were taken at the same photo session. We cannot explain why there were no photos taken

Page 196 with Katherine and Henry in the same photo. No other such portrait photos of the family have been found.

Figure 13. Christina Backer (seated) with Lily Kleck, Katherina Kleck – 1922

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Figure 14. Lily Kleck – 1922 Figure 15. Lily Kleck – 1922

Figure 16. seated: George S. and Christina Backer; standing: Henry G. Backer – 1922

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On 14 Dec 1922, about 5-7 months after the visit by her only daughter and only grandchild, Christina committed suicide. The death certificate [Figure A-11-7. Death certificate of Christina Backer, 14 Dec 1922] shows the Cause of Death as “Phenol Poisoning,” Contributory: “Suicide.”

Phenol, also known as Carbolic Acid, is very toxic. It would have caused “burns and damage to the mouth, throat and stomach, internal bleeding…coma and death.” 5 Carbolic Acid was a commonly-used cleaning and disinfectant agent in the 1920s. It was easily available and often mistaken for non-toxic household products. As a result, “…the 1902 Pharmacy Act made it illegal for bottles containing chemicals to look similar to those containing other liquids.” 6 Consequently the bottle containing the phenol that Figure 17. Label required on Carbolic Acid after 1902 Christina used, if purchased after 1902, would have carried the label as show in Figure 17. Thus, accidental use was unlikely.

It is generally foolhardy to try to infer motivation for suicide but that does not eliminate the temptation. Being 52 years old at the time, some have suggested depression from menopause as the precipitating factor. Others believe she felt guilt about her daughter’s departure and loneliness for Katherine and her granddaughter having seen them only a few months earlier. Still others believe that bi-polar disorder runs in the family and contributed to her depression. We have absolutely no evidence to suggest that any of these has even an element of truth. All we really are safe in inferring is the tragic impact it had on the rest of the family.

Bertha’s Settlement and Transfer of All Kleck Property

As described in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land, on 23 Sep 1914, Peter and Bertha, together, filed a petition for legal Separation. The document called for “…her support and maintenance…” but estimated the total value of the property at $10,000 of which Bertha was to receive half ($5,000) in the form of a promissory note. This assessment appears to have significantly underestimated the value of the Peter’s properties and Bertha’s portion was in the form of a promissory note at a time in which she needed cash. It is likely that Bertha may not have been suitably represented. Nonetheless, the document was signed by both parties and executed. Then on 4 Jan 1917 the divorce was granted and two years and ten months later he was married to Katie Backer.

From the separation in 1914 to 1923 there was regular communication between the eleven children and Peter with respect to their schooling, bills incurred by the children, and general requests and complaints. Much of the communication was cantankerous, accusatory and, at times, threatening. Then on 21 Feb 1923, Bertha Kleck, "acting by and through her five sons, to-wit, Jesse Kleck, Arthur Kleck, Alfred Kleck, Willie Kleck, and Benno Kleck, through whom as next friends, she brings this suit...” – a legal action against Peter Kleck contending that Bertha Kleck was of unsound mind when

Page 199 entering the previous agreement (i.e., the Separation Agreement). As noted, her five sons filed the suit for her since she was claiming to be of unsound mind. She may or may not have been of unsound mind but there is little doubt that the Separation Agreement appears to have been unfair.

For whatever reason, the judge ruled for Bertha with a settlement for $15,000, by two promissory notes, one for $13,000, payable to the order of Bertha Kleck, and one for $2,000, payable to her attorneys. (Documents suggest that Peter had a long running feud with one of those attorneys, Alfred Petsch, for several years thereafter.) The settlement also found "…that the said Bertha Kleck is a person of unsound mind…" agreeing with the basis of the suit.

Thus, the original amount Peter was to pay Bertha, $5,000, was trebled to $15,000 including her legal costs. At 65 years old, this was a major blow to Peter’s finances. This ruling in Feb 1923 set in motion a series of events over the next four years that indicate the precarious state of Peter and Katherina’s finances.

Peter was not one to admit defeat and move on. On 3 Mar 1923, ten days after the ruling, in a court filing in Gillespie County,

for and in consideration of the love and affection which I have and bear toward my wife Katherina Kleck

Peter transferred all of his Kendall County land, Townlots in Fredericksburg, and

all farm implements, carriages, vehicles, horses, mules, cattle, and any other live stock (either branded XLEK or unbranded) now owned and possessed by me and either located on the herein conveyed premises in the Town of Fredericksburg, or in Kendall County, Texas. [Kleck brand shown in Figure 18]

He also transferred all of this debt, including

• four notes owed the State of Texas totaling $1156 • one note owed J. B. Wieser for $1350 • a promissory note executed 20 Mar 1922 to George and Christina Backer for $1200 Figure 18. The Kleck • the two promissory notes ordered by the court ten days brand before, one for $13,000 to Bertha Kleck and one for $2000 to her attorneys, as mentioned above.

[note 3: The promissory note to George and Christina Backer in which they loaned Peter $1200 was executed 20 Mar 1922. As we noted above, that was about the time that Katherina and Lily were visiting them in Indianapolis. It is not unreasonable to conclude that the loan may have been arranged during the visit.]

At about the same time, Peter also filed in Bexar County “…for and in consideration of the love…toward my wife Katherina Kleck” a motion to transfer a lot in San Antonio to Katherina Kleck. In other words, Peter transferred everything he owned, including the family home, to Katherina without consideration (i.e., with no compensation…a gift).

Then on 17 Mar 1923, two weeks later, Katherina filed with the Gillespie County Court:

I, Katherina Kleck…being the owner of various of land as well as of personal property situated in the Counties of Gillespie and Kendall, have made, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do make, constitute and appoint Peter

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Kleck of the same County and State, my true and lawful agent and attorney in fact for me and in my name

And so, in a two-week period, Peter had transferred all of his property and debts to Katherina and she had given him unrestricted power or attorney. All of the property transfer was done “without consideration” meaning that Katherina did not bring any funds to the transaction. Technically, Peter no longer had any property upon which liens could be placed if he refused to pay his debts. At the same time, he had Power of Attorney over the entire estate. And he had no debts, they were all Katherina’s debts now. Sounds too good to be true.

It is unlikely that the timing of the $15,000 court settlement with Bertha and the transfer of all property to Katherina was a coincidence. His intent may have been to avoid liens on the property by other unnamed creditors as well. If there were debts omitted from the transfer document, they would remain Peter’s debt and Peter had no property against which the debt owner could attach a lien.

It is possible that with Peter’s 65th birthday approaching in July and Katherina just having her 28th birthday, he may have wanted to make sure that if he died the ownership of his property would not be in doubt.

Probate itself can tie the property up for months, there are costs involved (lawyers, executor fees, court fees, etc.) If the transfers are made far enough in advance of the date of death one can also avoid inheritance taxes. So, transfers before death have advantages. 7

The $15,000 settlement and Peter’s age may have made him more realistic about the potential for all of the property being tied up in court for an extended length of time if he died suddenly. As a result of the transfer Katherina owned all of the land, free of potential probate delays and, in the meantime, Peter had Power of Attorney over its administration.

But as we shall see, this “coincidence” will take center stage in a lawsuit three years later.

Sale of the Kleck Farm & Ranch

Just when you think you can predict Peter’s next move, on 15 Oct 1923, Katherina and Peter sold all of their Kendall County farm and ranch lands, including the Kleck Ranch, to Dr. Victor Keidel. The Kleck Farm & Ranch had been the family home for 65 years. Technically the transaction was between Katherina and Dr. Keidel since all of the land and debt had been transferred to her seven months earlier, but the contract begins:

…Peter Kleck, acting as attorney in fact for Mrs. Katherina Kleck, hereinafter named part of the first part, and Victor Keidel, hereinafter named party of the second part, both of the County of Gillespie, Texas, have this date entered into the following contract and agreements…

The transaction included

…3065 1/2 acres of land situated in Kendall County, Texas, consisting of various surveys and being all of the land owned by said Katherina Kleck in said County of Kendall, Texas, the premises being generally known as the Kleck Ranch…and all farm implements, horses and one wagon…

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The 3065½ acres of land in Kendall County included the 2112 acres of land described in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land (shown there in Figure 10) which Peter had been acquired by September 1911. The remaining 951½ acres were acquired four days before his marriage to Katie Backer, on 21 Nov 1919. 918 of those acres were railroad land purchased from the State of Texas. Again, the timing of this purchase was almost certainly not coincidental.

Peter and Katherina retained possession of the buildings and Townlots in Fredericksburg. One of the buildings on Townlots 232 and 321, the Reinbach Building, was the Kleck family home. The Townlots immediately next to those lots were also retained, Townlots 231 and 232. These four lots were to become Peter’s primary source of income until he died in 1942 and are discussed in detail in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land in the section “Land on Fredericksburg Main Street,” Figures 12, 13 and 14. In return for 3065½ acres of land in Kendall County, Dr. Keidel

• deeded to Peter the Charles Priess Building, “part of lot No. 180 fronting San Saba Street said town of Fredericksburg, and valued at $14000.00”, • assumed “All Indebtedness due the State of Texas” which amounted to $1165, • assumed “One promissory note in the principal sum of $13000.00 executed by Peter Kleck, February 21, 1923, payable on or before February 21, 1933, order Mrs. Bertha Kleck…”, and • assumed “One promissory note in the principal sum of $2000.00 executed by Peter Kleck February 21, 1923 payable on or before two years after its date, order A. N. Moursund and Alfred P.C. Petsch…” (Bertha’s attorneys)

In one grand stroke, Peter divested himself of all ranch land, the Kleck Farm & Ranch and all financial ties to his ex-wife, Bertha Kleck. While the Kleck Farm & Ranch, which had been the family home for 65 years was gone, he kept four valuable lots in the middle of Fredericksburg’s central business area, on the south side of San Saba Street, across from the White Elephant Saloon. He, his wife, Katherina, and his daughter, Lily, lived in one of them and he leased the remainder of the four Townlots.

As a part of the transaction he also acquired a valuable lot across San Saba Street on which stood the Charles Priess Building. We will hear much more about the Priess building and Townlot 180.

There are two other unresolved issues. First, on 20 Sep 1923, less than a month before the sale of 3065½ acres of land, J. B. Wieser, to whom Katherina and Peter owed $1350, sold to Katherina Kleck for One Dollar,

…all my right, title, interest, claim and demand whatsoever heretofore held by me by virtue of a certain oil & gas lease, executed by Peter Kleck and wife Katherina Kleck to me, July 23, 1921, covering 3067½ acres of land out of various surveys, situated In Kendall County, Texas in Mar 1923, …

Apparently before Dr. Keidel would purchase the land, he had to be assured of mineral rights.

The other issue involved a promissory note to George and Christina Backer for $1200 executed 20 Mar 1922. Two days before the land sale, on 13 Oct 1923, a document was filed in Marion County, Ohio, the home of George S. Backer and his son, Henry G. Backer, Katherina’s father and brother, respectively. The document was filed on behalf of George S. Backer and the estate of his deceased wife, Christina Backer, by the executor of Christina’s estate, that certified

Said Katherina Kleck has this day paid off and fully satisfied said promissory note together with all interest thereon accrued. And desires the said land heretofore given as security released said trust lien.

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The “said land” was the land upon which J. B. Wieser held a deed of trust, the basis of the $1350 promissory note mentioned earlier. Thus, the promissory notes to J. B. Wieser and the Backers having been satisfied, the land transaction with Dr. Keidel was complete.

Thus, on 15 Oct 1923, the Kleck homestead had been sold and Peter and Katherina owned the four Townlots on the south side of San Saba Street, Townlots 232, 321, 231, and 322, one of which was their home and the Priess building on part of Townlot 180. It was the end of an era.

Taxes on the Land Transaction?

Peter’s 65th birthday was 10 Jul 1923. As described above, three months later he sold all of his farming and ranching lands, his equipment, animals and farm house. He was officially retired from ranching. But he did not retire from promissory notes, land deals and court appearances.

Federal Income taxes on 1923 income were due 15 Mar 1924. On 19 Feb 1924, less than a month before the filing deadline, Peter and Katherina filed a “Supplement to Return.” The supplement pertained to the land transaction with Dr. Keidel the previous October. Since Katherina technically was the principal in the transaction, the Klecks maintained in their filing:

The entire transaction, that is the sale of this ranch to Keidel and the transfer by Keidel of town property to Katherina Kleck, was a swap deal, no money changing hands, and if the town property actually would be worth the sum of $14000.00, there would have been no gain, since the lands in Kendall Co. taking its value on the 1 day of March 1913 plus improvements put thereon thereafter will exceed the sum of $31000.00. The Keidel town property, at the time of conveyance to Katherina Kleck, and now, would not bring more than $10000.00 on the market.

Thus, Peter and Katherina’s claim was that there was no taxable income on the land transaction and any imputed transaction value would amount to a loss for the Klecks of more than $21,000. There is no practical way to assess the merit of the Klecks’ argument. And to date their 1924 tax returns have not been located, so we do not know if the claim was successful.

Fredericksburg Properties

Again, bearing in mind that Katherina supposedly was the legal owner of all of the remaining Kleck property, on 16 Apr 1924, she leased the basement and lower floor of the “Chas. Priess Bldg. situated on Lot No 180 on San Saba Street” to “Fredericksburg Implement Company” for $55 per month.

On the same day, Victor Keidel and his wife, Clara, sold to Katherina “part of lot 180 situated and fronting on San Saba Street…25 feet, and extending back between parallel lines 80 feet.” Above it was noted that in the transaction of 15 Oct 1923 Dr. Keidel deeded to Katherina and Peter the Charles Priess Building, “part of lot No. 180 fronting San Saba Street said town of Fredericksburg…” This transaction, on 16 Apr 1924, transferred the remainder of Townlot 180, the small 25 ft x 80 ft southwest corner. Upon this corner was the building which was referred to as the “rock building.” In Figure 19 you can see the two-story Charles Priess building on the right and the one-story “rock building” on the left.

Thus, the Klecks now owned both parts of lot 180 (Figure 20). In return they gave the Keidels a promissory note of $700 due 46 days later on 1 Jun 1924.

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Thus, as of April 1924, the Klecks owned five town lots on San Saba Street, one of which was their residence. In Figure 21 you can see the approximate layout of the lots owned by the Klecks on a 2020 Google map. The Klecks and Backers would own these properties until 1937.

Figure 19. On right: two-story Priess building, abt 1890, on the corner of San Saba Street (E. Main St.) and Garten Street (N. Lincoln St.) – large portion of Townlot 180; On left: one-story “rock building” on small portion of Townlot 180. Courtesy of the Gillespie County Historical Society

Figure 20. Townlot 180 layout in 1924. As of 16 Apr 1924, both portions of lot were owned

by the Klecks including the Charles Pries Bldg. and the “rock building.”.

