T. Behrend the Writings of KPH Suryanagara; Shifting Paradigms in Nineteenth-Century Javanese Thought and Letters In

Home , Na (Javanese), Ranggawarsita, Serat Centhini

T. Behrend The writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara; Shifting paradigms in nineteenth-century Javanese thought and letters

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Encompassing knowledgeIndigenous encyclopedias from ninth-century Java to twentieth-century Riau 155 (1999), no: 3, Leiden, 388- 415

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Introduction

I have elsewhere on several occasions lamented the still limited success of the scholarly project in producing a detailed history of Javanese literature, one that even begins to look away from Surakarta and pay proper attention to all regions and eras.1 The same may be said, though much more emphatically, for Javanese intellectual history. Apart from the very interesting - though still somewhat inchoate - discourse on historiography (much of which has restricted itself to external issues of referentiality and reliability) we have very little in the way of a diachronic understanding of the development of Javanese ideas and science over the period for which we have good docu- mentary evidence.2 In order to encourage the articulation of a history of Javanese ideas, and at the same time fill a tiny part of the gaping void in Javanese literary history, in this artiele I will introducé a particularly significant Javanese writér of the mid nineteenth century, give an overview of his literary production, then look at his work specifically in terms of its organizational and intellectual underpinnings. In the process I will also make observations and comparisons of how this writer and his ideas might differ from other writers and works of similar theme from earlier times, then conclude with some general remarks on the place of this author in the history of Javanese,letters. Kangjeng Pangeran Harya Suryanagara, the last. and posthumous child of

1 Pigeaud's Literature of Java (1967-1970) gives an invaluable overview, but thirty years on, his sketches of the rich regional textures of Javanese writing have still tp be fleshed out. This sit: uation is beginning to change, however. Several scholars have made major, strides in recent years in displacing Surakarta as the défault centre of our understanding of the literature of Java. Ben Arps' contributions on the Joseph tale in East Java (1990, 1992), Matthew Cohén's fascinating work on wayang in the Cirebon region (1997), and Merle Ricklefs1 compelling introduction to some aspects of Kartasura letters (1998a) as well his earlier work on Yogyakarta court literature that arose in the course of his study of the founder of Yogyakarta (1974) all stand out in this regard. 2 Here, too, some recent publications have made significant contributions. I refer especially to Ricklefs' work on Kartasura (1993, 1998a) with much of releyance to bpth intellectual history and mentalité, as well as to Ann Kumar's wonderful miscellany on Javanese thought and literature (1997).

BK1155-3 (1999) Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 389 the young king Hamengkubuwana IV, Sultan of Yogyakarta (b.1804, r.1814- 1822), was born on Christmas Day 18223 to Raden Widawati, a lesser wife (garwa ampeyan) of the newly deceased ruler, said to have been the daugh- ter of a renowned court dhalang of the period.4 Few details are yet known about his life except these: that he took a wife from the ranks of thePaku- alaman aristocracy;5 that he was a bibliophile, an avid copyist of manuscripts, and an unusually prolific writer; and that he seems to have gained some prominence in letters both in Pakualaman and Kasultanan circles. There are indications that he was on quite friendly terms with local Eurasians and Dutch, particularly the planter C.W. Baumgarten.6 In 1856 this close

3 Wednesday Legi, Mandhasiya, 10 Rabingulakir, Je 1750 is the date given in YKM/W.7a, page 352 (Kandha Bedhaya Srimpi). This converts to 25 December 1822 in the Thursday Calendar. Throughout Lindsay, Soetanto and Feinstein (1994) (for instance page 83), however, 14 December 1822 is cited as Suryanagara's date of birth. There is a surprising amount of variety in published and manuscript sources about the number and order of children sired by Hamengkubuwana IV. In MSB/S.115:718 (Babad Ngayogyakarta Hamengkubuwana V), for instance, he is said to be the seventeenth of eighteen children, the tenth of ten to survive.infancy; in YKM/W.116d (Sarasilah Warni-warni) two separate sections name him the seventeenth child of nineteen (pages 19, 464); Padmasusastra (1902:299) corrobo- rates part of the information in YKM/W.116d, stating that Suryanagara was the tenth of ten to survive while nine others were stillborn 'or died in infancy; a published genealogy based on palace sources; Rajaputra (1938:35-6), places him eleventh out of eleven; while Suryanagara himself, in a palacegenealogy he personally copied in 1849 (KBG 651, f. 179v) says he was the ninth of nine. In Mandoyokusumo (1988:37) he is the seventeenth of eighteen (seven having died as babies). A Serat Sejarah Leluhur (MSB/Sil.6, page 24) refers to his birth order as tenth out of ten and mentions Suryanagara's embryonic state at his father's death. '[Nalika soeroed dalem], tila- ranipun putra Sang Prabu. teksih timur sadhojo, pan sesongo kadjawi kang meksih dhipoen bobotaken.' Perhaps these citations should suffice, though others are available. Note in connection with Suryanagaran genealogy that there is at least one reference to a name other than that.by which he was known in later life: Mandoyokusuma (1988:37) states that Suryanagara's original birth name was B.P.H. Malayakusuma. 4 See Carey (1981:xxviii), who gives the name of Widawati's father as court dhalang Kyahi Jiwatenaya. His source is R.W. Dwidjosoegondo and R.S. Adisoetrisno, Serat Dharah inggih Seseboetan Raden (Kediri, 1941), page 105. . 5 See, for instance, Carey (1981:xxviii); Pigeaud (1967-70,1:169) says of Suryanagara that he was 'related to the Pakualaman house'. I am beginning to waver on the accuracy of this association with the Pakualaman, however, as every search I have done of Pakualaman genealogical materials has failed to mention any female child 'being accepted into the household' (katrimak- en) of a Suryanagara. This includes both published genealogies of the Yogyakarta and Pakualaman courts such as Padmasusastra (1902) and Albiladiyah (1985/86), as well as manuscript and archive resources, including Arsip Pakualaman, n.d. (for a microfilm copy of this archive, see Behrend (1988:14-5), the Genealogical Society of Utah reel 1208627, items 1, 2. In addition, the Pakualaman library has neither manuscripts nor texts that can.be associated with Suryanagara, while the Kasultanan has several such manuscripts. As will be discussed below, however, Surya did'work extensively with the Serat Suryanalendra, a text that was politically and ritually central in the court of Natakusuma and his descendants. • 6 C.W. Baumgarten, a leaseholder in mid-nineteenth-century Yogyakarta, was a Eurasian who spoke Javanese fluently enough to be the trainee translateur in 'Djokjakarta' under CL. van

