Afghanistan As an Empty Space: the Perfect Neo-Colonial State of the 21St Century” (With 44 Photographs)

1 “Afghanistan as an Empty Space: the Perfect Neo-Colonial State of the 21st Century” (with 44 photographs) by Marc W. Herold Departments of Economics and Women’s Studies Whittemore School of Business & Economics University of New Hampshire Durham, N.H. 03824 [email protected] revised and updated April 2006 source: http://www.overlandstory.com/go/albums/userpics/baluchistan/normal_baluchistan004.jpg 2 For the invisible many in the “new” Afghanistan who are cold, hungry, jobless, sick – people like Mohammad Kabir, 35, Nasir Salam, 8, Sahib Jamal, 60, and Cho Cha, a street child – because they “do not exist” Argument: Four years after the U.S.-led attack upon Afghanistan, the true meaning of the U.S occupation is revealing itself. Afghanistan represents merely a space that is to be kept empty. Western powers have no interest in either buying from or selling to the blighted nation. The country possesses no exports of interest. The impoverished Afghan civilian population is as irrelevant as is the nation’s economic development. But the space represented by Afghanistan in a volatile region of geo-political import, is to be kept vacant from all hostile forces. The country is situated at the center of a resurgent Islamic world, close to a rising China (and India) and the restive ex-Soviet Asian republics, and adjacent to oil-rich states. The only populated centers of any real concern are a few islands of grotesque capitalist imaginary reality – foremost Kabul – needed to project the image of an existing central government, an image further promoted by Karzai’s frequent international junkets. The twin chimeras of an effective central government and a process of nation-building need to be maintained.1 In a few islands of affluence amidst a sea of poverty, a sufficient density of foreign ex-pats, a bloated NGO-community, carpetbaggers and hangers-on of all stripes, money disbursers, neo-colonial administrators, opportunists, bribed local power brokers, facilitators, beauticians (of the city planner or aesthetician types), members of the development establishment, do-gooders, enforcers, etc. warrants the presence of western businesses like foreign bank branches, luxury hotels (Serena Kabul, Hyatt Regency of Kabul), shopping malls (the Roshan Plaza, the Kabul City Centre mall), 1 John Chuckman, “The Nonsense of Nation-Building in Afghanistan: the Parable of the Hatchet or the Nonsense of Nation-Building in Afghanistan,” Scoop.co.nz (March 10, 2006) at http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0603/S00155.htm 3 import houses (Toyota selling its popular Land Cruiser), image makers (J. Walter Thompson), and the ubiquitous Coca-Cola.2 The “other,” the real economy – that in which the Afghan masses live and toil – comprises the multitudes creatively eking out a daily existence in the hustle-and-bustle of the vast informal economy.3 They are utterly irrelevant to the neo-colonial master interested in running an empty space at the least cost. The self-financing opium economy reduces such cost and thrives upon invisibility. The invisible multitudes represent a nuisance – much like Kabul’s traffic - upon maintaining the empty space. Only the minimal amount of resources – whether of the carrot or stick type - will be devoted to preserving their invisibility. Many of those who returned after the overthrow of the Taliban are now seeking to emigrate abroad, thereby contributing to an emptying space.4 The means to maintain and police such an empty space are a particular spatial distribution of military projection by U.S. and increasingly NATO forces: twenty-four hour high- level aerial surveillance; a three-level aerial presence (low, medium, high altitude); pre- positioned fast-reaction, heavily-armed ground forces based at heavily fortified key nodal points; and the employ of local satraps’ expendable forces. The aim of running the empty space at least cost is foundering upon a resurgent Taliban, who have developed their own least cost insurgency weapons (e.g., improvised explosive devices and suicide bombings) and putting them to good use. In a propaganda coup, any armed opposition to a standing government is now labeled terrorism. By such criterion, of course, the American revolutionaries of the 1770’s and the Vietnamese National Liberation Front soldiers were terrorists. 