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Figure 21. Property owned by Klecks and Backers in Fredericksburg, 1924-1937 as shown approximately on Google Map of 2020 Courtesy of Google Maps

Peter, Bertha and Jesse – The Lawsuit

As mentioned above, George S. Backer and his wife, Christina, loaned Peter $1200 in March 1922 and accepted as collateral three tracts of land in Kendall County. This loan is the first known financial transaction between Peter and his Backer in-laws in Indiana. As described above, it was repaid at the time of the October 1923 land transaction between Katherina/Peter and Dr. Keidel. This was the first of many financial transactions between the Klecks and Backers.

On 22 Nov 1924, Katherina and Peter apparently executed two promissory notes: one note payable to George S. Backer for $1500 and one note payable to J. B. Wieser for $3000. J. B. Wieser was Peter’s attorney. As collateral they used:

Part of Block No. 5, City Block No 840 on Erie Avenue, in San Antonio, Texas, beginning 100 feet north westerly from the intersection of Elmira Street and Erie Avenue…

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Peter had purchased this property from Wolfe Jaffe 15 Oct 1920 for $14,500. This Bexar County property was also transferred to Katherina by Peter in March 1923 as he did all of this Kendall County and Gillespie County properties. However, Peter was able to conduct this transaction separately and out of sight because it was executed in Bexar County. At least, he thought it was out of sight. Indeed, Jesse Kleck, his second son with Bertha, was fully aware of the transaction and it would be the centerpiece of the final lawsuit between Peter and Bertha.

In October 1920 Peter paid Wolfe Jaffe $10,000 in cash and promissory notes aggregating to $4,500 for the San Antonio property. Presumably, in 1924, Peter’s equity in the land was at least $10,000 unless the value had decreased in the interim. So, the $4500 in loans from George S. Backer and J. B. Wieser were reasonable. But it was these promissory notes on 22 Nov 1924 to George S. Backer and J. B. Wieser that ignited a series of legal actions. First, we go back a few years to lay the foundation.

In Jul 1917, six months after their divorce, Peter purchased “…Lot Number Four (4) in Block No. One (1) …situated on the West side of San Pedro Avenue, in said City of San Antonio..." In return he executed a promissory note to Bertha and Jesse Kleck for $2500. Four years later, in July 1921, in spite of some payments having been made, the substantial portion of that note had not been repaid. At that point, Peter filed an action in District Court of Kendall County against Jesse and Berta in which he “sought to recover from them upon other demands, and to off-set the same against his said indebtedness due upon said note..." Basically, Peter filed suit claiming he did not want to pay the note. Jesse and Bertha counter-sued demanding payment. Peter filed for a change of venue. The case was moved to Kerr County and Peter lost. And not surprisingly, Jesse and Bertha were awarded $2504 on 4 Feb 1926. Nine years, multiple lawsuits and legal maneuvers and Peter still owed Jesse and Bertha $2500.

But, of course, Peter refused to pay thinking he had out-maneuvered Jesse and Bertha. Remember, four paragraphs ago, “Part of Block No. 5, City Block No 840 on Erie Avenue, in San Antonio, Texas” – the transaction on 22 Nov 1924 on which Katherina and Peter executed two promissory notes: one note payable to George S. Backer for $1500 and one note payable to J. B. Wieser for $3000. That was the property upon which the lien had been placed for the $2500 promissory note to Jesse and Bertha. The note which was the basis of Jesse and Bertha’s suit…which they had already won. But Peter had transferred that land to Katherina in March 1923 thinking that Jesse would not be able to exercise the lien since the land now was owned by Katherina.

So, in April 1926, when the Sheriff came to exercise the lien on Block No. 5, pursuant to the judgment of $2504 against Peter in Feb 1926, he could find no such property because Peter had placed it in a Deed of Trust securing the notes to George S. Backer and J. B. Wieser for a total of $4,500.

Remember when I said: “Indeed, Jesse Kleck, his second son with Bertha, was fully aware of the transaction and it would be the centerpiece of the final lawsuit between Peter and Bertha?” On 16 August 1926 Jesse filed a 2200-word lawsuit in the District Court of Bexar County laying out, in detail, the circus-like behavior of Peter Kleck described above culminating in the following:

…Peter Kleck, although a wealthy man, conceived the scheme and design of defrauding the said Jesse Kleck and the said Bertha Kleck, and each of them, and of making it impossible for them to collect such sums as they might recover in said case, and for the purpose of carrying out said fraudulent scheme and design executed and caused to be put on record deeds and other instruments purporting

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to convey his entire property, real and personal, as well as notes, to the said Katherina Kleck; that each of such conveyances was voluntary and without any consideration on the part of said Katherina Kleck, and each was made for the fraudulent purposes and design of preventing the collection of the indebtedness evidenced by his said note to Jesse Kleck, and of any costs which from here might be recovered against him in said case…

No documents, commentary or records of any kind have been found to contradict Jesse’s claim.

He went on to specifically mention Block No. 5 as having been fraudulently transferred. He claims that not only was Katherina Kleck involved in the fraudulent transactions, but that George S. Backer and J. B. Wieser were also fully knowledgeable of the illegal behavior. He claims that the notes to Backer and Wieser were “simulated and were executed without consideration, for the purpose of aiding the said Peter Kleck to place his property beyond the reach of creditors…” That is, the promissory notes to Backer and Wieser were invented for fraudulent purposes. It did not help that George S. Backer was Katherina’s father and J. B. Wieser was his attorney in the pending legal action. (Although it should be noted that Jesse mistakenly referred to “Backer being a brother of said Katherina Kleck…”)

Jesse’s suit was filed on 16 Aug 1926, but before it was adjudicated, Peter still had one more trick up his sleeve. On 8 Jan 1927, Peter sent a handwritten letter to W. D. Hart, an attorney in Austin. [See Appendix, Figure A-11-1. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan 1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 1-2 and Figure A-11-2. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan 1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 3-4 ] In that letter he wrote:

Dear Mr Hart: -

Another thing I havn’t [sic] told you. I promised my present wife, Katherina Kleck, $10,000.00 out of my seperate [sic] property before she married me.

In Oct. 1919 a month before she married me she was here in Texas and heard that my first family were spendthrifts and she didn’t feel as if she wished to come to Texas and be destitude [sic] in later years with her children. I promised her before I married her I would give her $10,000.00 of my personal estate after we were married so she and her children would be provided for. Finances kept getting worse and instead of me giving her money she was forced to help me out all along as I kept giving my first family. [sic] Then March 1, 1923 I gave her a property in San Antonio and a $3,500.00 note, as a Deed of Gift. The value of gift is about $7,000.00 and still isn’t what I promised her. This is that same note and property that is now being sued against.

I’m also sending you the copy of the deed that was given me, the letters and releases from Ahrens and Ott; the Paying Co., release, so you can see that the case was a hatched up of air and that I didn’t know a thing about the debts. They even denied the checks that I gave Jesse, which I’m inclosing. [sic]

Please Mr Hart look over these papers and bring them along when the case comes up. I certainly thank you for the kind attention you have given me.

If there is anything I can answer for you I’ll gladly do it.

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Trusting to see you in the near future. I beg to remain

Yours truly

Peter Kleck

Peter’s explanation for the transfer of all of his property to Katherina did not apparently impress the District Court. On 18 Aug 1927, Peter paid Jesse and Bertha $2504 plus interest and court costs. For the record:

Whereas said judgment has been fully paid off and satisfied, both as to the recovery in favor of the said Jesse Kleck of the said sums adjudged to be recovered by him, and as to the recovery of all costs of suit in favor of the said Jesse Kleck and Bertha Kleck…in consideration of the payment and satisfaction of said judgment do hereby acknowledge the full satisfaction and discharge thereof, and release any and all liens upon real estate which may have been acquired…

It was over. Peter spent over six years and three lawsuits and a change of venue to avoid paying his son and ex-wife the $2500 he owed them. In the end he lost and paid Jesse and Bertha what was owed as well as interest, attorney’s fees and court costs. It is this author’s belief that he did it because he thought he could beat, or “game,” the system, a system conspiring against him. He was 69 years old and would spend much of the rest of his life speaking out against all of them who had wronged him including his own attorney. As we will see below, that would land him in court at least one more time for slander.

As for Bertha and Peter - their paths would cross no more. Bertha died less than three years later on 21 Jan 1930 at the age of 69. At the conclusion of the suit, Jesse was 41 years old and his youngest sibling, Edgar, was 24. There is little evidence of contact between Peter and his eleven children after that.

As for George S. Backer, there is no way to know if he was fully aware of the serious nature of Peter’s activities. It is worth noting that George S. Backer was eight years younger than his son- in-law, Peter. At the time of this lawsuit Peter was 69 and George was 61. George S., and Katherina’s brother, Henry George Backer, went on to have other financial connections with Peter and Katherina. One can assume this event did not dampen the Backer’s enthusiasm for real estate transactions in Fredericksburg.

Peter Sued by his Own Attorney

You will remember in the previous sections J. B. Wieser appears regularly from 1923 to 1926 as Peter’s attorney and sometimes co-defendant. He was named by Jesse and Bertha Kleck as being “...involved in the fraudulent transactions…” and “…fully knowledgeable of the illegal behavior.” But as we saw in Peter’s relationship with his longtime client, Burrier-Maier Co., in Chapter Six – Peter, Bertha and Land, Peter’s close relationships often end badly.

On 9 Aug 1928, one year after Peter finally concluded the legal conflicts with his son and ex-wife, the Clerk of the District Court of Gillespie County issued a summons for Peter Kleck and Katherina

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Kleck “to be and appear before the Honorable District Court of Gillespie County, Texas, at the next regular term” to answer a lawsuit filed by J. B. Wieser. Yes, the same J. B. Wieser.

The lawsuit claimed that on several occasions during the period of Jan 1928 to Jul 1928, the defendants, Peter and Katherina, referred to the plaintiff, Mr. Wieser, as a “crook and a swindler” and from time to time had “taken their money and divided the same with attorneys on the other side.” The suit also claimed that

…the Defendant, Peter Kleck, stated that the Plaintiff had swindled him and his wife for eleven years; that he had been before the Grand Jury for the purpose of having him indicted, but that he did not succeed on account of the fact that the Plaintiff had made an agreement with the District Attorney and the District Judge to effect that if they would prevent his, Plaintiff 's, indictment for swindling, he would actively support the District Judge in campaign for re-election…

This being bad enough, the suit further claims

…following the Democratic Primary Election, in Fredericksburg, the Defendants, jointly, in the presence of about fifty citizens, in a loud voice, cursed, threatened and abused the Plaintiff ̶ the Defendant, Peter Kleck being armed with a big knife ̶ and both of said Defendants then and there stated to the people assembled that the Plaintiff was a liar, a coward, a crook, and a swindler and that he swindled them out of the sum of Two Hundred Fifty Dollars;

Note that the filing refers to “both of said Defendants” which means he was including Katherina in the alleged actions. In fact, at several points he refers to Defendants in the plural. Mr. Wieser goes on to state that being a

lawyer by profession, and that in such profession the reputation of a man for honesty and fair dealing is of utmost importance, and that the slanders of the Defendants as hereinbefore alleged for such reason are especially harmful and injurious to him; that the aforesaid charges were false and wholly untrue;

He asks for actual damages of $5000 and, additionally, exemplary damages of $10,000. Again, as in the Burrier-Maier Co. slander lawsuit of 1915, we do not know how it was resolved. But Mr. Wieser probably received the public vindication he sought and was willing to resolve the dispute out of court.

Other Backer Transactions

Having leased the basement and lower floor of the Priess Building to the Fredericksburg Implement Company 16 Apr 1924 for $55 per month, Katherina leased the top floor of Priess Building to Victor Keidel beginning 1 Aug 1925 at $30 per month. Thus, the Priess Building alone provided the Klecks with regular rental income of $85 per month starting in August 1925. In addition, Peter was still leasing the bottom floor of Townlot 232, the area below the Kleck residence, as a commercial storefront and Katherina had acquired the corner portion of Townlot 180 (Figure 20) containing the “rock building” from the Keidels on 16 Apr 1924.

Thus, at that point, as shown in Figure 21 above, the Klecks owned both portions of Townlot 180 and the four Townlots across the street. The monthly revenue was probably in excess of $100 per

Page 209 month and would potentially grow if the “rock building” were leased. This should have been adequate to support what was a family of four at the time, Peter, Katherina, Lily and Constance.

But then according to the “Index to Deed Records, Gillespie County” 8 on 30 Dec 1925, only three months after leasing the top floor to Victor Keidel, Katherina sold “Lot 180” to Geo. S. Backer. A copy of the document describing the sale of Lot 180 has not been located and the Index only notes “Lot 180” with no specifics on the two portions. But, considering the lease activity which followed on the property, we have to conclude that both portions of Townlot 180, including both the Priess Bldg. and the “rock building” were sold to Geo. S. Backer in December 1925 (about the time Peter and Katherina’s third child, Rosalind, was born.)

Less than a year later, on 1 Oct 1926, Geo. S. Backer, through his “duly authorized agent Mrs. Katherina Kleck” leased to R. M. Lewis:

The north one half of the second story of the Charles Priess Bldg. located on lot No. 180 said Town of Fredericksburg, Texas, fronting on San Sabe [sic] street said town, consisting of 5 rooms, said premises to be used for residential purposes only; together with the joint use of the hall, toilet and bathroom, as well as all stairways leading to said second story of said building by any other tenants of party of the first part. Party of the first part further lets unto party of the second part for the above stipulated term one third of the floor space of the stable in the rear of said building, and the joint use together with other tenants of party of the first part of one smoke-house and chicken-house in the rear of said lot premises.

Thus, we know from the lease document that the area behind the Priess building contained a stable, smoke-house and chicken-house, all of which were included in the residential lease of $15 per month.

Two months later, on 18 Dec 1926, Geo. S. Backer leased the “rock building” to the City Flour & Grain company for a term of one year beginning 1 Jan 1927. “Catherine” Kleck acted as his agent.

While Geo. S. Backer was occupied with Lot 180, on 1 May 1926 Katharina Kleck “joined by her husband, Peter Kleck,” sold Townlots 231 and 322 to Dr. H. G. Backer, son of Geo. S. Backer, for $7,000, $500 in cash and $6,500 in promissory notes. These are the Townlots next to the Reinbach building (Figure 21 above). Although the documentation is elusive, we believe that there was still lease income from Townlot 231. The sale to Dr. H. G. Backer of Townlots 231 and 322 took place at about the same time that Jesse’s lawsuit against Peter was being litigated. But there is no evidence that Dr. Backer was involved in the case in any way.

This is the first appearance of Katherina’s brother, Henry George Backer, on the Fredericksburg real estate scene. In 1926 he was 27 years old and had graduated from Indiana University as a Doctor of Medicine in June 1924. He married Frances R. McLaughlin 24 Nov 1924 in Indianapolis. He would go on to a long career as the town doctor in Ferdinand, Indiana and be affectionately know as “Doc” by the entire town.