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association with Europeans was formalized when he was awarded the honorary rank of Lieuteriant-Colonel on the Governor General's staff, though what distinction or accomplishment earned him this designation is unclear.7 Suryanagara seems to have taken great pride in this military honor, as he inevitably included it as part of his personal identification in the introducto- ry and closing lines of the manuscripts he wrote, copied, or had produced on his behalf. He was known in the colonial capital as well as locally. There he received the special distinction of being one of the few Indonesian members of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. His membership in that prestigious research and scientific instirution was not simply a matter of being placed on the roll; his name also appears several times in the published record as a donor of manuscripts and other items.8 But his relationship with the Society was not always smooth. In November 1874 Suryanagara had an unpleasant run in with the administration over a matter of membership.9 Although repeatedly dunned to pay delinquent annual dues dating back to 1868, he adamantly refused, insisting that his membership was a bestowed honor. The secretariat of the Society rejected this claim, stating that he was a regular mèmber and liable for the dues. In March 1875 the Resident of Yogyakarta, A.J.B. Wattendorff, appears to have intervened and remitted ƒ 240 on Surya- nagara's behalf, who was then reinstated as a gewoon lid. Later that year Suryanagara was awarded a government medal of honor for his contributions to Javanese literature.10 The timing of the award seems suspiciously

den Berg in 1853-1854.. He seems to have been politically active against the policies of the Indies government, and Houben suggests he may have been involved in the 'conspiracy' that took place three years after the 1846 tumenggung selusin affair (Houben 1994:246). His connection with Suryanagara is established, or at least indicated, by the fact that his name is written in Javanese script on page 8 of a manuscript composed and copied by Suryanagara in 1860 (MS RAS Jav 46; see Ricklefs and Voorhoeve (1977:84)). In Tijdschrift voor Taal-, land- en Volkenkunde (TBC) 10 (1861:302), which contains the notulen for a 12 May 1860 bestuursver- gadering of the Bataviaasch Genootschap, a C. Baumgarten of Yogya is mentioned as having been made a gewoon lid of the Society. 7 Not every such appointment was based on merit. Houben (1994:134) gives the example of Yudanagara, youngest son of the vizier Danureja II, who when his brother Gondakusuma was appointed Danureja V, 'was granted the title of prince and the right to wear the uniform of an officer of the Governor-General's staff'. 8 See for example his gift of a lexicographical study of his own composition mentioned in Notulen van de algemeene en directievergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen (NBG) 2 (1864:31) and mention of a photograph of an Old Javanese lingam from his private collection in NBG 7 (1869), Bijlage N, page cviii. 9 The details of these contretemps are taken from Notulen 12 (1874:117-8) [3 Nov. 74, Il.g) and 13 (1875:40) [9 Maart 75, II1). 10 See Carey (1981:xxviii). Carey adds a note to his text that gives a further reference: 'Dj. Br. 5, "Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over den jare 1875" [also mentions] that Suryanagara was one of the most lettered Javanese in Yogyakarta'.

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close to the membership debacle, and one wonders whether it was in some sense compensatory.11 In the end, though, the insult seems to have been too great, as Suryanagara's name does not appear in the membership lists of the Society after 1878.12 Though his is not generally a well-known name, students of Javanese history and culture might have developed a vague familiarity with the bare facts of Suryanagara's life from fleeting references made to him in Pigeaud's survey of Javanese literature or through notes in several of Carey's writings on Dipanagara that make use of Surya's Babad Ngayogyakarta^ - a work which took its final form around 1876, and which will be discussed in more detail below. The records I have found to date place Suryanagara in Yogyakarta between 1822 and 1886.1 have yet to find a clear reference to a date of death. On deductive grounds, however, there is reason to believe that he died in 1886 which would have made him nearly 64 in Gregorian years, a fui l and propitious age for a Muslim.14 In any case, the period of Suryanagara's known productivity was 1845-1876 and the definitive answer to the question of his death date will have to be postponed until further research is possible. Yet despite his rank, his correspondence with the Batavian Society, his considerable body of writings, and even the high regard accorded him by the

11 A later copyist of a sengkala list written by Suryanagara mentions this medal as one of the identifying attributes of the author: 'Pnngeran Arya Suryanagara, Litnan Kolonel pan Setap, ingkang sampun kaanggep ing Kangjeng Cupermen, menggah ing pamarsudining kasusastran sarta kaparingan pratandha medhali mas' (FSUI/SJ.98, page 209). I have not yet been able to find further references or information about this award to flesh out these incidental references. 12 Even regular membership in the Batavian Society was an extremely rare accomplishment for Indonesian indigenes at this early date, and must be seen as a mark of great distinction in any event. The Notulen of 1875 (Bijlage D) and that of 1878 (Bijlage VI, page xxviii) together list only the following indigenous members: R. Adipati Suryasasraningrat, Pangeran Adipati Anom, Pangeran Arya Suryanagara, and Raden Adipati Danureja of Yogyakarta; R.A. Tirtanata of Bojonegoro, R.A.A. Candranagara of Serang; R.A.A. Kusumadiningrat of Galuh, R.M.A.A. Candranagara of Kudus; and R.M.T. Arya Purbaningrat of Demak. Der Kinderen (1878:90) States that only three Indonesians ever had the status of honorary members of the Society: Mangkunagara IV, Surya Sasraningrat (probably Pakualam III, though the source uses the numeral IV), and 'the painter of kings', Raden Saleh. • . 13 See also Lindsay (1980), which makes extensive use of Suryanagara's babad, and more recently, Wieringa (1994:248-52). 14 The strongest evidence I have for Suryanagara's death comes from a survey of the Regeeringsalmanak, where from 1867 through 1886 Suryanagara is included in every year's list of 'Inlandsche officieren voor memorie gevoerd bij het militair departement'. In it his name is given as 'Luit. kolonel Pangeran Radhen Ario Soerjo Negoro'. The date of his appointment is given as '17 Julij ', where the ' ' means ditto and refers to the year 1856 in the preceding line. In the 1876 edition, however, the date is modified to 1858 without explanation. On the basis of this circumstantial evidence I tentatively date Suryanagara's death to 1886.