2 naturally in the midst of this, a few organizations (and individuals) genuinely try and do succeed in making life better for the common people - for example, the hospital run by the Italian N.G.O., Emergency in Kabul comes to mind, the wonderful work on de-mining carried out by a number of NGO’s, the vaccination campaigns administered by the United Nations, the projects of Oxfam, BRAC, DACCAR, and RAWA, etc. 3 For an interesting, balanced, first-hand description see Pankaj Mishra, “The Real Afghanistan,” The New York Review of Books 52, 4 (March 10, 2005) at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/17787 4 admirably put recently in Dan McDougall, “ ‘The new Afghanistan is a myth. It’s time to go get a job abroad’,” The Observer (February 5, 2006) at http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1702513,00.html 4 U.S. troops patrolling the empty space of Afghanistan (source: http://usmilitary.bravehost.com/patrols.html ) Unlike in the colonies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries where effort was made to develop economic activities – from plantations to mines, factories to infrastructure – in order to have a self-financing colony, in the neo-colony of Afghanistan no such efforts are warranted. Indeed, such efforts contravene the aim of running an empty space – a neo-colony - at least cost. In effect, Afghanistan today has reincarnated itself in its historic role as a buffer state (in twenty-first century clothing). The ferocity and barbarity of modernity’s obsession to control is experienced daily by common Afghans, whereas here in the United States the U.S. invasion and war is consumed as spectacle, a conflation of image and reality, that is, as the Baudrillardian hyper-reality where image no longer represents reality. Here, the war is consumed as an electronic, pre-programmed one, fought on the television screen. News media information is pre-meditated deception, 5 …to train everyone in the unconditional reception of broadcast simulacra. Abolish any intelligence of the event. The result is a suffocating atmosphere of deception and stupidity. And if people are vaguely aware of being caught up in this appeasement and this delusion by images, they swallow the deception and remain fascinated by the evidence of the montage of…war with which we are inoculated everywhere: through the eyes, the senses and in discourse.5 Viewers consumed the highly edited, constructed images of the Gulf War as the real. Baudrillard also argued that the totally lopsided casualties revealed the U.S being engaged in a high-tech virtual war – causing widespread destruction and pain - while the Iraqis in 1991 tried to fight a ‘traditional’ one with its attendant risks.6 The two efforts never connected. I have argued elsewhere that the U.S. bombing, invasion, and occupation of Afghanistan represents a repeat media spectacle.7 Such disconnect between real and image also characterizes how Afghanistan’s reconstruction is represented – my concern herein - when in fact the place’s primary function is as an empty space. I realize that my argument will be deeply offensive to many – from the U.S military’s Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) to the United Nations development establishment (UNAMA), cheerleaders, to the community of NGOs, sundry do-gooders and to the ‘Cruise Missile Left’ (the humanitarian interventionists are well-represented in Kabul8). The beauty of the argument is that it explains so much - presenting a coherent 5 Jean Baudrillard, The Gulf War Did Not Take Place (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995). See also his “Jean Baudrillard. The Spirit of Terrorism,” Le Monde (November 2, 2001) at http://www.egs.edu/faculty/baudrillard/baudrillard-the-spirit-of-terrorism.html and Binoy Kampmark, “Wars that Never Take Place: Non-events, 9/11 and Wars on Terrorism,” Australian Humanities Review (May 2003) at http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au/AHR/archive/Issue-May-2003/kampmark.html 6 Baudrillard (1995), op. cit.: 69 7 in numerous essays upon Afghanistan, collected in “ Archivistan” at http://www.cursor.org/stories/archivistan.htm . See also Pepe Escobar, “Power, Counter-Power, Part 2: The Fractal War,” Asia Times (February 7, 2002) at http://www.atimes.com/global-econ/DB07Dj01.html and my “War as an ‘Edsel’: The Marketing and Consumption of Modern American Wars” (Durham: keynote address at conference ‘Teaching Peace,’ April 1, 2005) at http://pubpages.unh.edu/~mwherold 8 after the failed hunt to capture bin Laden “dead or alive,” the United States fell back upon justifying the bombing and intervention in Afghanistan upon “humanitarian grounds,” namely deposing the repressive 6 whole - of what we have seen and continue to observe in Afghanistan. Laments and mea culpas about “nation-building on the cheap” miss the entire point entirely – empty space on the cheap. My argument is constructed and based upon revealed outcomes – or circumstantial evidence – as nowhere would any of the powerful or their lackeys publicly admit that Afghanistan is an empty space. This essay is comprised of five inter-related sections. First, I document how the United States and its client state in Afghanistan, has no interest in real socio-economic development in Afghanistan. Secondly, I delve into the largely invisible economy where most Afghans carry out a daily struggle to survive. The third section exposes the grotesque forms of pseudo-development in Karzai’s Kabul. The next two sections delve into how an illusionary image of progress and governance - Brand Karzai - is constructed and marketed. I close with an analysis of the U.S.

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