So as late as early December 1925 the Klecks owned both portions of Townlot 180 and the four Townlots across the street. A year later they not only did not own either portion of Townlot 180 or Townlots 231 and 322, but the Backers owned them and had leased them. The only property still in the possession of the Klecks were Townlots 232 and 321, Townlot 232 being the location of

Page 210 the Kleck residence. We have records of Geo. S. Backer leasing parts of Townlot 180 at various times until 1931.

There is no explanation for the sale of the properties to the Backers. It could have resulted from cash flow problems, but the lots were already leased and providing income at the time of sale. Most likely, the reason for the sales was somehow linked to taxes. Peter was careful to pay no more than the authorities could force him to pay. And, as in the lawsuit of 1926, he seems to have pulled Geo. S. Backer down with him.

On 1 Jul 1933, Geo. S. Backer received a notice of unpaid taxes from the City of Fredericksburg for $256.83. (Figure 22) This is a considerable sum for unpaid taxes. Peter and Katherina received an identical notice for the same amount on the same day.

Once again Geo. S. appears to have taken advice from Peter because on 31 Jan 1934, seven months later, the City of Figure 22. 1 Jul 1933 notice to Mr. Geo S. Backer of “unpaid taxes, penalties and interest.” Fredericksburg, as plaintiff, filed legal action in the District Court

Figure 23. City of Fredericksburg was seeking Taxes, Penalties and Interest in the amount of $268.87 from Mrs. Peter Kleck for the tax years of 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931 and 1932

Page 211 of Gillespie County against “Mrs. Peter (Katherina) Kleck and her husband, Peter Kleck and George S. Backer…to recover of and from the defendants the taxes interest, penalties and costs due the plaintiff for the respective years and for the respective amounts set out in the certified copy of plaintiff’s petition accompanying this notice…”

Figures 23 shows that by Jan 1928, the City of Fredericksburg was seeking Taxes, Penalties and Interest in the amount of $268.87 from Mrs. Peter Kleck for the tax years of 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931 and 1932. Figure 24 shows that the same amount was owed by George S. Backer.

This suit having been filed in January 1934, it would not show any taxes unpaid for the year 1933 since they would not be overdue yet.

Figure 24. City of Fredericksburg was seeking Taxes, Penalties and Interest in the amount of $268.87 from George S. Backer for the tax years of 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931 and 1932

The End of the Backer Transactions

By 1936 all of the properties owned by George S. Backer and Dr. H. G. Backer, had been sold or otherwise transferred back to the Klecks. The Klecks then sold both portions of Townlot 180 to Victor Keidel. Dr. Keidel was looking for a site for a new hospital and bought the property from the Klecks 10 Sep 1937 planning to use the location where the Priess building stood.

His son, Albert Keidel, then already interested in preserving and restoring old buildings, convinced his parents that the stately old building could be utilized and expanded as an efficient hospital. The one-story warehouse was torn down and a matching two-story wing took its place. 9

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Figure 21. The Keidel Memorial Hospital - 2020 Courtesy of Google Maps Street View

The hospital was dedicated 31 Jul 1938 and served as Dr. Keidel’s offices until his death in 1952. The building remains substantially the same today as seen in Figure 25, but no longer serves as a hospital.

The documents relating to the transactions between the Backers between 1926 and 1936 are confusing, incomplete and sometimes contradictory. The properties, especially Townlots 231 & 322, changed hands multiple times going from Kleck to Backer to Kleck and to Backer…. Some transactions were filed in both Gillespie County and some in Marion County, Ohio. Some were for substantial sums like $7000 and some for $1.

It will require more research to determine the deed history of Townlots 231 & 322, Townlots 232 & 321 and Townlot 180. It is this author’s opinion that no amount of research will determine the motivation behind these land manipulations.

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References – Chapter Eleven

1 “A Timeline of Faith and Community: Near Westside, 1830 to 1995,” T Polis Center. Indiana University – Purdue University Indianapolis, 2016

2 Personal Correspondence between author and Ralf Buck, automobile expert, Hitzkofen, Germany, March 2020

3 Personal telephone discussion between author and Evelyn Weinheimer, Archivist, Pioneer Museum and Gillespie County Historical Society, Fredericksburg, TX, 9 Aug 2018

4 Personal Correspondence between author and Wayne Kleck, son of Pete Kleck, March 2020

5 Phenol First Aid and PPE, Cornell University Environmental Health and Safety, Guidance Document, Oct 2010

6 10 Common items in the home that used to be deadly, health24, 14 Sep 2017

7 Personal Correspondence between author and Harry Hayes, Real Estate Attorney, April 2020

8 Direct Index to Deed Records, Gillespie County Texas,” Type: Deeds; Year: 1848-1931; Parties: Direct; Name: Kleck; Direct, Gillespie County - QUICKLINK, Kofile Land Record Index Books, Mary Lynn Rusche, County Clerk, May 2020

9 “Old Homes And Buildings Of Fredericksburg,” Elise Kowert, Fredericksburg Publishing Company, Fredericksburg, Texas, 1977

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Appendix – Chapter Eleven

Figure A-11-1. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan 1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 1-2

Figure A-11-2. Letter from Peter to lawyer (8 Jan 1927) wrt Katherine’s arrival in Fredricksburg in October 1919 – pages 3-4

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Figure A-11-3. Marriage License – Mr. Peter Kleck and Miss Katie Backer 25 Nov 1919

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Figure A-11-4. Indian Veterans of WWI, Henry George Backer, Discharge 21 Dec 1918 Courtesy of Barbara Backer

Figure A-11-5. Personal check for $100.00 to “Yourselves,” cashed by “Katie Kleck, Ex Miss Backer” on same day as written.

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Figure A-11-6. Original birth certificate of “Lily” Kleck, filed 28 Apr 1921

Figure A-11-7. Death certificate of Christina Backer, 14 Dec 1922

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Chapter Twelve The Kleck Children

Connie, Lillian holding Pete & Rosalind Spring or Summer 1928

Family Stories

Katharina and Peter had six children over ten years from 1921 to 1931. They were all born in Fredericksburg and lived in the family residence on San Saba Street (229 E. Main Street). [For photos and diagrams of the residence, see Chapter Eleven – Peter and Katherina Kleck, Figures 9, 10, 11, 12 and 21.] This is the generation that were the mothers and fathers, aunts and uncles of my generation. It would seem reasonable that there would be oral histories, family stories, passed down from them about their childhood. There are a few, the stories my mother, Rosalind, told me when I was young and the stories Pete told his son, Wayne. Yet, a query for such stories from my generation, Henry & Kathryn my brothers and cousins, resulted in almost no About 1933 response.

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So, there are only a few stories about their childhood, far fewer than one would expect. Not only were our parents, aunts and uncles not forthcoming, but attempts to engage their mother, Katherine, in conversation about the early days were completely unsuccessful.

I was very fortunate to have spent time talking with my Uncle Henry in September 2017 at his home in San Antonio. The result was a 68-minute recorded conversation. He had interesting observations about his and his siblings’ childhood which I will intersperse with the overall narrative. My regret is that I did not do the same with his brother and sisters. Consequently, where necessary, this chapter will use what documentary evidence we have and try to draw conclusions where we must.

The Kleck Children

[note 1: In a few places below there will be reference to names being changed “21 years later.” This refers to legal action taken by Katherine in 1942 to amend the birth certificates of Lillian, Constance, Rosalind, Kathryn and Henry. Pete’s may have also been amended, but no record of such has been found. The actions by Katherine took place in 1942 and will be discussed later.]

As in earlier chapters with Peter and Katharina, I will refer to all of the Kleck children with the first name typically used. Thus, we will use Lillian, Connie, Rosalind, Pete, Kathryn and Henry.

Lillian’s birth certificate shows her name as “Lily Kleck.” [See Appendix from previous chapter Figure A-11-6. Original birth certificate of “Lily” Kleck, filed 28 Apr 1921] The birth certificate was signed by Dr. Victor Keidel whom you will remember from Chapter Eleven – Peter and Katherina Kleck. In Chapter Eleven you can see photographs of Lily in Figures 13, 14 and 15 at what appears to be 11-15 months old. One of those photographs is shown here as Figure 1. Figure 1. Lily Kleck – 1922

Evidence suggests that Katherina wanted to name her Lillian but Peter’s choice won out, the birth certificate shows Lily. We will see that 21 years later Katherine had the final say. We believe she called herself Lillian and was generally known as Lillian.

We are not certain where Peter was residing in 1921 when Lillian was born. At that time, Peter had substantial responsibilities on his ranching properties with 122 cattle. We know this from a cattle inspection report for Apr 1919 to Oct 1919. [See Appendix, Figure A-12-1 Cattle inspection report – Peter Kleck – Apr 1919 to Oct 1919] The report was a result of Food-Production Act, 1919 in which the U.S. Department of Agriculture was given the authority to inspect cattle nationwide. Those inspections occurred in Kendall County from Apr 1919 to Oct 1919. The objective was to identify cattle with Texas Fever, 1 a condition caused by a microscopic protozoan that inhabits and destroys red blood cells. The condition is called Babesiosis and is cured with cattle dipping. As you can see from the report in the Appendix, all 122 of Peter’s cattle were infected in April 1919. In fact, all were reported infected in May, June, July, and August. Finally, in August, the number of cattle infected is reduced. By October the number infected cattle is reduced to 8 of 91. It is

Page 220 reasonable to assume that Peter was very busy from April to October, probably spending little time in Fredericksburg.

Four years later, in Mar 1923, Peter’s ranch and farm activity appeared to be ongoing since he listed in his 3 Mar 1923 property transfer to Katherina

all farm implements, carriages, vehicles, horses, mules, cattle, and any other live stock (either branded XLEK or unbranded)

But then at the time of the sale of the properties to Victor Keidel in Oct 1923, he only lists

all farm implements, horses and one wagon…

In July 1923, Peter was 65 years old. Perhaps he retired. It is probably safe to assume that he had made the family home on San Saba Street his permanent residence (Chapter Eleven, Figures 9, 10 and 11). Constance was born shortly after that on 26 Feb 1924 when Lillian was almost 3- years-old. Connie’s birth certificate was the first to show Peter’s occupation as “Retired.”

Twenty-one months later, their third daughter, Rosalind, was born on 6 Dec 1925. They now had three daughters 4-years-old and under. At approximately the same point, Bertha had given birth to four children, all boys. Considering the Peter’s old-world German-farmer attitudes, one wonders if he felt cursed. Finally, on 17 Feb 1928, Peter George was born, his first son with Katharina. We knew him as Pete. On 12 Feb 1930 Catherine Marie was born. Her name also was later changed to Kathryn. The last of Peter and Katharina’s six children, Henry G., was born 18 Dec 1931. Although Henry’s name is shown as Henry George in some places, his name on the original birth certificate and amended birth certificate is Henry G. Kleck. When Henry was born, Peter was 73 years old and Katherina had just had her 37th birthday.

Early Years

As was described in Chapter Eleven – Peter and Katherina Kleck, the Kleck children grew up in residence on the second floor of the Reinbach Bldg. on San Saba Street, later to become 229 East Main Street. The building was described in detail in Chapter Eleven, the front of the building shown here in Figure 2, rear stairs in Figure 3 and the layout of the living space in Figure 4. Figure 5 is a smaller portion of Figure 12 in Chapter Eleven showing only the four Townlots owned by the Klecks on the south side of San Saba Street. Figure 2. The two-story building at 229 East Main St. – Owned by Lauren Bade – 2017 Thus, Figure 2 is the front of the building facing San Saba Street. Figure 3 is the back of the same building showing the rear stairs. Figure 4 is the layout the of the second floor of the building where Peter, Katherina, Lillian, Connie, Rosalind and Pete lived in 1928 at the time of the Backers’ visit described below. The area containing various out-buildings including storage, the cistern and play area for the children is marked on the diagram in Figure 5.

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Figure 3. Rear stairs to 2nd Floor of 229 East Main Street – 2020 Courtesy of Wayne Kleck

Figure 4. Layout of Kleck family residence on San Saba Street, Fredericksburg - now 229 East Main Street. (shaded area Kleck living area) Sometime in the Spring or early summer of 1928, George S. Backer, his second wife, Theresa, his son Henry Backer (“Doc”) and Doc’s oldest son, Pete Backer, came to visit the Klecks in Fredericksburg. Our only evidence of the visit is the existence of photographs from that period.

There is a series of photographs which Figure 5. Kleck children play area behind appear to have been taken on the same day Reinhard Bldg. but with different cameras (Figures 6 through Courtesy of Google Maps

12). The date is almost certainly spring or early summer of 1928 because of the baby Pete’s age in the photographs. The location of the photographs is unknown since no structures can be identified. Some of the photographs were probably taken by Katherina. We know from Henry that she had a Brownie camera. 2 At the time of the visit, Peter was nearly 70 years old and his father-in-law, George S. Backer, was 62 years old. (Figure 6)

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Figure 6. Standing: Peter Kleck (69), George S. Backer (62),

Theresa Backer (60); Seated: Connie (4), Lillian (7) holding Pete (3-6 mos.), Rosalind (2½)

Spring or Summer 1928

Figure 7. Front row: Connie (4), Lillian (7) holding Pete (3-6 mos.), Rosalind (2½); Back row: Katherina Kleck (33)

Spring or Summer 1928

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Figure 8. Front row: Connie (4), Lillian (7), Pete Backer (18 mos.), Rosalind (2½); Back row: Theresa Backer (60) with “Sandy”

Spring or Summer 1928

Figure 9. Connie (4), Lillian (7) holding Pete (3-6 mos.), Rosalind (2½)

Spring or Summer 1928

Figure 10. “Sandy,” Connie (4), Lillian (7) with Pete Backer (18 mos.) on lap, Rosalind (2½)

Spring or Summer 1928

Figure 11. Back row: Katherina Kleck (33), unknown woman, Henry “Doc” Backer (29) holding Pete (3-6 mos.), Theresa Backer (60) holding Pete Backer (18 mos.); Front row: Lillian (7), Connie (4), Rosalind (2½)

Spring or Summer 1928

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Figure 12. Back row: Theresa

Backer (60), Lillian (7) holding Pete

Backer (18 mos.), Connie (4);

Front row: Rosalind (2½)

Spring or Summer 1928

In February 1930 Kathryn was born and 22 months later, in December 1931, the last of the six children, Henry, was born. When Henry was born Lillian was 10, Connie 7, Rosalind 6, Pete 3 and Kathryn almost 2.

Fredericksburg Public Schools

At the time of the pictures in Figures 6 through 12, Lillian had just completed the second grade Figure 13. Fredericksburg Grammar School in the Fredericksburg Grammar The Mesa, Fredericksburg High School Yearbook, 1935 School. The building she attended is shown in Figure 13.

The same building is still standing being used as the Fredericksburg Middle School. As shown in Figure 14, it has been refurbished including a stucco exterior.