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Ngayogyan royalty of his generation,15 Suryanagara does not appear to have been a figure of major importance in Yogya politics of his time. Nor did he leave traces considerable enough to attract the attention of later historians either foreign or domestic. Houben's recent study of Solo and Yogya between 1830 and 1875, for example, cites him only once in passing, and then as but one in a string of more illustrious names, though he does make corporate reference to Suryanagara there as a 'prominent' prince (Houben 1994:246). More telling, perhaps, is the fact that none of the numerous publications over the past 50 years produced by government offices, bureaucratie projects, or private committees with the intention of commemorating Yogya's history and culture name him at all. Even Ki Hadjar Dewantara's famous address on 'The Cultivation of Arts and Letters in the Pakoe Alam Family' (Dewantara 1931), which dwells at some length (and somewhat sycophantically) on the literary accomplishments of the Pakualaman house, fails to mention the pujangga- hood or the works of Suryanagara even once, though lesser figures are show- cased. One reason for Suryanagara's relative obscurity certainly lies in the simple fact that he is a Yogya writer. No Yogya poets had their works published by the big domestic presses in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century - probably due in great measure to the much closer relations between Dutch scholars and Javanesè literati in Solo than in Yogya, and to the bias that those associations built into the Dutch interest and understanding of Javanesè culture. By the time local Yogya presses began to come into their own in the 1920s, Suryanagara seems already to have been nearly forgotten. Except for a single small and extremely rare text, published under the new title Se rat Nindyamantri in 1935 by the Yogya publisher Sakti as part of a series on kapoedjanggan djawi,16 the entire Suryanagaran corpus remains effectively hidden in manuscript form and unknown to the general public in the way that the. Solo writers Yasadipura père etfils, Ranggawarsita, Mangkunagara IV, Sindusastra, or Padmasusastra are known. What first alerted me to the possibility that Suryanagara was an important figure, and at the same time made my preliminary work on him possible, was the cataloguing and microfilming work done over the past fifteen years at the Kraton Ngayogyakarta, the Museum Sonobudoyo, the library of the Faculty of Letters at the University of Indonesia, and the National Library of Indonesia. In each of the catalogues produced by the teams of scholars

15 Dwijasaraya suggests this recognition when he says that 'Swargi Bandara Pangeran Suryanagara [...] wonten ing kalanganing para bandara ing Ngayogya [...] kondhang lebda dhateng kapujanggan ]awï, (Suryanagara 1935:3). 16 This text, Suryanagara (1935), was edited by Sutarna and Dwijasaraya; it is not even to be found in the collections of the KITLV or the Leidse Universiteitsbibliotheek. Who knows how it made its way into the Cornell Library.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 393 associated with these projects the name Suryanagara has appeared with fair regularity. In addition, two widely distributed books (Pigeaud 1967-70, III; Gallop and Arps 1991) provide plates or photographs that feature some of the more graphically impressive manuscripts produced under Surya's hand.

Suryanagara 's Writing

Suryanagara was a prolific and innovative writer. More texts can be attrib- uted to his authorship, and more manuscripts to his hand, than to any other Yogyakarta writer of the nineteenth century. I have thus far identified 68 manuscripts (including copies and transliterations)17 containing more than 50 distinctly named texts - though there is significant overlap of content due to his frequent reworking of older material in slightly new form. There is also, of course, the same phenomenon of titular polynomialism that compli- cates Javanese bibliography generally. Of the 57 manuscripts containing Suryanagara texts at least 15 come from his own hand, an unusual number of autographic copies that may only be surpassed by his Surakartan contemporary, Ranggawarsita.18 For purposes of analysis Suryanagara's writings can be grouped into five broad categories, though the boundaries are synthetic and most works straddle at least two areas of interest. The main areas into which his writings can be.classified are:

- the study öf language and literature and the associated arts of manuscript decoration- - encyclopedie compendia of facts - belles-lettres- • - history - didactic/moralisticpz'iüw/attg

In each of these areas his writing exhibits a profound familiarity with tradi-

17 Of these 68 manuscripts, 14 are in Suryanagara's own hand, two more come from his household or were produced under his supervision, 31 were copied by other hands in the mid- to-late nineteenth and early twentieth century, while 21 are typescript transliterations produced mainly by the Pigeaud project in the 1930s. It seems probable that a number of other manuscripts might also have a Suryanagaran origin (for instance MSB/B.15 and B.16 as well as numerous manuscripts containing historical texts), but it was not possible to consult these while writing this article. 18 See Behrend (1993) for notes on a run of manuscripts from Ranggawarsita's hand at the National Library in Jakarta. Other manuscripts of his production can be found through the index of Florida (1993).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access 394 T.E. Behrend tional texts, a commitment to the highest standards of courtly esthetics in the areas of both textual and book arts, but at the same time an unusual comparative or critical perspective and a synthesizing temperament and ability that make him one of the most important intellectual innovators of nineteenth-century Yogyakarta. In the paragraphs that follow I will briefly outline the main texts that Suryanagara created as he engaged with traditión in each of the five subject areas outlined above; in the process I will note some of the ways in which that engagement was new in the universe of Javanese literature and from what sources that innovation drew part of its inspiration. Suryanagara wrote extensively, and over at least a twenty year period, in the area of language, literature, and manuscript decoration. His specific areas of interest included: Old Javanese language and literature; lexicography and dictionaries; the art of manuscript illumination; everything to do with script and writing, including paleography and inscriptions; and the full spectrum of language tools for textual professionals such as sengkalan cipher words, the technical aspects of prosody and poetic structures, and the florid, literary synonymism of courtly composition. He likewise wrote about styles of Javanese speech, in particular the so-called wkanten, bagongan, the special style of language used only in the precincts of the palace. Some texts that belong to these categories were extensive, well-developed, book-length studies, such as Buk Sastra Buda (YKM/W.337, composed 1875) and a series of Carakabasa texts produced between 1845-1863. Most, however, were highly specialized treatments of single language issues that typically ran fewer than ten pages; a number of these would then be gathered together in a single compound text, often in combination with a much more extensive work, and be presented as compilations of language- and literature-related texts. Such small treatments might focus on one aspect of prosody, for example, or on synonyms for a particular class of words, or an antiquated form of the Javanese alphabet that could be used for cryptic writing; treatments of candrasengkala, wangsalan, cangkriman, keratabasa, and other special language topics are also found in numerous compilations. In addition to the purely language-oriented works, certain. other Suryanagaran texts in the historical, belletristic and piwulang categories have an added lexical feature in the form of an appended glossary of 'kawï terms.19 Some of these lists are quite perfunctory, consisting of a small number of literary or antiquated terms with one- or two-word equivalents in the modern dialect; most, though, are extensive and arranged in an orderly and highly accessible pattern that makes locating the meaning of obscure words