In the fall of 1929 Connie started to school in the same building. Rosalind began in the fall of 1931. Pete started in 1933, Kathryn in 1935 and Henry in 1937. By the fall of 1937 five of six Kleck children were in Fredericksburg public schools. The only Kleck to graduate from Fredericksburg Figure 14. Fredericksburg Middle School, 2020 High School was Lillian in the Refurbished Grammar School – same building as Figure 12 spring of 1937. The five younger Courtesy of Wayne Kleck

Page 225 children would graduate from either St. Mary’s High School in Fredericksburg or Catholic schools in San Antonio. Except for high school yearbooks and class photos, no school records have survived for the Fredericksburg public schools in the period in which the Kleck children attended.

We will return to the Kleck children’s education later including their high school years. In 1931 Peter’s health began to fail.

Peter’s Health

In Feb 1931 Peter received a letter from Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co. [sic], a company in Marshall, Michigan owned by C. E. Brooks. The letter, including the letterhead, (Figure 15) was in German. [See Appendix for original letter in German Figure A- 12-2. Letter from Brooks Rupture Figure 15. Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co. – German- Uppliance Co., 23 Feb 1931 - language provider of Peter’s Hernial Bandage Apparatus Original written in German and - 1931 the English translation Figure A- 12-3. Letter from Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co., 23 Feb 1931 - Translation to English]

The letter from the Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co. is apparently in response to a query from Peter about the Hernial Bandage Apparatus he bought some time in the past. In the letter, Mr. Brooks advises Peter that the device keeps its “elasticity and strength for about a year.” This suggests that Peter had had the device for more than a year and probably had written about the lack of durability of the device beyond that point. Thus, Peter had acquired the device sometime in 1930 or earlier and presumably Peter had either sustained injury or was simply experiencing pain or discomfort that he believed would be relieved with the hernial device.

We know that he later developed prostate cancer which was a “Contributory Cause” to his death in 1942. Today’s medical science suggests no link between hernia and prostate cancer. 3 There is a possibility, however, that the discomfort he was feeling was an early symptom of prostate cancer. Regardless, we can conclude that he was feeling discomfort and/or pain for at least the last 12 years of his life from 1930, the year of his 72nd birthday. Nonetheless, since Henry was born in Dec 1931, Katharina became pregnant about Mar 1931. So, apparently Peter was not completely debilitated. Figure 16. Midwest Again, in May 1937, Peter inquired of another company, Midwest Products Co. Products Co of Kalamazoo, Michigan, about their PROS-TONE device PROS-TONE device for A New Instrument For Massaging The Prostate In the Privacy “Massaging the Of Your Home Prostate” - 1937

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The device is shown in Figure 16 and the PROS-TONE description and directions for use are shown in the Appendix, Figure A-12-4. Midwest Products Co. PROS-TONE device for “Massaging the Prostate” – 1937. The “Facts Concerning the PROSAGER” and Order Blank signed by Peter are shown in the Appendix, Figure A-12-5. Midwest Products Co. PROS-TONE Order Blank signed by Peter Kleck – 1937.

There is a pencil mark on the Facts Concerning the PROSAGER:

In order to show the operation of both of these instruments it was considered advisable by the manufacturers of PROSAGER to get out a cheaper device • • • • this new instrument called PROS-TONE was conceived by the Inventor of the PROSAGER and is illustrated and described on other side of this circular

The order blank at the bottom of the page is for just such a PROS-TONE device, which is advertised to be as good as the PROSAGER but less expensive. Peter apparently was convinced. It was 1937 and Peter was 79 years old. This is apparently the beginning of Peter’s serious and finally fatal bout with prostate cancer2.

Kleck Children Growing up on East Main Street in the 1930s

By Christmas 1931 there were six Kleck children, all ten years old or younger. The 1930s saw the Kleck children grow up on a street that changed names from San Saba to East Main. It saw the town of Fredericksburg grow by almost 50% from 1930 to 1940. 4, 5 And it saw the world go from the depths of depression to the brink of world war. But the Kleck children thrived in Fredericksburg, as long as they were outside away from home. They avoided their father.

Henry referred to Peter as a “grumpy old German” and “…a dictatorial German.” 2 Katherine told my wife and me in 1975 that she never called Peter anything but Mr. Kleck. And Mr. Kleck never ate dinner with the children. He ate first and when he was finished and had left the table, the children were allowed to eat.” 6 “He never ate with us. He always ate by himself and then we ate afterwards.” 2

Pete probably had the most frequent clashes with Peter. One incident involving the family cow has become legendary. The Kleck cow was probably kept in an out-building in the rear of the lot behind the Reinbach Bldg. (Townlot 321) One day, sometime in the late 1930s, the cow escaped. Henry tells the story:

He was a grumpy old German, but I got along with him, of course I always liked to work and I would help him and Pete would like to go do other things. And that came in…he came into conflict with his father in a lot of times. I remember one time…we'd have to take the cow out to graze on that bottom of the lot there and uh, we had to stay and we’d have him on a rope but you had to stay with him. And Pete one day he decided he wanted to go do something else and tied the…tied the rope to the cow and uh, to the tree. Well then, the cow got loose…(laughter)…and they…they found the cow and down the street after leaving but he…Father was so mad he was trying to…he was trying to beat the hell out of Pete. He was…Pete was…he got locked….he’d locked the front door…the back door…and while Pete was trying to get away. So, we unlocked the front door so he could get out. 2

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I asked Henry if he meant that Peter locked Pete inside. He replied “Locked him inside. Yeah.” So, we know that Peter and his older son, Pete, were often at odds. We also know that the other children were willing to intervene to help Pete avoid Peter’s wrath.

But Pete had problems of his own making as well. Henry describes Pete’s accident:

Pete then had had this episode where he’d got this cut on his leg…yeah…down at the creek and he developed osteomyelitis and they had to operate on him. I remember that was a tough time for Pete….as a kid cause he…the leg got stiff. You know, they have a chisel bone out…of the uh, uh, the femur… 2

I asked Henry, “Infected bone?”

Yeah, it was infected bone, which he is lucky it cleared up because usually that doesn't, it was hard to treat in those days. That's the days before antibiotics 2 Henry went on to describe his own encounter with serious illness:

And the thing that saved my life probably was a sulfa drugs because sulfa drugs had just come into existence about the time when I had this, uh, uh, strep…uh, uh, strep throat. 2

Henry survived the strep throat and Pete survived both his father and himself.

Peter’s clashes in court have been well documented in previous chapters. But his interactions with other Fredericksburg residents were not always limited to verbal conflict. There is a story that has been corroborated by more than one of the Kleck children who claim to have witnessed it. One day in the late 1930s, Peter noticed “…somebody he didn’t like” parking in front of the Reinbach Bldg. “…and he had told them not to park in front of his place.” Peter put on a bonnet and apron to disguise himself as a woman and went to the “porch above the store…so you could reach out…”

Figure 18. Pete in the back yard – Figure 17. Rosalind – about 1932 about 1932 (4 years old) (6 years old) Page 228 and poured paint on the car of the offender. 2 We have no information on what happened after that.

Little has been said about Katherina’s interactions with the children. We do know that she played the piano, although often reluctantly. Henry cites one piece in particular that he remembers is “The Burning of Rome.” It was published in 1903 and was described as a “March-Twostep.” [See Appendix, Figure A-12-6. The Burning of Rome, E. T. Paull, 1903] Henry described it as …” very, very dramatic and loud.” It is not surprising that a young boy would like it.

Figure 19. Lillian – 3 Jan 1933 Figure 20. Rosalind – 8 Jan 1935 (11 years old) (9 years old)

Figure 22. Kathryn – about 1937 Figure 21. Pete – 8 Jan 1935 (7 years old) (almost 7 years old) Page 229

Figures 23 and 24 show the children in the lot behind the Reinbach Bldg. Although two of the children are not included, Figure 23 is perhaps the best group picture we have of the children. On the backs of these two photos is stamped:

Border Fox Tone Picture, Fox Company, San Antonio, Texas

Fox Photo Inc. “was an American chain of photo stores, which sold cameras, photographic equipment and developed film.” [“Fox Photo”]. This is significant because it establishes that the photographs were made by a non-professional photographer. We know that Katherina owned a Brownie camera. 2 It is likely that the pictures were taken by Katherina and processed by Fox

Figure 23. At base of rear stairs of Kleck family residence on San Saba Street – about 1933 Back: Rosalind (7), Pete (5), Connie (9); Front: Kathryn (3)

Photo. Also, the two photographs appear to have been taken the same day since all three of the older children are wearing the same clothes.

However, besides the children themselves, of interest in the two photographs are the structures behind the children. In Figure 23, you can see the base of some stairs, a picket fence and a stone building in the background.

Wayne Kleck, Pete’s son, has done extensive study of the structures and believes the steps in Figure 23 are the steps at the bottom of the rear Figure 24. In back yard of Kleck family stairs of the Reinbach Bldg. which were residence on San Saba Street – previously shown in Figure 12 of Chapter Eleven about 1933 – Peter and Katherina Kleck and Figure 3 above. Rosalind (7), Pete (5), Connie (9) Figure 25 below shows the current view of the

Page 230 stairs as seen in Figure 23. The base of the stairs appears to have been slightly re- configured between 1933 and 2020 but appear to be the same stairs.

The backgrounds of Figures 23 and 24 show the same picket fence which ran along the western boundary of the Kleck property. Directly behind the children in Figure 24 is the cistern which had a pump mounted on top as late as the 1970s. The out-building in Figure 24 is probably where the cow mentioned earlier was tied up and tended as well as storage for other household items. The cistern and out-building in Figure 24 would have been directly in front of the children as they posed in Figure 23. The current view of the back of the Reinbach Bldg. from the location of the out-building is shown in Figure 26.

From under the stairs you would have seen the cistern and the out-building. The current view from under the stairs is shown in Figure 27. The location of the out-building is currently the location of a high-end gift Figure 25. Current view (2020) of base of rear shop. stairs of Reinbach Bldg. Courtesy of Wayne Kleck Earlier in the chapter, Figure 5 shows the layout of

Townlot 232 on which the Reinbach Bldg. is located and Townlot 321 which is directly behind Townlot 232. Each of those lots are 200 feet long. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that the cistern was about 50-60 feet behind the Reinbach Bldg. and the out- building 120-140 feet.

Figure 24 also suggests that there was free area in which the children played. In fact, Figure 18 showing Pete on a tricycle is probably taken in Figure 26. Current view (2017) of rear stairs of Reinbach the same area and the out- Bldg. from approximate location of out-building shown in building behind him could be Figure 23 the same building shown in Figure 24.

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The beautiful courtyard in Figures 25, 26 and 27 is probably the location of the Kleck-children play area of dirt and rock seen in Figure 24. What a difference ninety years and substantial financial investment has made.

Figure 27. Current view (2017) from under rear stairs of Reinbach Bldg. Double doors to current gift shop in approximate location of out-building in Figure 23.

Kleck Children in Fredericksburg Public Schools

We have not been able to find definitive evidence of the number of schools in operation in the Fredericksburg school district during the time the Kleck children attended (1926 to 1939). Our only information is from the annual high school yearbook, The Mesa. The yearbook of 1935, which was published in the spring of 1935 for the school year 1934- 35, pictures two schools, the Grammar School and High School. The Grammar School as it appeared in the 1935 yearbook is Figure 28. Fredericksburg High School The Mesa, Fredericksburg High School Yearbook, 1935 shown above in Figure 13 and as it looks today in Figure 14. The Fredericksburg High School, as it appeared in the 1935 yearbook, is shown in Figure 28 and as it appears today in Figure 29.

The 1936 yearbook, for the school year 1935-36, pictured three buildings. The Grammar and High School buildings were included plus a third building, the Primary School, which was not pictured in the 1935 yearbook. The Primary School as it appeared in the 1936 yearbook is shown in Figure

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30. We infer from the two Yearbooks that the Primary School, was first used in the school year 1935-36. We will discuss below the changes in the Texas schools during the period of 1926 to 1944. It is possible that the additional school was built to accommodate a move to include Middle school education as a transitional between elementary and high school. One prominent researcher suggested: Figure 29. Fredericksburg Middle School, 2020 Grades 1 to 6 should be Refurbished High School – same building as Figure 28 considered the Courtesy of Wayne Kleck elementary grades,

Grades 7 to 9, the junior high school grades; and Grades 10 to 12, the senior high school grades. 7

We know that in 1933, the High School included grades eight through eleven based upon Lillian’s yearbook. However, we do not know what the grade-level distribution among the schools was in 1935-36 when the new school was opened. It is quite possible that the new building Figure 30. Fredericksburg Primary School allowed the Fredericksburg public The Mesa, Fredericksburg High School Yearbook, 1936 schools to convert to an elementary school (1-6) in the new Primary School building, Junior High School (7-9) in the old Grammar school building and High School (9-11) in the High School building. It is only speculation, but it is consistent with the Texas-wide trend and, as we will see below, consistent with Rosalind’s group photo of 1935-36.

The Grammar School and High School buildings are now used as the Middle School and the Primary School building no longer exists.

Lillian began first grade at the Fredericksburg Grammar School in 1926 (Figure 13) when she was five years old. This is very young for the time especially considering that state law only required the schools to admit a child if seven years old. The law changed four years later on 1 Sep 1930:

All children, without regard to color, over six years of age and under eighteen years of age at the beginning of any scholastic year, shall be included in the scholastic census and shall be entitled to the benefit of the public school fund for

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that year…. This Act shall take effect and be in force on and after September 1, 1930. 8

The entrance age having been standardized Connie started first grade there in 1930 at age 6. Rosalind started first grade in the fall of 1932 at age 6 and Pete in the fall of 1934 also age 6. If we are correct about the Primary School first being used in the fall of 1935 and the Grammar School converted to a junior high school, then the fall of 1935 would have seen:

Lillian – H.S. Junior (tenth grade) Connie – J.H.S. - sixth grade Rosalind – Elem. S. - fourth grade Pete – Elem. S. – second grade Kathryn – Elem. S. – Kindergarten

We have very few school pictures of the Kleck children. Except for Lillian’s yearbook pictures, we have only one school group picture from the Fredericksburg public schools. Figure 31 shows the fourth-grade class of Fredericksburg Elementary (Primary) School, 1935-36. Rosalind is pictured in the 2nd row, 4th from right. By comparing the windows, brickwork and concrete work in the class picture (Figure 31) and the building picture (Figure 30), it is evident that the picture was taken outside the Primary School building.

Lillian’s last year of school in Fredericksburg was the 1936-37 school year at Fredericksburg High School. The other five children transferred to St. Mary’s elementary and high school in the fall of 1939.

Figure 31. Fourth Grade at Fredericksburg Primary School – 1935-36 Rosalind (10 years old) – 2nd row, 4th from right

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Lillian Graduates from High School…Twice

Lillian attended eleventh grade, Senior year, at Fredericksburg High School in the school year 1936-37. The Fredericksburg High School yearbooks, The Mesa, for the four school years 1933-34 (Figure 32), 1934-35 (Figure 33), 1935-36 (Figure 34) and 1936-37 (Figure 35) show entries for Lillian’s Freshman, Sophomore, Junior and Senior years, respectively.

The building in which she attended, as it looked at the time, is shown in Figure 28. The building looks much the same today, as shown in Figure 29, Figure 32. Lillian Kleck “The Mesa 1934” but is now used as part of the Freshman group photo from yearbook Middle School campus. Lillian’s Lillian 2nd row, 3rd from left Senior page from the 1937 yearbook (Figure 35) indicates that she was active in the Glee Club her sophomore, junior and senior years, the Racket Club her freshman year, the Spotlight Staff her junior year and the Pep Squad all four years. She was also a model in the Senior Style Show on 15 Apr 1937, a senior performance of singing, dancing and modeling. [See Appendix, Figure A-12-7. 1937 Senior Style Show, Fredericksburg High School] In the Senior Play, Arizona Dude Ranch, she played the part of “Falling Hairpins, a Pretty Indian Girl.” [See Appendix, Figure A-12- 8. 1937 Senior Play, Fredericksburg High School] Figure 33. Lillian Kleck “The Mesa 1935” We do feel it is safe to conclude Sophomore group photo from yearbook that Lillian was an outgoing and Lillian 2nd row, 1st from left socially active high school student. Henry told me that “she probably was a little wild.” 2 But Henry and Lillian were ten years apart in age so it is unlikely that he made that assessment on his own.

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The 1936-37 yearbook does not actually say she graduated but yearbooks generally do not. We have no explicit documentation that she graduated but, in addition to the yearbook entry, we also know she was in the Senior Style Show on 15 Apr 1937, one month before graduation. So, it seems safe to assume she graduated. When she graduated at age 16 years, 1 month, she was very young for the U.S. but not young for Texas because Texas was still using the eleven-grade program.

In 1925, approximately 80% of schools in the United States had a twelve-grade program However, in parts of the southern United States especially, the prevailing plan was an eleven- grade system. While the rest of the country was discussing and planning how to organize twelve grades of education, schools in southern states such as Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, and Texas did not have twelve grades 7

In 1926, Port Arthur, Texas implemented a twelve-grade program in their schools. However, ten years later, during the 1937-38 school year, still only 13 other school districts out of over 1200 had implemented the change. Fredericksburg had not. Figure 34. Lillian Kleck “The Mesa 1936” By 1937, Texas had become the last state in the U.S. still Junior page from yearbook using the eleven-grade system. 9 The discussion of potential change was intensifying, but change was

Figure 35. Lillian Kleck “The Mesa 1937” Senior page from yearbook nowhere on the horizon. During the preceding decade and the next four years, the primary

Page 236 argument for conversion to a twelve-grade system was that graduating students were too young. Finally, by 1941 the voices grew louder:

In general, a boy or girl of eighteen is better prepared than one of seventeen to leave the parental roof and assume responsibility for his conduct in some distant city. 10

Texas students were graduating too young” 11

…a sixteen-and-a-half-year-old graduate was too young to enter college or the workforce or to “make proper decisions for himself” 12

But these assessments were too late for Lillian. She graduated in 1937 at age 16 years, 1 month. To make up for her age, Katharina sent her to spend the 1937-38 school year in Ferdinand, Indiana where she attended the Academy of the Immaculate Conception. There may have been other reasons for Katharina and Peter’s decision, but this was no doubt the primary one. After one year there, she graduated from high school once again, this time from an Indiana high school which required twelve grades of instruction. Later actions of the State School Board would have an impact on the education of the other five Kleck children.

Lillian was taught by the Sisters of St. Benedict at the Academy of the Immaculate Conception. We know from the Archivist for the Sisters of St. Benedict that

Lillian graduated from the High School with a (diploma from the) Academy of the Immaculate Conception. It was a private Roman Catholic girls school run by our sisters. Most students were residential. It was a High School diploma. 13

Lillian’s graduation photograph and transcript are shown in Figure 36. Lillian graduated on 5 Jun 1938. She had had her 17th birthday 6 weeks before she graduated from a one-year program and received good grades during her attendance. In her four two-credit courses she received one A and three Bs.

It is clear that the Academy and Figure 36. Lillian’s graduation photo and transcript Ferdinand were Academy of the Immaculate Conception chosen because Ferdinand, Indiana Ferdinand was the town in southern Indiana where Henry “Doc” Backer, Katharina’s brother, was the town doctor. The Backer family

Page 237 lived at 955 Main St. He had been the town doctor for twelve years when Lillian arrived. Lillian stayed in the dormitory of St. Benedict’s but spent free time with the Backers as can be seen in the tug-of-war in the Backer’s backyard (Figure 37) sometime during her year in Ferdinand. Her stay in Ferdinand appears to have been a success. In addition, Doc and Lillian maintained a friendly relationship for the rest of her life.

Figure 37. 1937-38 – Tug of War in Backer backyard in Ferdinand left: David Backer, unknown, John Backer, Pete Backer right: unknown, unknown, Phyllis Backer, unknown, Lillian Kleck

The buildings of the Monastery of Immaculate Conception are quite impressive. The Monastery is shown in Figure 38. We do not know if Lillian went to Ferdinand voluntarily but she appeared to be at home at the Academy. Figure 39 is a photograph of her on campus during her time there.

Lillian returned home soon after graduation. On 23 Jun 1938, upon returning home, the Social Notes section of the Figure 38. Sisters of St Benedict Convent Abbey Fredericksburg Standard Ferdinand, Indiana – 2017

Page 238 newspaper had a notice announcing that she was “spending the summer with her parents.” (Figure 40).

Figure 40. Social Notes entry Fredericksburg Standard 23 Jun 1938

Figure 39. On Academy of the Immaculate Conception campus 1937-38

Connie in Two High Schools

Connie attended Fredericksburg public schools from first grade through sophomore year in high school. Since Freshman and Sophomore yearbook entries do not list activities, we do not know any of her activities for her years in Fredericksburg public schools. The Freshman yearbook entry is shown in Figure 41 and the Sophomore entry is shown in Figure 42.

In the fall of 1939, she moved to St. Mary’s High School which is still standing but no longer a high school. It is now part of St. Mary’s Elementary School. The “red- brick” building Connie, Rosalind and Pete attended is shown in Figure 43. Connie began St. Mary’s in her Junior year in the fall of 1939. Unfortunately, we do not have any yearbooks for St. Mary’s for the years the Kleck children attended. But Figure 41. Constance Kleck “The Mesa 1938” Freshman entry from yearbook

Page 239 we do have grade records for Connie, Rosalind and Pete for their years at St. Mary’s High School. Connie’s High School Record is shown in Figure 44.

Connie’s grade record is excellent both at Fredericksburg High School and St. Mary’s High School. As you can see in the top right corner of Figure 44, she received transferred credits from Fredericksburg High School in eight subject areas, with grades of five As, two Bs and one C+. These are all very good grades, but her grades at St. Mary’s were even better. Figure 44 shows her High School Record for her Junior and Senior years at St. Mary’s

Figure 42. Constance Kleck “The Mesa 1939” Through her two years at St. Mary’s Sophomore entry from yearbook Connie received credits in eleven subject areas for all of which she

Figure 43. The “red-brick” St. Mary’s High School building – 2017 (Currently part of St. Mary’s Elementary School) received a grade of A. She had an outstanding record in Plane Geometry, Chemistry and Civics receiving A+ grades in several periods. In all marking periods she received “100” in Deportment and A in Application.

Her Class Rank was first in a class of 15 for all ten marking periods of Junior year and first out of 13 for the first nine marking periods of Senior year falling to second out of 13 in the last marking period. She graduated from St. Mary’s on 22 May 1941.

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Figure 44. St. Mary’s High School Record – Constance Kleck Sep 1939 to May 1941 Graduated 2nd out of 13

Rosalind at St. Mary’s High School

Rosalind finished Elementary and Middle School in the Fredericksburg public schools. In Sep 1939 she started at St. Mary’s High School as a Freshman (eighth grade). A group photograph of her eighth-grade class is shown in Figure 45. She would go on to finish all four years at St. Mary’s, graduating in May 1943 in spite of the departure of the rest of her family in their move to San Antonio in Feb 1943.

Rosalind’s first year in high school (1939-40 school year, Freshman year) was indicated by “Entered 8th Grade” on her report card (Figure 46). On the left side of the report card is the notation at the end of the school year: “Promoted to 9th Grade.” Since eighth grade is Freshman year at four-year St. Mary’s, we know that the school was on the eleven-grade program and the “Promoted to…” notation indicates the school intended to stay that way for the next year. However, Figure 47 shows “Entered 12 Grade” for the 1942-43 school year. Rosalind’s attendance in twelfth grade in itself is new since Connie graduated from high school two years earlier after the eleventh grade. Also, a review of Rosalind’s report cards shows that a grade level is missing – five grades in four years.

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Figure 45. Rosalind Kleck – St. Mary’s High School Eighth-Grade (Freshman group photo) – 1939-40 School year Rosalind 2nd row, 2nd from right

Figure 46. St. Mary’s High School Eighth Grade Report Card – Rosalind Kleck Sep 1939 to May 1940

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Figure 47. St. Mary’s High School Twelfth Grade Report Card – Rosalind Kleck Sep 1942 to May 1943

Looking at Rosalind’s overall School Record in Figure 48 for her four years at Mary’s you will see there are four grades indicated, the grades in the first year corresponding to the “Entering 8th Grade” report card and the last year’s corresponding to the grades on the “Entering 12th Grade” report card.

This is explained by the changes to the educational system in Texas during this time.

Before the month of May [1941] ended, the Texas SDE [State Department of Education] finally made the twelve-grade system the officially recognized system in Texas. 9

In May 1941, from the Texas State Superintendent of Schools:

I hereby announce that the recognized pattern for Texas public schools is an elementary school of eight grades, followed by the standard four year high school. May I ask you to work with your school boards in putting this plan into execution in your respective districts as soon as possible? 14

Although no schools were mandated to convert to the twelve-grade program, public or private, most school districts did change in 1941 because of the difficulty in transferring from school to school with different programs. We know that St. Mary’s converted at this time and assume that the Fredericksburg public schools did also. As a result, in September 1941, after finishing the ninth grade, rather than starting the tenth grade, Rosalind began the eleventh grade. Likewise, Pete, after finishing the seventh grade, began the ninth grade. Since they skipped a grade, they both eventually graduated with a total of eleven years of school just as Lillian and Connie had. However, Kathryn and Henry, being in grades below the seventh, completed twelve years of school.

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Figure 48. St. Mary’s High School Record – Rosalind Kleck Sep 1939 to May 1943 Graduated 3rd out of 24

Rosalind also had an excellent academic record at St. Mary’s High School. A review of the four years on her High School Record reveals mostly As with just a few Bs. At the end of her Freshman year she was sixth in a class of 24 (Figure 48). At the end of her Sophomore and Junior years she was first in classes of 23 and 21, respectively. Finally, at the end of her Senior year she was third in a class of 24 and she graduated 27 May 1943.

There are five parental signatures on her eighth-grade report card (Figure 46) and two of them are Peter’s. This may not seem significant, but the general opinion of the children was that Peter was not really interested in the children unless it was to assist him in work. It may be grasping at straws, but this seems to suggest that he may have been interested in their educational progress.

We have the list of Rosalind’s Collateral Readings for each of her four years in high school shown in Figure 49. The list is handwritten and although the ink suggests each year’s entries were written at the same time, but different years at different times. They all appear to have been written by the same hand. By comparison it is definitely not Katherina’s handwriting. Below we see that Pete had a Collateral Readings list from St. Mary’s also (Figure 54). The handwriting is the same suggesting all entries were written either by the principal or, more likely, a teacher responsible for the student’s reading (e.g., an English teacher).

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Rosalind’s list shows a definite taste for action and adventure. During her Freshman year she read “Signals from the Bay Tree” by Jesuit Henry S. Spalding. It is described as “fascinating out-door life and adventure for boys.” She also read “Dan’s Best Enemy: Another Year at School with the Hero of Reardon Rah!” which is Book 2 in the Robert C. Holland trilogy about an adventurous boy. She read Books 1 and 3 in her Sophomore Year. And finally, two adventure books by Indiana writer and naturalist Gene Stratton- Porter. In 1940 not many action books, for children or adults, had female protagonists. The choice of two books by an Indiana writer quite likely was her mother’s suggestion.

She did depart from adventure at times. Her Freshman list did include “Eight Cousins” by Louisa May Alcott in which a “lonely and sickly girl who has been recently orphaned and must now reside with her maiden great aunts.”

In her Sophomore year she continued reading adventure books including another book by Father Spalding, “The Marks of the Bear Claws.”

Her Junior year, when she was 15 years old, she turned to Zane Grey, Earl Stanley Gardner and Temple Bailey for western adventure, mystery and wartime romance, Figure 49. St. Mary’s High School Collateral respectively. Frances Cooke’s “The Unbidden Readings – Rosalind Kleck Guest” provided a “A tale of hearts that love, Sep 1939 to May 1943 suffer and win.”

In her Senior year she spent her time reading Westerns by Zane Grey, romance novels and mysteries. Her last year was her most active having read eight books.

Without a yearbook, we are unable to get a good overview of her activities as we did with Lillian. But there is one activity we know. She played clarinet with the marching band. Figures 50 and 51 show her with the band on the front steps of the high school building. Five weeks after Rosalind started her Senior year, her father died. Peter was 84 years old.

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Figure 50. St. Mary’s High School Marching Band Rosalind Kleck – front row, 3rd from left

Figure 51. St. Mary’s High School Marching Band Rosalind Kleck – front row, 3rd from left

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Pete Starts St. Mary’s High School

Pete attended Fredericksburg public schools through fifth grade, moving to St. Mary’s in Sep 1939 with his three sisters and brother. The seventh-grade group photograph taken during his second year at St. Mary’s is shown in Figure 52.

Figure 52. Seventh Grade at St. Mary’s Elementary School – 1940-41 Pete (13 years old) – middle row, 3rd student from left (with star on chest) (The teacher is thought to be Sister Bibiana but cannot be verified.)

As described above, Pete moved on to the ninth grade following the seventh grade. Ninth grade was the new Freshman year at St. Mary’s.

Pete did well at St. Mary’s, but not as well as his sisters. His School Record at St. Mary’s (Figure 53) indicates that Pete was pretty much a B student. At the end of Freshman year, he was ranked twelfth out of 22. His grades improved somewhat in the first half of his Sophomore year. When the family moved from Fredericksburg in Feb 1943, Pete’s “1st Sem. Av.” was an A-.

Pete’s Collateral Readings for his Freshman year and one half of his Sophomore year in high school are shown in Figure 54. As described above, Pete’s list is handwritten by the same person that wrote Rosalind’s list.