19 See for example the glossaries found in the Babad Ngayogyakarta (SMP/Rp. 44), Cabolek Bratatama (MSB/L.80b and P.201), Samhwidya (MSB/L.100, et cetera.), and in the published didactic poem Nindyamantri (Suryanagara 1935).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 395 in the associated text a simple matter. Such glossing of other texts, of course, is only a minor reflection of Suryanagara's great lexicographical skill and the interest that drove him to produce a voluminous dictionary of written Javanese and then continually revise it over a thirty year period, producing new versions or 'editions' at regular intervals. More will be said of this below. The diction and style of all his writings clearly show Suryanagara to be a rival of Yasadipura II and Ranggawarsita in the extent of his interest in Old Javanese sesquipedalianism, and Carey has credited him with contributing materially to the development of the distinctive Yogyan literary idiom. A contrastive study of Ranggawarsita's Kawi-Jarwa lists with those of Suryanagara would be a most interesting research topic to pursue for students of the history of Javanese knowledge of its own linguistic history in the period before, and in the early years of, the Dutch scholarly rèdiscovery of Old Javanese through Sanskrit and comparative Austronesian linguistics. At least four of Suryanagara's compositions fall under the rubric encyclopedie compilations: an undated, untitled work that I will call Serat Klempakan Bab Basa lan Sastra (YKM/W.342-343), the Serat Purwa Ukara of 1861 (YKM/W.40 and LOr 6523), the Serat Suryanarendra of 1861 (Bal. Bhs.DIY 2469), and the Serat Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi of 1867 (MSB/L.99- 100). The Klempakan - which based on the treatment of various parts of the text appears to be a product of circa 1850 - survives in a single badly dam- aged and partially illegible manuscript whose acidic, sometimes crumbling pages are mixed up and bound out of order in a two volume set in the palace library of Ngayogyakarta. Many topics of Suryanagara's interest from his earliest writings on language are brought together here, including formal and mystic aspects of Javanese scripts (Yanjanasastra, Namaning Aksyara Kalihdasa, Werganing Sastra Kalihdasa), cryptics (Aksyara Sdndi Gunung), rules of prosody for sekar kawi, sekar dhagelan, and sekar macapatan meters, lists of literary synonyms (Pracekaning Dasanama, including Sorahing Bebasan Dasanama Dewa Ratu Sapangandhap), traditional as well as practical lexicography (Pratelaning Keratabasa, Keratabasa Kawi, Carakabasa, Kertabasa), words used in cryptic dates (Mahartining Candrasengkala), examples of illuminated punctuation marks for scribes (Pratelaning Pada Ukara Carik), and a single historical text listing all the rulers of Java since the arrival of Ajisaka in the first year of the calendar (Candra Lambanging Negari Jawi Awit ing Medhang). In the years that fol- lowed his creation of this hodgepodge of language arts Suryanagara reworked many of these texts, incorporating them into other compendia, especially his expanding dictionaries: Others became the central topics in greatly expanded, single theme works, as for example the expansion of the two pages on cryptic writing based on anti que Javanese alphabets to a manu-

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access 396 T.E. Behrend script 'monograph' of thirty pages called Buk Sastra Buda (YKM/W.337). Some of the texts featured in the Klempakan also reappear in new form in Suryanagara's second major encyclopedie work, the Purwa Ukara. In the Purwa Ukara, however, Suryanagara has introduced an important innovation by attempting to change the basic structural organization under- lying the compilation. This appears to have been inspired by a published Surakarta source originating in the Dutch scientific community - C.F. Winter's Javaansche Zamenspraken which was printed in two volumes in 1848 and 1858. This work, composed as a primer for Dutch students of Javanese, contained materials relating to Javanese history, culture, and literature but presented in the form of a collection of conversations between a curious Dutchman and several Javanese experts or informants responding to his questions. . • • . The Purwa Ukara, which can be translated as 'First Principles', is a compendium of Ngayogyakartan knowledge consisting of 37 separate chapters of prose and occasionally verse texts. Each chapter is labelled.in the author's table of.contents at the front of the book. Two things hold these quite dis- parate sections together as a single work. First is the author's actual intention of creating an integral whole or unit, something that he called the Purwa Ukara in several internal self-referential observations written in the process of assembling the text. More important, though', and much more memorable, is the use of the unifying narrative device mentioned above, namely the framing of the work as a set of Javaansche Zamenspraken style conversations between two brothers, Ontawecana and Kakang Sasrawecana. Sometimes these two elements are intertwined, as when Sasrawecana tries to convince Ontawecana that a certain topic should be presented poetically rather than in dry prose. Otherwise, he argues, the Javanese readers of the text will be.bored to death, sincé they are used to being poetically entertained by their readings, and - unlike the Dutch - cannot take the flatness of prose for very long. First Principles is perhaps best understood as a sampler presenting types of knowledge that a literate Javanese gentleman should possess.in the mid- dle of the nineteenth century. It covers the following topics, among others (note that the first three texts represent reworkings of Klempakan material):

- detailed information on 100 different poetic meters - a short guide to the most basic aspects of manuscript decoration - a brief overview of royal gehealogy • - specific historical information about Javanese kings and Dutch governors general (emphasizing regnal dates / dates in office) . - short chronicles about several events of the day considered to be of special significance (including the appointment of Danureja V to the patih- ship in Yogyakarta and a state visit of the governor general to Yogya)

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- descriptions of the different prajurit corps in the palace, together with their identifying insignia and flags - a good deal about dance, especially bedhaya and srimpi - a full listing of the Ngayogyan gamelan repertoire - numerous kawin texts for wayang of all sorts - the course of certain state ceremonies including garebeg and rampok macan - several matters of behavior and protocol for life in the palace, including basa bagongan, the use of parasols of rank, and the ceremony surrounding the receipt of official letters from the Kraton Kasunanan - detailed census data for Yogya and especially the make up of the abdi dalem and dependants of the Sultan