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Figure 53. St. Mary’s High School Record – Pete Kleck Sep 1939 to Feb 1943 Move to San Antonio with family Feb 1943

It is important to note that when Pete started high school in Sep 1941, the war in Europe was already two years old although the U.S. was not yet involved. The Battle of Britain had dominated the news from July to October of the previous year. The storied military campaign of the Royal Air Force (RAF) to defend the United Kingdom from the Nazi air attacks and successfully defeat them was a dramatic event likely to catch the attention of thirteen-year-old Pete Kleck. Indeed, during that Freshman year he read “Air Service Boys over the Atlantic; or, The Longest Flight on Record,” one of a series of six books about the exploits of heroic pilots. Later that year he read "We” the autobiography of Charles Lindbergh, published months after his transatlantic flight in 1927. After leaving St. Mary’s High School in 1943, during his Figure 54. St. Mary’s High School Junior and Senior years at Central Catholic High Collateral Readings – Pete Kleck Sep 1941 to Feb 1943 School in San Antonio, he was in the ROTC and

Page 248 the year after he graduated, 1946, he enrolled in the United States Air Force training program in Eagle Pass, TX. He went on to a career in the Air Force until he retired in 1969.

His other primary interest was adventure novels like “Race for Copper Island,” by one of Rosalind’s authors, Jesuit Henry S. Spalding and “Lonesome Trail” by the prolific female writer of westerns, B. M. Bowers. His list also included two novels that his older sister, Rosalind, had read: “Reardon Rah! Trials and Triumphs of an American Schoolboy,” by Robert C. Holland and the western classic, “Riders of the Purple Sage,” by Zane Grey. He showed interest in sports with “One Minute to Play,” a football story by R. M. Sherman. Adventure and westerns appeared to have been his favorite genre. But he did depart from that twice with “Pinocchio” by Carlo Collodi and the last book listed, “The Blue Window,” a romance novel by another of Rosalind’s authors, Temple Bailey.

During the school years in Fredericksburg, all evidence points to Pete being an energetic and independent individual. He seemed to be very active, spending a lot of time away from home at the creek and elsewhere.

He was sensitive about the age of his father. When Pete was ten years old, in the fourth grade, his father had his 80th birthday and died when Pete was in his Sophomore year. Pete told me that during those years whenever he had to write his father’s age on any kind of document, he would intentionally collapse the top loop of the “8” to make it appear to be a “6” because he was embarrassed about how old his father was. 15

Peter’s Last Will and Testament

As described above in the section “Peter’s Health,” 1937 was the year in which Peter began to feel the effects of age. He celebrated his 79th birthday in July 1937. From the time he was a boy he had worked first on Johann’s farm and then his own farm and ranch until 1923 when at almost 65 years of age he sold the ranch and moved into Fredericksburg. For about 55 years he had engaged in long days doing physical labor. He had every right to be tired.

By 1937 his prostate appeared to have become a major concern. In May 1937 he ordered a “PROSAGER” from Midwest Products seeking help in “Massaging the Prostate.” [See Appendix Figure A-12-4. Midwest Products Co. PROS-TONE device for “Massaging the Prostate” – 1937]. This was two months after Peter had signed his first Final Will and Testament.

On 19 Mar 1937, Peter executed his Last Will and Testament. This 1937 Will is a long document (eight pages) followed later by two codicils in 1938 and 1942. Since a substantial portion of the 1937 Will is left intact by the codicils and the important parts of the codicils refer back to the 1937 Will, the 1937 will is included in the Appendix in its entirety. [See Appendix, starting at Figure A- 12-9. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck, 19 Mar 1937, Page 1] The copy reproduced is from Peter’s original copy. Thus, any notations or marks on the document were probably made by Peter himself. It is instructive to note which sections he thought worthy of note.

The first page of the 1937 Will, second clause, includes:

I do hereby give and bequeath to each of the children of myself my first wife, the sum of $1.00 (One Dollar) in cash,…said children of myself and my first wife who are each so to receive such sum of $1.00 being the following named: My sons, Alfred Kleck, Jessie Kleck, Arthur Kleck, Willie Kleck, Benno Kleck and Edgar Kleck; and my daughters, Alma Kleck, Ella Moehle, nee Kleck, wife of John Moehle, Tillie

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Dye, nee Kleck, wife of Alex Dye, Thekla Kleck and Ollie Kleck, ( the latter two of my said named daughters being now married but the names of their husbands are unknown to me). My said children of my first wife and myself have heretofore received what I consider to have been a just portion of my estate and it is my desire an I direct that neither of them receive or share in any portion of my estate remaining at the time of my death other than said nominal sums of money so bequeathed to them in this paragraph.

This seems rather harsh but it is standard to award potential challengers a nominal sum of $1.00 to attest to them having been intentionally excluded from inheritance. One dollar is the lowest amount that can be designated and still validate that inclusion of the person in the will. That prevents the heir from claiming that their exclusion was merely an oversight.

Nonetheless, in 1937 Peter still appeared to hold a grudge against Bertha and her children for “past transgressions.” In particular, the lawsuits of 1924-27 in which Jesse and Bertha stood their ground in the Block No. 5 affair and eventually won the case and took possession of the land from Peter.

The remainder of the 1937 Will was standard in its allocation of his estate to Katherina and his six children with Katherina.

Six months after Peter executed his Will, he and Katherina sold the remainder of their property at Town Lot 180. That is, the Charles Preiss Bldg. and all of the land and associated buildings were sold to Victor Keidel who with his son, Arthur Keidel, converted the property to the Keidel Memorial Hospital, which still stands today albeit not as a hospital but more of a shopping center for tourists.

It appears that Peter’s will and liquidation of all property except the building in which the family lived suggests that he was in severe decline physically and, probably, mentally.

At little more than a year later on 10 Oct 1938, Peter executed a codicil to his 1937 Will. In this 1938 Codicil to the will he made arrangements for the fourteen $1,000 notes he and Katharina received in the sale of the Charles Priess Bldg. to Victor Keidel six months after execution of the 1937 Will.

I hereby declare to be a codicil to my said will, to be taken as a part thereof, give and bequeath unto my said wife a 1/2 (one-half) interest in all of said Keidel notes which may remain unpaid at the time of my death and the other remaining 1/2 (one-half) thereof to my six children of my said second wife and myself

Since the sale was after the 1937 Will, it was necessary to add this codicil to assure that his children received half of the income from the Keidel notes. He is in the process of leaving nothing to chance.

As discussed above, Peter had been ill for several years. From all indications, his last few years were at best uncomfortable and at worst very painful. By the fall of 1942 he had been treated for prostate cancer for two years. During that time, he had become incontinent and apparently unwelcome at 229 East Main Street.

During the period of 1939 to 1942 a curious event unfolded involving Peter and Tillie Kleck Dye, his forty-year-old daughter with Bertha. Tillie lived in San Antonio with her husband, Alex Dye, in a house on the property that was the center of the lawsuit in 1924-27. Tillie and Alex Dye lived at 525 E. Elmira in San Antonio. The house was on the land which was the basis of the bitter lawsuit described in Chapter Eleven – Peter and Katherina Kleck. The lawsuit resulted in Bertha and Jesse eventually taking possession of Part of Block No. 5, City Block No 840 on Erie Avenue. That land

Page 250 which began in Peter’s possession, was lost in the court action. It was now the location of Tillie’s house and apparently one of the last places Peter was welcome…but not for long.

While visiting with Henry in his home in San Antonio in 2017, Henry related a story to me about Peter during the last years:

Henry: ….then when he had the…the cancer…of the prostate, then he’d wanted to come down here [San Antonio] and stay with Tillie and he was having trouble…you know I mean…with urine… it ah, urinate. So, she…she [Tillie] put him on a cot out underneath the tree in her backyard…

SJS: On a what?

Henry: A cot…to sleep

SJS: Oh

Henry: Didn’t want him sleeping in the house

SJS: Oh

Henry: That was his daughter, Tillie.

SJS: Yeah, Tillie was from the first marriage?

Henry: Yeah. And so, he came back, uh, decided to come back to Fredericksburg…that she was considered his favorite daughter. You know? But before that he’d always been doing things his way.

The specifics of the story are unclear. But we are confident that his final two or three years were very uncomfortable for him and his physical condition probably made his generally unpleasant personality even more repugnant. We also know that his death certificate would list “senility” as a contributory cause as well.

School Changes and Name Changes

It was at about this time that Katharina began to see an opportunity to move all of the children still in school to the Catholic schools. There is no evidence that Peter ever exhibited much in the way of religious affiliation. But we do know that Katharina’s mother, Christina Mootz, was a practicing Catholic and her husband, George S. Backer, seemed to be supportive. Katharina and her brother, Henry, attended Catholic schools in Indianapolis. So, it is understandable that Katharina might want her children in Catholic schools. In Sep 1939, Connie, Rosalind, Pete, Kathryn and Henry were all transferred from the Fredericksburg public schools to St. Mary’s Catholic School.

Another curious event occurred in May 1942. By this time Peter was probably bedridden and probably unable to take part in family decision making. On 9 May 1942, Katharina became Katherine again. In four separate court actions on that day, Katharina filed amended birth certificates for Lillian, Rosalind, Kathryn and Henry. There may have been revisions for Connie and Pete also, but they have not been located to date. The four revised birth certificates resulted in the following name changes:

Lily Kleck (1921) → Lillian Frances Kleck (1042)

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Rosalind Kleck (1925) → Rosalind Elizabeth Kleck (1942)

Catherine Marie Kleck (1930) → Kathryn Marie Kleck (1942)

Henry G. Kleck (1931) → Henry G. Kleck (1942) [no change]

In addition, Katherine’s name was revised:

Catherine Bäcker (1921) → Katherine Backer (1942) [Lillian’s certificate]

Katherine Backer (1925) → Katherine Backer (1942) [no change, Rosalind’s certificate]

Catherine Backer (1930) → Katherine Backer (1942) [Kathryn’s certificate]

Catherine Kleck (1931) → Katherine Backer (1942) [Henry’s certificate]

It is the prevailing opinion that Katherine’s choice of names were not the ones used on the original certificates. The changes to the children’s names make that clear. However, it appears that she also was determined to change her own name back to its original form. There is no other reason for filing a revision for Henry since his name did not change.

We do know the origins of all but one of the names. My mother told me that she and Connie were named after Shakespearean characters. 6 Constance is Arthur's mother in King John, a fierce advocate for her son's right to the English throne and Rosalind is the central character of As You Like It. Rosalind spends the bulk of the play in exile in the Forest of Arden disguised as a boy called Ganymede. Pete, of course, is named after his father and Kathryn is named after her mother. Henry is named after Katherine’s brother, Henry George Backer. It is not clear why Katherine used the name Henry G. Kleck for her son in both birth certificates when her brother’s name was Henry George Kleck. Despite Henry’s “legal” name being Henry G. Kleck he has been known universally as Henry George Kleck.

The only name without a clear origin is Lillian. The only other known Lillian in the family was John Kleck daughter, Lillian Rose Kleck, born 1893. John Kleck was also referred to as John Kleck, Jr., famous for building and operating the White Horse Saloon. John was probably as close to Peter as one could be. So, it is feasible that Peter named his first born after a favorite niece. Or, they may have just liked the name.

In the last two years of Peter’s life, the Backers came to visit the Klecks in Fredericksburg. We know almost nothing about the trip except that the photographs Figure 55. From left: Unknown man, shown in Figures 55 and 56 were taken at the time. Henry “Doc” Backer, two unknown girls, Pete Kleck (12), George S. In Figure 55 we see Katherina’s brother, Henry “Doc” Backer Fredericksburg, TX Backer, her father, George S. Backer, and Pete Kleck About 1940 in the photo. Figure 56 shows Doc and Lillian together during the Backer trip to Fredericksburg.

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Earlier in the chapter in describing Lillian’s time in Ferdinand attending Academy of the Immaculate Conception, I commented that “Doc and Lillian maintained a friendly relationship for the rest of her life.”

On 11 Sep 1942 Doc wrote a letter to Katherine addressed to “Sis & Family.” [See Appendix, Figure A- 12-17. Letter from Henry “Doc” Backer to Katherine Kleck, 11 Sep 1942] Doc wrote: “…you have had more than your share of troubles. But hope that you have seen the worst of it.” This almost certainly referring to Peter’s illness. Peter would live only one month longer. It appears that by this point Peter was incapacitated and close to death. Hence his reference to having seen the worst of it.

He gives Katherine news about their father, George S. Backer, ending a story about George’s stubbornness with “So all we can do is leave him alone.” But the most interesting is his reference to Lillian. Lillian had spent the 1937-38 school year in Ferdinand and had grown close to Doc and his family. When the Backers visited in Fredericksburg in 1940, it was apparent the Uncle/Niece relationship was Figure 56. Henry “Doc” Backer & strong as seen in Figure 56. So, it is not surprising Lillian, Fredericksburg, TX that in the 1942 letter Doc makes joking comments to About 1940 be passed to Lillian.

Tell Lillian when she has nothing else to do she might write. Tell her besides being a ‘Bronc’ she is a ‘Louse’ with a capital ‘L’.

The gentle chiding about writing is well understood. But the second sentence suggests an inside joke between the two of them. At the time, Lillian was 21 and Doc was 43 with ten children expecting their eleventh in a month. Doc’s reference to “our little red headed girl” turned out to be Pat Backer born 11 Oct 1942.

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Peter Dies

On 13 Oct 1942 Peter died of “Acute Myocardial Degeneration and dilatation.” The contributory causes were “Carcinoma of Prostate, Senility and Arterio sclerosos.” [sic] [See appendix, Figure A-12-18. Death Certificate of Peter Kleck, 13 Oct 1942]. He had been diagnosed with prostate cancer in 1939 when he was 81 and died when he was 84.

Lillian and Connie had already graduated from high school but Rosalind, Peter, Kathryn and Henry were still in school. Rosalind had just started her Senior year at St. Mary’s High School and Pete his Sophomore year. Kathryn had started the seventh grade at St. Mary’s Elementary and Henry the fifth grade.

It is curious that his death certificate was signed by Benno Kleck, his second Figure 57. Gravesite of Peter Kleck and his son, youngest child from his marriage to Pete Kleck, Catholic Cemetery, Fredericksburg, Bertha. Benno lived at 1638 W. Mulberry TX Ave., San Antonio. That might have been Peter died 13 Oct 1942 understandable if Peter had died in San Pete died 13 Aug 2015 (photo 2017) Antonio. However, he died in Fredericksburg. One wonders why the certificate was not signed by Peter’s wife.

Peter is buried in the same cemetery as his mother, Victoria, Catholic Cemetery (St. Mary’s Garden) in Fredericksburg shown in Figure 19 in Chapter Three – Johann and Victoria’s Farm. His gravesite and tombstone are shown in Figures 57 and 58, respectively. His gravesite also includes the tombstone of his son, Pete, who died in 2015.

Peter second codicil was executed on 1 May 1942, five and one-half months before he died. The 1942 Codicil is included in the Appendix [See Appendix, starting at Figure 58. Tombstone of Peter Kleck, Catholic starting Figure A-12-19. Last Will and Cemetery, Fredericksburg, TX Testament of Peter Kleck, Second Codicil, Died 13 Oct 1942 (photo 2017) 1 May 1942, Page 1]. The 1942 Codicil was unremarkable except for one change to the bequests described in the 1937 Will.

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In the 1937 Will, Peter’s bequests for each of his eleven children with Bertha was “the sum of $1.00 (One Dollar) in cash.” The 1942 Codicil revised that clause as follows:

(a) To my son, Jessie Kleck, the sum of $1.00 (One and No/100) dollar, as heretofore in said "2nd" paragraph of my said will is provided.

(b) To my daughter, Tillie Dye, nee Kleck, wife of Alex Dye, the sum of $1.00 (One and No/100) dollar, as likewise heretofore in said "2nd" paragraph of said will Is provided.

(c) The sum of $500.00 (Five Hundred and No/100) dollars to each of the following named: Alfred Kleck, Arthur Kleck; Willie Kleck; Benno Kleck; Edgar Kleck; Alma Kleck; Ella Noehle, nee Kleck, wife of John Moehle; Thekla Kleck; and Ollie Kleck (the latter two of my said named daughters being now married but the names of their husbands being unknown to me) .

Thus, the final disbursement was $500 for all but two of the children of his first wife, Bertha, which is about $8000 in 2020 dollars – not a shabby sum. However, Peter apparently retained his animus for Jesse and Tillie to the end. His feelings toward Jesse are understandable considering their extended and bitter court battles. The issue with Tillie is probably more nuanced such that we are unable to infer it from what we know.

While Henry told the story of Tillie providing a place for Peter to stay in San Antonio in his late years, she may have incurred his disfavor by asking him to sleep on the cot under that tree because of his incontinence or the story may simply not be true. All we really know is that Tillie was excluded, along with Jesse, from the final will.

Katherine Moves to San Antonio

Katherine took her first step in moving to San Antonio in Jan 1941. This was well past the point at which it was known that Peter’s final days were upon him.

Henry told me:

…she made the decision that there was nothing really holding us in Fredericksburg and it was clannish and…small town, politics and all… 2

On 22 Jan 1941 “Mrs. Katherine Kleck” placed $100 earnest money on

Lot 7, Block 14, N.C.B. 2023 in Herman Wolff’s Subdivision Block 15 and a fractional Block 14 of George M. Maverick’s First Addition

Katherines purchased the property from Mitzi Humble Clem for a total sale price of $2970.12. The Lot was located at 742 E. Cincinnati, about three miles northwest of downtown San Antonio. At the time of the transaction Katherine had hopes of attending law school and Henry suggested that her reason for choosing the Cincinnati location was its proximity to St. Mary’s University. 2

She bought fire insurance on 1 Aug 1942 and War Damage Insurance on 19 Aug 1942. As of 18 Dec 1942, two months after Peter’s death, Katherine’s mortgage held by First Federal Savings and Loan Association of San Antonio had been paid. Everything was ready for the move to Cincinnati

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Street. But Katharine did not move to 742 E. Cincinnati. Henry told me why they did not move into the Cincinnati house.

…she had ran into this family and they'd been living there [i.e., 742 E. Cincinnati] a number of years. When she made the decision to come here [i.e., San Antonio] she was thinking of asking them to move. But she decided, well, they been such good tenants and they were settled in then, so she didn't want to do that. So, she came here looking for a place to live. There's a possibility…she was having some real estate person showing her some properties and she said, well they mentioned a piece of property over on the Adams street. …She didn't think so, you know, because she thought it would probably be more expensive than what she already paid because at that time I think she must have paid less than $5,000 for the home on Cincinnati. [But the agent] said anybody who wants to buy it [i.e., 231 Adams Street] has to meet the approval of one of the daughters of the owner of the place. [i.e., the Menge sisters] 2

Katherine thought it was a little too much for her to handle. The agent “took her to meet Mrs. Menge, who was the daughter that lived at the end of Adams street.” Katherine found her to be very gracious, 2 Both Menge sisters came to Fredericksburg the next weekend to talk to Katherine. They liked her and because Katherine was worried about the cost, they told her “missing a payment or something was nothing.” 2 Katherine expected to have to pay as much as $12,000.

Less than a month later, Katherine placed $100 earnest money on 231 Adams Street with a total sale price of $7875. The contract was signed 15 Jan 1943. [See Appendix, Figure A-12-22. Earnest Money Contract, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio, Katherine Kleck – 15 Jan 1943 and Figure A-12-23. Earnest Money Contract Receipt, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio, Katherine Kleck – 15 Jan 1943] The closing statement for the purchase is shown in the Appendix [Figure A- 12-24. Closing Statement, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio – Figure 59. 231 Adams Street, San Antonio Katherine Kleck – 29 Jan 1943] Dec 1948

The Adams Street house was four miles from the Cincinnati house, a little more than one mile south of downtown, in the King William Historic District. The house as it looked in the 1948 is shown in Figure 59.

The last day in Fredericksburg schools for Pete and Henry was 12 Feb 1943. They, with their two high-school graduate sister, Connie, moved soon thereafter to the house at 231 Adams Street in San Antonio. Lillian had already moved to San Antonio in 1941. Connie lived at 231 Adams Street for a month before her wedding in Mar 1943. Rosalind and Kathryn remained in Fredericksburg until May 1943, completing the school year before they moved to San Antonio.

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Rosalind and Kathryn Stay in Fredericksburg until May 1943

Katherine had agreed to let Rosalind and Kathryn stay in the family residence at 229 E. Main Street for the three months from February to May so that Rosalind could graduate from high school with the class that she had been a part of for four years. Kathryn also was allowed to stay at St. Mary’s and finish the seventh grade with her classmates of four years. Figure 60 shows Rosalind and Kathryn during the Spring of 1943 in Fredericksburg.

On 27 May 1943 Rosalind graduated from St. Mary’s High School third in a class of 24. Her Figure 60. Rosalind (17) and Kathryn (13) graduation class picture is shown in Fredericksburg Figure 61. Spring 1943

On May 23 1943 the president of the St. Mary’s School Alumnae sent handwritten letters to each of the graduates, presumably only the females. [See Appendix, Figure A-12-25. Letter to 1943 Graduates from St. Mary’s School Alumnae, 23 Feb 1943]. Although there were only 24 total graduates, the handwritten letter is addressed impersonally to “Dear Graduates.” It begins with the traditional graduation wishes of “God’s Choicest blessings.” The letter then reminds us of the state of the world in 1943:

We take this means of greeting and welcoming you as new members of St. Mary’s Alumnae, because due to the war so many of our alumnae are in the armed forces and some of your own brothers or other kin are fighting in far off theatres of war, therefore the executive board deemed it advisable to dispense with the usual gay initiation banquet until such a time as God sees fit to return our conquering soldiers to the circle of their family and friends.

Until such a time and with heartfelt good wishes for a brighter and more peaceful future for you, Seniors of 1943.

It is worth noting that in Feb 1943 when this note was written there was little reason for optimism with respect to the war. In the Pacific, the Allies did prevail in the Guadalcanal campaign in Feb 1943 but had not yet had any significant success in North Africa against the Nazis. And although the Soviets won a stunning victory in Stalingrad in Feb 1943, the significance of that victory would not be known for several months. By all appearances at this time the war was not going well. The letter should be read with this in mind. Everyone feared for their loved ones and the country as a whole. The cancellation of the graduation banquet was certainly appropriate and the phrase “conquering soldiers” was to be expected.

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Figure 61. St. Mary’s High School, Fredericksburg Graduation – 27 May 1943 Rosalind Kleck: front row, 3rd from right

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[Note: On 5 Jul 2020, research at both Central Catholic High School and Incarnate Word High School was progressing and it appeared that we would soon know more about Pete and Henry’s attendance at Central Catholic and Kathryn’s possible attendance at Incarnate Word. Unfortunately for the staff at both schools COVID-19 suddenly became a very important consideration in any efforts to proceed. It is simply too dangerous for them. Research in these areas has been suspended until it is safe for the staff members to proceed. Considering the severity of the pandemic, it is likely that the research will not continue for a at least several months which may extend beyond publication date of this project. In that case, an attempt will be made at a future date to complete the research and update the following sections.]

Pete at Central Catholic High School

We know that Pete enrolled at Central Catholic High School (Figure 62) in February 1943 when he moved with the family to San Antonio. The building in Figure 62 was erected in 1932 and included grade school classes until 1955. Both Pete (Grade 11) and Henry (Grade 5) started and finished their education in this building.

Figure 62. Central Catholic High School San Antonio (Erected 1932) Courtesy of Google Maps

We do not know much about Pete’s attendance at Central Catholic High School. He was there for about 2½ school years. His Junior Yearbook entry is shown ion Figure 63.

His Senior Yearbook entry is shown in Figure 64. You can see that Pete was in the R.O.T.C. both Junior and Senior years. Indeed, both yearbook pictures show Pete in uniform. As described earlier, Pete had an interest in pilots and the Air Force in his two years at St. Mary’s High School and the year after he graduated, 1946, he enrolled in the United States Air Force training program in Eagle Pass, TX. He went on to a career in the Air Force until he retired in 1969. Pete graduated in the Spring of 1945, just as World War II was coming to an end.

Pete’s graduation photograph is shown in Figure 65.

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Figure 63. Pete Kleck, Junior 1944 Yearbook Central Catholic High School Figure 64. Pete Kleck, Senior 1945 Yearbook Central Catholic High School

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Figure 65. Central Catholic High School, San Antonio Graduation – May 1945 Pete Kleck: fourth row from bottom, 3rd from right

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Kathryn at Incarnate Word High School

Kathryn entered the eighth grade in Sep 1943 when she arrived in San Antonio. The photograph in Figure 66 was taken on the front steps of the 231 Adams Street house sometime during her Senior year in high school, 1947-48.

School records for Kathryn have been difficult to find. Initial indications were that she attended Incarnate Word High School in San Antonio. It is 2½ miles from Central Catholic, where Pete and Henry attended school.

Figure 66. Kathryn Kleck – front steps of 231 Adams Street 1947-48

Providence High School is less than ½ mile from Central Catholic and is considered its “sister” school. However, Providence was not established until 1951 making Kathryn’s attendance impossible. Incarnate Word is still the most logical but initial investigation resulted in no Klecks in the records of Incarnate Word.

However, Figure 67 shows a newspaper clipping from the San Antonio Light of 24 Feb 1949. It Figure 67. Kathryn Kleck – Incarnate Word College refers to a “style show” to be performed the San Antonio Light – 24 Feb 1949 next day by the “Kappa Lambda Kappa, home economics club of Incarnate Word college.”

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One of the participants is Kathryn Kleck. While Kathryn’s attendance at Incarnate Word College does not necessary mean she attended the high school, it does suggest the probability.

As this project is being completed further investigation is taking place.

Henry at Central Catholic High School

When Henry arrived in San Antonio in Feb 1943, he transferred into Central Catholic in the fifth grade. As described above, the building in Figure 62 was erected in 1932 and included grade school classes until 1955. As with Pete’s school records, Henry’s have also been inaccessible at this time.

His yearbook pictures are available. Figure 68 shows his Freshman 1947 yearbook photograph, and Figure 69 his 1948 Sophomore yearbook photo. Figure 70 shows his 1949 Junior yearbook group photo and Figure 71 his 1949 Junior Drill Team group photo and Figure 72 his 1949 Junior Guard photo. The 1950 yearbook included his Senior yearbook photo (Figure 73) and a photo of the 1950 dramatic production, “The Last Rehearsal.” (Figure 74)

Figure 68. Henry Kleck Figure 69. Henry Kleck Freshman yearbook photo Sophomore yearbook photo 1947 1948

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Figure70. Henry Kleck – front row, 1st from left Junior yearbook group photo 1949

Figure 71. Henry Kleck (indicated with arrow) Junior yearbook Drill Team group photo 1949

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Figure 73. Henry Kleck Senior yearbook photo 1950

Figure 72. Henry Kleck Junior yearbook photo Color Guard 1949

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Figure 74. Henry Kleck Senior yearbook dramatic production: “The Last Rehearsal.” 1950

The 1940s on Adams Street – Five Weddings

The 1940 Census indicates that Lillian still lived in Fredericksburg in the family residence and was working as a secretary in retail hardware. She worked 52 weeks and earned $528. Lillian moved to San Antonio in 1941, more than a year before Katherine moved. We do not know when she started, but she eventually worked for the San Antonio Air Material Area at Kelly Air Force Base. We do not know where she lived before Katherine moved to San Antonio, but we think it could be 1203 Jennings in San Antonio which was near Kelly AFB.

Lillian was married and divorced twice during the first 10 years in San Antonio but had no children. She married Harold Hill in the early 1940s. Because of the common name and no family documents, no record of their marriage or divorce can be found except a mention in Katherine’s Application for Probate of Lillian’s Will which was made sometime after 2 Sep 1980. The lack of documents and the thirty-year gap in the Application for Probate are both curious and so far, unexplained.

In the Kleck archives there are two pictures of Lillian at night clubs in the San Antonio area. One photo of Lillian with an unidentified Airman at the Gunter Hotel lounge. There is also a picture of her with Lester Coffey at the Club Cabana. We know it is Mr. Coffey because we can identify him in other photos. He is wearing a military-type khaki shirt with no insignias of any kind. Thus, the first photo, at the Gunter Hotel lounge, may have been Harold Hill but we can only speculate.

Lillian’s second marriage was to Lester J. Coffey in about 1945-46. We know from a newspaper article that they were married sometime after May 1945. Lester Coffey was a Master Sergeant stationed in England during World War II in May 1945. We know from Lillian’s Texas Driver’s License that she was already married on 25 Oct 1946 because the name listed is Lillian Kleck Coffey.

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However, the legal address is shown as 231 Adams Street with 1203 Jennings in pencil. It appears that she was separated by then, living at home, Lester living at 1203 Jennings. Thus, the marriage may have lasted only months.

On 24 May 1950, Lillian purchased a new car using the name Lillian Frances Kleck. Tragically, ten months later she was killed at 3:30 AM on 11 Mar 1951 in an auto accident.

The 1940s saw three other weddings in the Kleck household. Connie married James Edward Stewart on 31 Mar 1943. This was about a month after the family moved to Adams Street. She had a child and was soon divorced. She married a second time on 10 Oct 1948 to Alton Henry Friesenhahn.

Then on 27 Oct 1945, Figure 75. Pete Kleck with Connie’s son, Jimmy, on lap and Henry after World War II Kleck on 1943 Chevrolet (obvious significant damage to bumper) ended, the third 1940s May 1947 wedding took place when Rosalind married Jackson Orrbry Sanders. All of the Kleck weddings took place in San Antonio.