We can read back through this medley of texts as a checklist of essential knowledge and so derive from it an intellectual portrait of Suryanagara's ide- alized pnyaj/z'-about-court. His mastery of language would cover the full range of speech styles from civilized intercourse among mutually respectful social equals to abject linguistic acquiescence in the assumption of the utter social otherness of the sultan as manifest in the 'ontology play' of bagongan speech enacted everywhere and everywhen within the inner palace precincts. Absolute familiarity with the ritual, sumptuary, musical, perfor- mative, military, genealogical, and historical traditions of the sultanate was also required. In addition to these codes of communication and behavior embedded in, and ever reaffirming, the social fabric of the court, Surya- nagara's ideal courtier was also expected to develop more solitary and scholarly graces, including manual skill and artistic accomplishment in manuscript decoration; an encyclopedie knowledge of the most abstruse details of poetic composition; mastery of the recondite codes of wayang text and song; and familiarity with written encodings of the specific, professional, step-by- step details of sacred dances of court. Then, in addition to these areas of traditional knowledge Suryanagara, also insisted on familiarity with an assort- ment of 'modern' facts and figures in which the priest-king at the center of Javanese space is pragmatically juxtaposed to a very different reality and its enumerations: court census figures, tabulations of monetary allowances and stipends, and most disturbingly perhaps, a roll call of the chief officers of the foreign overlords who have uhdermined the integrity of Javanese cosmology by imposing an alien order. This is everywhere apparent in the text, whether the topic of the moment is Javanese or European, by the use of Gregorian dates (taun walandï) to fix everything in the space-time hierarchy of the new age.20

20 We might say that Bathara Kala, the ravenous embodiment of all-consuming time has been replaced by the unilinear calendar of Europe: in colonization, Java has been de-kala-nized.

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In the end the Purwa Uk ara text has something of an abandoned feel to it, since it stops abruptly without explanation or summation. Since the text was put together over a period of time, it may be that Surya had intended to return to it at a later date, but never did - or that he may have continued his work in another manuscript now separated from this one or otherwise lost to the present. On 28 January 1861, less than two weeks after Suryanagara had begun work on the Purwa Ukara (17-01-1861) he undertook a similar project, Serat Suryanarendra, which shares some texts with the Purwa Ukara but places its emphasis on historical rather than literary issues. It also characterizes itself intratextually as an analytical development of a previous work. Discussion of this text is therefore postponed to the section on historical texts where it will be more easily described in relation to other works dealing with history and particularly with the text on which it purports to comment. The last great compendium of knowledge compiled by Suryanagara was the Sarahwidya, which I have elsewhere called Centhini Suryanagaran (Behrend 1990:274). Unlike the Serat Klempakan and Purwa Ukara this work is in many ways a traditional literary text characterized by strong narrative and dramatic elements and must be considered as much a belletristic as an encyclopedie work. It comprises a lengthy recomposition of a section of the well-known and uniquely voluminous Centhini Kadipaten (or Major Centhini) corresponding to cantos 448-554 in the Karkono edition.21 It is incomplete in the manuscript copies that survive and may have been abandoned by its author before completion. Even so, when compared to the parallel section of the Major Centhini, Suryanagara's Sarahwidya represents a three-fold expansion in total lines over its exemplar. Almost all of this extra text is devoted to technical details and expanded treatment of the same subjects that the Kad ipaten introduces. At one point in the text Suryanagara goes so f ar as to insert a prose passage, with charts and figures, on the subject of Javanese verse forms; he also includes a pet subject treated over the years in many different texts - namely, the proper forms of stanza markers to be used in cantos of different macapat meters. One of the most unusual things about this text is that it took as its exemplar an imported work co-authored by Yasadipura, the most celebrated poet of the rival Surakarta court, rather than the locally available, specifically Ngayogyan version composed 20 years earlier under the patronage of Hamengkubuwana V, Suryanagara's elder brother. That text, the Centhini

21 The equivalent section of the (partial) Bataviaasch Genootschap edition of 1912-1915, edited by Soeradipoera et al., is found in cantos 129-235, while in Soemahatmaka's précis of 1931 (published as Sumahatmaka 1981; see SMP/ MN 343 for an early autograph version of the original Javanese text) it corresponds to vol. 8, canto 43 through vol. 9, canto 48.

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Kasultanan,22 had itself been more 'appropriately' recomposed on the basis of a Kartasura version of the Centhini tradition, thus avoiding literary depend- ence on Solo and - as in many similar acts of literary disdain - acting out Yogyakarta's claim of cultural pre-eminence. The Centhini Kasultanan and the Sarahwidya are profoundly different texts in several ways. Most obvious is that the former had all of the simple, santri lelana characteristics of the original Cirebon version of the text without any hint of the encyclopedie elements of the 1814 Kadipaten redaction. Suryanagara's version, by contrast, retained the encyclopedism of the Kadi- paten, and significantly expanded it. One might speculate that it was the stat- ed purpose of the Centhini Kadipaten to assemble and present 'all Javanese science gathered together and arranged in metrical form so that those who hear it will be ehtertained, not bored'23 that attracted Suryanagara and per- suaded him to employ it as his exemplar rather than the more readily available domestic version. As the corpus of his own literary production testifies, Suryanagara's inspiration to write seems to have been a personal commitment to that same general goal, though interpreted in a very different way.24 Suryanagara's activity in the sphere of belles-lettres included both copying manuscripts of literary works and creating new compositions of his own. Some of the information here is still hazy. There is a reference to an Ambiya copied by or for Suryanagara in 1849 (Lindsay, Soetanto, and Feinstein 1994:205), for example; there are likewise several indications in manuscript notes of a version of the Nitisastra composed or copied by him. I have not yet been able to confirm these attributions. There are, however, at least two unequivocal instances of manuscripts executed by him or under his supervision. Both are copied in the official court style popular during the reign of Hamengkubuwana V. One (PNRI/KBG 651) is a handsome and substantial manuscript containing three texts: the historical chronicle Babad Galuh, a modernized (jarwa) version of the Wiwaha, and a brief collection of notes on royal genealogy that record the names of the children of Hamengkubuwana I who survived into adulthood. This last text is copied in Suryanagara's private hand, and may have been an addition made after the manuscript was completed.