Meanwhile, Pete and Henry were enjoying their time in San Antonio. They seem to have taken to city life easily. The 1947 photograph in Figure 75 shows Pete and Henry on what appears to be a 1943 Chevrolet at the front of the 231 Adams Street house. Connie’s first born, Jimmy, is seen sitting on Pete’s lap. The car probably belongs to Pete, who had graduated from high school two years before. At the time Henry had just finished ninth grade at Central Catholic.

On 17 Jun 1950 Katherine’s father, George S. Backer, died in Ferdinand where he lived with his son Henry George “Doc” Backer. Figure 76 is a portrait of George completed shortly before his death in 1950. Figure 76. George S. Backer – portrait in pencil and charcoal completed about 1950. Currently hangs on the wall of the Backer House in Ferdinand, IN Page 267

George is buried in a plot in St. Joseph Holy Cross Cemetery in Indianapolis with his two wives, one on each side – Christina Mootz, Katherine’s mother, and Theresa Weidenbacher, his second wife. (Figure 77)

Figure 77. Christina Mootz Backer, George S. Backer and Theresa Weidenbacher Backer tombstone St. Joseph Holy Cross Cemetery

Indianapolis, In

Katherine’s 39 Years at 231 Adams Street

Katherine moved into 231 Adams Street in February 1943 and lived there the remainder of her life. Her sons and daughters would return regularly with their children, myself included. She died in 1982.

As described above, she had been in San Antonio only a year when tragedy struck. Her oldest child, Lillian, died in a car accident on 11 Mar 1951. Tragedy would strike the Klecks multiple times over the next two decades but they persevered.

Katherine took a Civil Service job at Kelly Air Force Base in San Antonio in 1943. She worked there until she retired in 1960 advancing several levels to supervisor. Figure 78 is a photograph of her at work about 1950. (We are not sure if she is holding a pipe in the

Figure 78. Katherine Kleck Kelly AFB Figure 79. Katherine Kleck Abt 1950 Passport photo - 1961

Page 268 photograph. I have found no family member that remembers her having smoked a pipe. We are left to speculate.)

Figure 79 is her passport photo taken in 1961 for her post-retirement trip to Europe. That trip took her to London, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Austria, Denmark and Norway. Figure 80 is a group photo of her receiving the Service Performance Award at Kelly AFB shortly before retirement. Figure 81 is a portrait photograph taken of Katherine about 1966 at age 72.

Katherine died on 29 Aug 1982 at age 87. After Pete spent almost two years renovating the house, 231 Adams Street was sold to Joseph Shumate on 16 Apr 1985. It was not lived in again until Mr. Shumate sold it in 1988. The four final Fredericksburg properties were sold to Leonard Goedken, Jr in 1989.

Figure 80. Katherine Kleck (front row: 4th from right) Service Performance Award, Kelly AFB Abt 1960

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Figure 81. Katherine Kleck Abt 1966

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References – Chapter Twelve

1 Handbook of Texas Online, Tamara Miner Haygood, "TEXAS FEVER,” June 15, 2010, modified May 23, 2017, Texas State Historical Association.

2 Personal conversation between author and Henry Kleck, youngest child of Peter and Katherina Kleck, recorded 24 Sep 2017.

3 Hernia and Cancer: The Points Where the Roads Intersect, Kulacoglu & Köckerling, Frontiers in Surgery, Visceral Surgery, 5 Apr 2019

4 “Reports of the Fifteenth Decennial Census of the United States for 1930,” 1933’

5 “1940 Census of Population: Volume 1. Number of Inhabitants. Total Population for States, Counties, and Minor Civil Divisions; for Urban and Rural Areas; for Incorporated Places; for Metropolitan Districts; and for Census Tracts,”, 1942

6 Personal conversation between author and Rosalind Kleck Sanders, third oldest child of Peter and Katherina Kleck

7 Report of the survey of the schools of Port Arthur, Texas, G. D. Strayer, New York, NY: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University,

8 Texas Gen. Laws ch. 97, §1, 1929

9 Changing The School Year: The Texas Experience In Moving to a Twelve-Grade Academic Program, Kathryn Phend Watlington, Dissertation for Doctor of Philosophy, Texas A&M University, 2014

10 Twelve-grade schooling. Dallas Morning News, 24 October 1940, p.4

11 Thinking out loud. Dallas Morning News, L. Landrum, 26 April 1941, p.6

12 Twelve-grade system in Amarillo, C. M. Rogers, Texas Outlook, 25, 1941, p 42-44

13 Correspondence between author and Sister Mary Philip Berger, Archives, Sisters of St. Benedict, Ferdinand, IN

14 Twelve-grade system officially adopted, L. A. Woods, State Superintendent of Schools, Texas Outlook, 25, 1941, p 14

15 Personal conversation between author and Pete Kleck, fourth oldest child of Peter and Katherina Kleck, recorded 24 Sep 2017.

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Appendix – Chapter Twelve

Figure A-12-1 Cattle inspection report – Peter Kleck – Apr 1919 to Oct 1919

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Figure A-12-2. Letter from Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co., 23 Feb 1931 Original written in German

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Figure A-12-3. Letter from Brooks Rupture Uppliance Co., 23 Feb 1931 Translation to English

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Figure A-12-4. Midwest Products Co. PROS-TONE device for “Massaging the Prostate” – 1937

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Figure A-12-5. Midwest Products Co. PROS-TONE Order Blank signed by Peter Kleck – 1937

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Figure A-12-6. The Burning of Rome, E. T. Paull, 1903 Piano music played by Katherina Kleck in the 1930s

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Figure A-12-7. 1937 Senior Style Show Fredericksburg High School

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Figure A-12-8. 1937 Senior Play Fredericksburg High School

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Figure A-12-9. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck

19 Mar 1937 Page 1

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Figure A-12-10. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 2

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Figure A-12-11. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 3

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Figure A-12-12. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 4

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Figure A-12-13. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 5

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Figure A-12-14. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 6

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Figure A-12-15. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck

19 Mar 1937 Page 7

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Figure A-12-16. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck 19 Mar 1937 Page 8

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Figure A-12-17. Letter from Henry “Doc” Backer to Katherine Kleck 11 Sep 1942

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Figure A-12-18. Death Certificate of Peter Kleck, 13 Oct 1942 Fredericksburg High School

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Figure A-12-19. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck Second Codicil, 1 May 1942 Page 1

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Figure A-12-20. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck Second Codicil, 1 May 1942 Page 2

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Figure A-12-21. Last Will and Testament of Peter Kleck Second Codicil, 1 May 1942

Page 3

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Figure A-12-22. Earnest Money Contract, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio Katherine Kleck – 15 Jan 1943

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Figure A-12-23. Earnest Money Contract Receipt, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio Katherine Kleck – 15 Jan 1943

Figure A-12-24. Closing Statement, 231 Adams Street, San Antonio Katherine Kleck – 29 Jan 1943 Page 294

Figure A-12-25. Letter to 1943 Graduates from St. Mary’s School Alumnae 23 Feb 1943

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Epilogue

For all intents and purposes this project ends with the Kleck family in 1950. To go further would require comments on persons still living. In that case, the privacy of the individuals is far more important than the facts that would be reported.

The purpose of this project has been to document the record of The Klecks of Fredericksburg. I am under no illusion that it will be a well-read book among the Kleck descendants. Nonetheless, I hope that some day a young Kleck will want to know more about the family from which they came and will be directed to part or all of this document. Furthermore, perhaps one day the Kleck family history will be extended beyond 1950.

The production of this document has extended generally over 40 years and in earnest over 6 years. It has taken thousands of hours of time and, for me, well worth it. However, it could not have been done without the people I mention in the Acknowledgments. They have given their time unselfishly for the furtherance of this project and, in many cases, their friendship they show to me. To all of them I extend my heartfelt thanks.

And to all of you who may read part or all of this document, I thank you for your patience. I am not a professional writer but I am a Kleck of Fredericksburg.

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Acknowledgments

Many people have helped me with this project. It is foolhardy to try to name them all, but I will try anyway. There are four people who I feel have been partners in this endeavor.

My first cousin, Wayne Kleck, has been indispensable as a researcher, reviewer, editor and advisor. He has been a major contributor to the project at many points and was always eager to help. It was his father, my Uncle Pete Kleck, who was the recipient of the “Kleck Archives,” protecting them and, for the most part, leaving most of it untouched. From about 1977 to just before he died in 2015, he provided notes, insights and stories, in writing and in long telephone conversations. His wife, Patricia Kleck, has also been an important source since she lived in Fredericksburg and spent many years listening to Pete’s stories.

Barbara Backer, the wife of my first cousin, Pete Backer, is an expert genealogist and the authority on all things Backer and Mootz. I owe her much of the Backer-Mootz information as well as her encouragement and advice.

Much of the research for this project involved reading and understanding legal documents, especially real estate documents. I have had the great fortune to have a close friend, Harry Hayes, a Real Estate Attorney, who has frequently helped with the technical interpretations, but also the encouragement to plug on.

Much of my success in learning about the German Klecks was due to Anne Kleck She was responsible for the initial contact, greeted me upon arrival in Germany, guided me to all the Kleck sites, introduced me to my Kleck and Failer cousins, translated Kleck documents, interpreted Inneringen and Swabian culture, but most of all made me feel like part of her family and has since provided moral support in all of these endeavors. Because of her I now know Annemarie Lorch, a distant Failer cousin and expert genealogist in Harthausen auf der Scher and another distant Kleck cousin, Simon Teufel, still a resident of Inneringen. They were all very helpful with the Kleck and Failer family trees back to 1600. Anne, Simon and Annemarie were my initial Kleck and Failer contacts in Germany and I still communicate with them regularly.

During the last 3 years I have made multiple trips to visit relatives and research the locations from which our ancestors came. The first trip was to Indiana in July 2017. I spent time in LaPorte, IN visiting Barbara and Pete Backer, their family and many other first and second cousins. From there I visited Indianapolis and Ferdinand, IN. In Ferdinand I attended the annual reunion of the descendants of Henry George “Doc” Backer. There we about 100 of them and all delightful to meet one of the Klecks.

In September 2017 I visited Fredericksburg, San Antonio, New Braunfels and Austin, visiting the Kleck Ranch and East Main Street in Fredericksburg. I had a reunion with my first cousin, Monique Kleck, a lawyer, and consultant on legal matters and had a chance to talk to her father, Uncle Henry Kleck, at his home. In Fredericksburg I met numerous Fredericksburg historians.

In May 2019 I spent two weeks in Swabia and the Palatinate in Germany. It was there that I met 24 new Kleck, Failer, Backer and Mootz cousins. I visited the Swabian town of Inneringen where the Klecks have lived in since before 1600 and still do, and then the town the Failers have lived nearly as long, Harthausen auf der Scher. Most of this was made possible by Anne Kleck.

Finally, in Annweiler, I visited with many second and third Bäcker cousins including Christian Neumann, Annemarie Bäcker, Heini Bäcker, Reinhold Teufel and Silke, Anja, Claudia,

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Vera and Daniel. But perhaps the most important was Christian’s girlfriend, Katherina Holzmann, who along with Christian, was my tour-guide, interpreter, and best friend while in the Palatinate. Thanks to Heini’s efforts I was able to meet with the recognized Wernersberg author, historian and expert genealogist, Paul Schuhmacher. Totally by accident we discovered that he was also a Mootz cousin. I was familiar with his work before meeting him and he has since been extremely helpful with Wernersberg and Mootz history.

There have been many authors, archivists, historians, cousins and friends who have contributed - to name a few, alphabetically:

• Annemarie Backer (Bäcker cousin) – contributor - Annweiler, Germany • Karla Backer (Backer cousin) – The Bäcker Family, Sep 2017 • Barbara Backer – wife of first cousin, once removed, Pete Backer – La Porte, IN • Sister Mary Philip Berger, Archives, Sisters of St. Benedict of Ferdinand, Indiana • Cybele Bolado - Director of Alumnae Relations, Incarnate Word High School, San Antonio, TX • Ralf Buck (husband of Anne Kleck) • Sister Phyllis Ann Rita Backer (Backer cousin – Philadelphia, PA) – tour of St. Benedict’s School, Monastery Immaculate Conception, Ferdinand, Indiana, July 2017 • Marie-Christine Didierjean – Researcher, Department Archive, Library, and Records Management, Archbishop Archive, Freiburg Archdiocese, Freiburg, Germany • Harry Hayes (personal friend) - Real Estate Attorney, legal interpretation • Dennis Kastens – author and editor of Annweiler Families, St. Louis, MO • Anne Kleck (Kleck cousin) – major contributor • Hans-Peter Kleck (Kleck cousin) – History of Inneringen, Germany • Monique Kleck (Kleck first cousin) – contributor • Henry Kleck (Kleck uncle) – contributor • Patricia Kleck (wife of Uncle Pete) - contributor • Wayne Kleck (Kleck first cousin) – major contributor • Kevin Kurdylo – Researcher, Max Kade Institute for German-American Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison • Jason Longoria – Director of Advancement, Central Catholic High School, San Antonio, TX • Annemarie Lorch (Failer cousin) and Siegfried Lorch – major contributor • John Mein – Principal, St. Mary’s School, Fredericksburg, TX • Julie K. Motyka – Archivist, Archdiocese of Indianapolis • Christian Neumann (Bäcker cousin) and Katherina Holzmann - contributors • Kelly Roggenkamp (husband of Backer second cousin Laura Uebelhor) – picture of young Christina • Mary Lynn Rusche – Gillespie County Clerk, Fredericksburg, TX • Paul Schuhmacher (Mootz cousin) – author, historian, expert genealogist, Wernersberg, Germany • Nancy Strilka, Administrative Assistance to Principal/CEO, Incarnate Word High School, San Antonio, Tx • Simon Teufel (Kleck cousin) – contributor • Steve Thomas – current owner of Survey 725, original Kleck farm/ranch, Fredericksburg, TX • Glen Treibs - Fredericksburg Historian • Lizzy Weigler (Kleck Cousin) – contributor - New Braunfels, TX • Evelyn Weinheimer – Researcher, Pioneer Museum and Gillespie County Historical Society, Fredericksburg, TX • Beverly Wigley – Archives Coordinator, Sophienburg Museum & Archives, New Braunfels, TX • “Glenn Breysacher,” “MightyMoe” and “Shawn” – Community forum, “Surveying & Geometrics”, April 2018

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• Stewart Title Guaranty Co., “Abstract of Title to 3065 ½ acres of land, situated in Kendall County, Texas, the property of Katherina Kleck, Fredericksburg, Texas, by Gillespie County Title & Realty Company, Fredricksburg, Texas, September 30, 1923”

Finally, I appreciate all of the authors, editors and publishers of the many books, articles, papers, documents, photographs, charts, and maps. In this sort of endeavor, you find yourself reading one book or article which leads you to another and another, until you finally have to say “Enough!” But it never is enough. So, this project will never be finished.

The people I have met and with whom I have communicated have given me such great joy that I will never let those associations be enough.

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