22 The sole copy of this version of the Centhini is found in YKM/W.264, copied (or composed) under order of Hamengkubuwana V between 13 September and 12 December 1847. 23 Canto I, verse 1: 'snnggyaning kawruh ]awa, ingimpun tinrap kaknwin, mrih tan kemba karya dhangan karig miyarsa'. 24 Thus, while the Major Centhini steadfastly refused to recognize a European presence on Java in its narrative world (even while it was responding intellectually to that presence by its very textual structure and being), Suryanagara's search for essential Javanese knowledge led him to embrace the alien presence as a given in the world of his experience.

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The second manuscript from the Suryanagaran household, LOr 2251, contains a fully illuminated personal copy of a new adaptation of both text and form of the strikingly beautiful Kangjeng Kiyahi Jatipusaka. The Jatipusaka was first composed in sekar kawi meters by the Ngayogyan prince Natakusuma in 1800 and subsequently became an important Pakualaman heirloom - both as a book-object and as a literary work expressing the ethos of the court - when Natakusuma became the first ruler of the Pakualaman princedom in 1812.25 Suryanagara's adaptation of the text, carried out in 1845, replaces the verse form of the original with macapat meters. The spirit of the original illuminations, though, is maintained. The pages of LOr 2251 are decorated with 27 double-page textual gateways or renggan wadana gapura that are in every way the artistic rivals of Natakusuma's original, though their particular styles are different. It is unclear whether Suryanagara oversaw the copying of this manuscript or actually carried it out himself; it is also far from certain that Suryanagara personally worked on the rubrica- tion, gilding, illumination, and painting of the manuscript or whether he had the work done by an artisan in his household. Suryanagara's interest in the Jatipusaka, however, seems to have been intense and personal; it also carried on through his life and he returned to it several times, as will be discussed below in the section on historical works. Another text that Suryanagara apparently took a personal interest in was the Cabolek, a tale of religious debate and heterodoxy that Ricklefs has recently demonstrated might well have been based on historical events in Kartasura around 1731.26 According to scribal notes in MSB/L.80b, p. 1, and MSB/P.201, p. 17, 'the most excellent poet' (pujonggatama) Suryanagara composed this text in September 1866, either updating it from an ancient text in kawi (p. 201) or excerpting it from the Chronicles of Kartasura (L.80b) or taking it from the Sarah.wid.ya (MSB/L.80, p. 138). In all probability, though, Suryanagara was simply reworking a text that had been current in Surakarta for some time already, taking literary possession of it in the name of Yogyakarta through recomposition. This Cabolek seems to have been one of Suryanagara's more 'popular' works in that several copies from outside the

25 See my forthcoming monograph on the surviving manuscripts of this tradition, entitled 'Literary magie and dynastie identity in a Pakualaman court text: Locating The Jatipusaka in Yogyakarta literary space'. 26 See Ricklefs (1998a:127-62) for a synopsis of the story and a fascinating web of arguments for the historical roots of the tale. See also Ricklefs (1998b) for a list of manuscripts of the Cabolek in major collections. The latter contains valuable observations on the broad contours of the Cabolek textual corpus and corrects errors found both in Soebardi's study of 1975 and in several catalogues of the Katalog induk naskah-naskah Nusantara series, but could profitably be gone through once again using a finer philogical comb to produce a more nuanced textual history of the complex family of manuscripts that carry the fourty-odd known copies of 'the' Se rat Cabolek.

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palace are known to exist, some of them copied from other non-k ra ton manuscripts. The currency of the text also carried into the twentieth century with inscribed manuscripts from 1917 (MSB/P.201), 1930 (PNRI/KBG 994);27 a transliteration made by Pigeaud's staff in 1932 and distributed in four carbon copies (FSUI/CS.12, LOr 8367, MSB/L.80a, PNRI/G 190) has made this text accessible to contemporary readers even though no edition of the Bratatama has been published. Beyond these several texts it should be emphasized that the Sarahwidya mentioned above as well as the didactic poems and most of the history texts to be discussed below are also strongly belletristic in their style of composition. Pigeaud (1967-70, 11:848) mentions two piwulang texts by Suryanagara found in a single illuminated manuscript, Ad Kit H 835. This manuscript, like the Pakualaman heirloom mentioned above, bears a personal name, Kyahi Wijayeng Tamtama Susandi Wahini, rather than a title. The two texts that it contains might be called Sasanasunu and Piwulang Estri, though no Javanese titles are mentioned in the catalogue.28 Pigeaud describes the style of language in these texts as 'artificial, full of alliteration and synonymy' (1967-70, 11:848). I have not yet seen these didactic works. A very early work of Suryanagara's, the Purwacampur (PNRI/KBG 80, written in 1846)29 is another didactic poem, this time dealing with more abstract philosophical and mystical subjects, including the essential unity of the worlds of Islam and wayang purwa and the relative merits of the literary arts versus the musical. As the title of the work implies, however, this is a 'mixed' compilation borrowed from several sources and further research would be needed to determine which parts of the text are new compositions

27 The KBG copy illustrates an interesting phenomenon. In it, P.A.A. Mangkunagara, the future Hamengkubuwana VII, highjacks Suryanagara's text and claims it for his own. Compare the opening lines of the original and this copy for the stark evidence of 'plagiarism': trahing madu kusumeng mntawis trahing madu pinudyeng matawis rnjnputra ing ngayugyakarta narpaputra kaping nem ngayuja knping seknwan pamnse karta diningrat paradyeng segung ing tyas mamangun luri di ning matarum ing carita carang kinteki kangjeng gusti pangrnn dipati pethikan sangking babat, anom mangkunagara rat knrtasura gung digbya rajasunu somanning jumadiawal naradipaning mataram lek triwelas lumakswa Alip momanni ing ngayujakarta adiningrat apti taia trus pandhiteng ngrat mamangun caritarjn 28 Both of these titles are well-known in association with didactic works by Yasadipura and Pakubuwana IX; because Pigeaud doesn't cite those texts I assume that Suryanagara's compositions are new works that bear or could bear those titles. 29 Other manuscripts are a Cohen Stuart copy (PNRI/CS 87) and a copy from the scriptorium of Hamengkubuwana V (YKM/W.302) which deletes the Suryanagara attribution.

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(or recompositions), and which parts are carried over whole from other sources. Another text that can be classified as a piwulang is a moralistic study of all the patih dalem or grand viziers of Kartasura, Surakarta, and Yogyakarta in which their names and dates are given supplemented by a brief poetic summary of their character and accomplishments. I have not yet located a manuscript source for this poem, but am familiar with it from the published edition of 1935, edited by Sutarna and Dwijasaraya, where it appeared under the name Serat Nindyamantri. This is a title of the editors' making; Serat Candraning Papatih Dalem would be a more straightforward designation. As noted earlier, this is the only published text from Suryanagara's assorted opera; it is also one of the few Indonesian printed sources that give even a few details about his life and compositions. The largest body of Suryanagara's work is in the area of historical writing. Pigeaud considers him to be principally a Pakualaman historian, but he is in fact a much more wide ranging and catholic scholar of the past. Several of the texts described above under the rubrics of encyclopedie compilations and belletristic writings are also clearly historical in content. These include:

the Babad Galuh copied in the first part of PNRI/KBG 651, dated 1849 the list of the children of Hamengkubuawana I appended to the back of the same manuscript the historically based tale of Cabolek in the Bratatama, of YKM/W.336a and other manuscripts, dated 1866 the published Nindyamantri with its characterizations of Javanese viziers, of unknown date but likely to have been written around 1870 regnal dates for the kings of Mataram, Jumenengipun Para Ratu, in the Purwa Ukara of 1861, YKM/W.40, et cetera succession dates for the governors general in Batavia, in the Purwa Ukara an historical treatment of R.T. Gondakusuma's appointment as Patih Danureja V of Yogyakarta in 1847, as well as numerous other historical cameos, in the Purwa Ukara several vignettes describing events within the k ra ton, including for instance a visit of the crown prince to Surakarta in March 1847 to visit his bride to be and an undated tour of the governor general through Yogyakarta, in the Purwa Ukara a live report on a horrendous flood in the Vorstenlanden in February 1861, in the Purwa Ukara and of course the nicely detailed results of an 1860 census of the palace precincts, also found in the Purwa Ukara

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In addition to these, however, Suryanagara is also the author of at least five works dedicated principally or entirely to history. The first of these is a genealogically oriented history of Java written in 1845 that covers the period from Adam, through the Islamic prophets, and concludes with the sultans of Yogyakarta. More specifically, it offers a detailed survey of the most important events and prophets of Islam: creation, Adam, Nuh and the flood, Ibrahim, Isma'il, Yusup, Kilir, Musa, Harun, Daud, Sulaiman, Iskandar, Isa, and Muhammad with separate cantos on the different eras in his life. The section on Javanese kings begins with the wali sanga and Demak then treats each king from Senapati through Hamengkubuwana IV in a separate canto, creating short, evocative characterizations of each reign. This text is called by various names, including]atipusaka, Dahor Palak, Suryanarendra, Suryana- lendra; as mentioned above it represents a reworking of part of Nataku- suma's Kangjeng Kiyahi Jatipusaka text which became a Pakualaman heirloom.30 Manuscript copies appear in LOr 2251 and MSB/S.1, both richly illuminated. There is also a second, more extensive version of the previous work, probably representing a later expansion by the author, though it maintains the 1845 date in its colophons. The single known copy is FSUI/SJ.98, together with its quadruplicate transliterations in typescript by Pigeaud's staff. A third historical text, dated 1861, is also based on the Jatipusaka I Surya- nalendra. It converts the high poetry of the earlier adaptations into a more prosaic, even scientifically historical form by adding other texts and information drawn from various sources. As mentioned above this text might more appropriately be listed in the section on encyclopedie compilations, but it seemed easier to describe and introducé it in conjunction with the two previous texts. lts expanded contents, some of which are drawn analytically from the original, are as follows: dates of succession for the rulers of Java together with the names of the governors general who appointed them (the names of the kings are said to have been taken from the Suryanarendra exemplar); a list of the kawi verse forms and associated stanza markers used in the exemplar; a list of governors general from 1610-1851; the Suryanaren- dra proper, mentioning the Javanese kings from Senapati to Hamengkubu- wana IV, but in the process describing (rather than replicating) the renggan wadana gapura decorations that accompany each in the original; a collection of three didactic texts ascribed respectively to Mangkurat Ageng (Amang- kurat II), Pakubuwana II, Hamengkubuwana I (instructions to his grandson

30 This part of the Jatipusaka, in some texts referred to by the separate title Suryanalendra, is also known under various alternate names, including Serat Ctindranipun Para Panjenengan Dalem Nata. See for example YKM/W.52a, which has recently been referred to in the first volume of Ricklefs' study of Kartasura (1993:314).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access 404 T.E. Behrend who would become Hamengkubuwana III); descriptions of the candra - in this case referring to sumptuary rights - of the princes at court from the establishment of Yogyakarta to the time of writing; lists of the 28 military units in service to the sultans from the time of Hamengkubuwana I to Hamengkubuwana V. The text then ends abruptly but leaving the impression that it still had some distance to cover.31 The sole manuscript of this work is Bal. Bhs. DIY 2469. Suryanagara also created an outline history of Java from Ajisaka through Hamengkubuwana VI composed in the form of a chronogram list; written in 1865 and titled Babad Sengkalaning Momana. Copies are found in FSUI/SJ.98 and its typescript transliterations, KBG 1052, KITLV Or 257, LOr 8560, LOr 8989, and MSB/S.2; excerpts also appear in SMP/Rp.44. In 1876, with the assistance of Danureja V, Suryanagara wrote a major history of the second half of the eighteenth century, Babad Ngayogyakarta, which traces the career of Mangkubumi and the establishment of Yogyakarta, then continues into the early years of Hamengkubuwana U's reign, gives detailed coverage of events surrounding the Dipanagara rebellion, then carries through into the réign of Hamengkubuwana IV. Found in three thick volumes (see LOr 8552a-c, MSB/S.105-107 and its transliterations), this text has been fruitfully employed by P.B.R. Carey in his extensive writings on Yogyakarta history in the nineteenth century. See his Babad Dipanagara; An Account of the Outbreak of the Java War (1981:xxviii-xxix) for a discussion of this text, including its array of sources. An earlier version of this work appears to have been written in 1870; the single surviving manuscript is now in Surakarta (SMP/Rp.40, see Florida 1981).

Concepts, Assumptions, Mechanics

The volume of his production, the style of his writing, the distinctive treatment of his topics all make Suryanagara a literary figure deserving of extensive study. Such a study will be particularly valuable because of the insight that the Suryanagaran corpus gives into one of the central intellectual processes occurring in the mid nineteenth-century Javanese courts: the accommodation of Dutch science, or perhaps better, the incorporation of certain European ways of thinking, within the larger world of Javanese thought.32 The result of this process was a profoundly new way of organiz-

31 It seems possible that the Nindyamantri text of uncertain origin described under the didactic texts in the previous section might have come from this text or one like it. 32 • I am indebted to Mare Perlman of Brown University for the first formulation of the germ of this idea, as it formed in a series of email exchanges early in 1995. At the time he was trying

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Surycmagara 405 ing or giving system to the world. Preliminary evidence points to Surya- nagara as a principal articulator of change in this fundamental re-systemati- zation of Javanese knowledge in Yogyakarta. In this sense he is the Ngayogyan counterpart of the Solonese poet and scholar Ranggawarsita. In order to illustrate the importance of Suryanagara's perspective and contribution, I would like to return to a more detailed consideration of several of his writings on language, literature, and manuscript production, comparing representative bits of his work with pre-existing texts of similar theme or content in order to juxtapose both the organization and the presentation of the materials. The particular texts I wish to consider are his Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa and his treatment of dasanama (synonyms), sengkala (chronogram words), and tembang macapat in the Purwa Ukara and several other places. The Carakabasa, as the name implies, has something to do with an alphabet based study of language. In this case, the full title Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa is best translated as Descriptive Dictionary ofPoetic Language, where kawi refers not to Old Javanese but to the contemporaneous literary idiom of Yogyakarta. Based on the evidence of existing manuscripts, there does not appear to have been a pre-existing Javanese dictionary tradition per se,33 although word study, word play, glossing for meaning, and studies of writing and the alphabet are among other topics of a roughly lexicographical nature that were frequently written about in other genres and other forms. The oldest identified manuscripts that are written or assembled in a form that might be said to be dictionary-like in some ways are two mid-eighteenth-century glossaries from Cirebon, MSB/B.7, dated 1761, and PNRI/ KBG 49, undated but of the same period. Both contain Old Javanese words drawn from the Bratayuda with short one or two word glosses in the contemporary idiom. The organization of the material is of crucial importance. The Old Javanese lexemes are written in one color of ink (red or black) while the definitional glosses are written in another (grey). The words are not alphabetized for general reference, but listed in the order they fall in a parallel text of the Bratayuda.3i The words are written in continuous text without line breaks for new items, but they are clustered according to the verse in which they appear. The value of these texts, then, which use the title Dasanama Kawi, or Old to understand the ways in which the creation of notation systems by nineteenth-century Javanese musicians might be seen to represent a concurrent reorganization of the ways in which they conceptualized and understood their tradition. 33 But see Kuntara Wiryamartana (1988) on the earlier tradition of Old Javanese and Sanskrit lexicography. 34 In the case of MSB/B.7 the manuscript upon which the word list was based is also known: MSB/L.65.

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Javanese Synonyms, is largely restricted to aiding in the reading of a particular text. They cannot be abstracted for general application because they lack an overall structural organization keyed to a general code that could be applied under other circumstances to other texts, or to needs other than the reading of a single manuscript. If these Cirebon manuscripts represent the eighteenth-century state of traditional lexicography in Java, then we can characterize that tradition as one of single task-oriented particularism without any sense of a whole language project. Other manuscripts, too numerous to need enumeration, drawn from the parallel tradition of Arabic studies and Javanese literature written in Arabic script, illustrate a similar proto-lexicographical phenomenon. Arabic texts on theology, law, and grammar used as textbooks in the pesantren milieu were specially prepared with widely spaced lines. In these spaces students and their tutors would make interlinear notes giving Javanese equivalents to Arabic technical terms. There is not, however, any evidence of word lists or other organized studies of the language. Instead we find extremely limited personal lexical tools keyed to single applications and arising from the personal circumstances of individual students. In the 1840s a new type of lexical format and philosophy appears all at once in several places in Java - first in Solo, but very soon afterwards in Yogya and Cirebon. The obvious inspiration for this phenomenon is the work of Winter and Wilkens in Surakarta, where, aided by Javanese informants including the poet Ranggawarsita, they were working to assemble a com- prehensive Javanese-Dutch dictionary under sponsorship of the colonial government. Suryanagara's Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa is the best and most extensive example of the purely Javanese versions of this new type of text. lts organization had a rigorous rationalism to it based on an early scheme of Javanese alphabetization. Unlike the particularist Dasanama Kawi of Cirebon, it also had a broad vision that in some sense attempted to include the entirety of the language. To aid in its accessibility it made novel use of the manuscript page, treating it in ways never before witnessed in Javanese codicology. The page was divided into pairs of doublé columns in which the lexeme was recorded on the left and its Javanese gloss on the right. Further, all entries were clustered into boxed groups according to their first two aksara. At the end of each subsection a tally was made of the number of words in that section. Likewise, at the end of each large section corresponding to an entire aksara's listings a subtotal would be given for that letter. At the end, of course, the number of entries in the dictionary was totalled up. Several other things about Suryanagara's dictionary should also be noted. Very significantly, the Carakabasa was not a one off experiment in lexicography, but a project carried out over several decades. The first version of the

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 407 dictionary (without the entries being counted) was prepared in 1845. No copies of this early effort have been identified with certainty, but it is referred to by the author in later editions.35 Suryanagara produced a much expanded version in 1863, altogether numbering 15,875 words. A copy of this was given to the Batavian Society where it remains in its successor collection at the National Library today. Other copies circulated among the literary elite of Yogyakarta where they were copied and copied again. The following year Suryanagara prepared a slightly expanded edition with 17,845 entries. This edition appears to have remained within the palace walls, as no other copies have yet been noted. Not only did the number of entries increase from edition to hand written edition, or from draft to corrected draft; other aspects of the text were also expanded. The later editions, for instance, have additional sections on met- rics, the alphabet, use of special aksara in writing, special categories of words and so forth. In addition, the author's own broadening language study is also reflected in his incorporation of new ideas from various sources. The 1863 redaction, for example, carries unmistakable evidence of Suryanagara's having read and adapted phonological explanations in Taco Roorda's Javanese grammar (1855). It also shows him undertaking a generative exercise in Javanese lexicography by which words are produced through the systematic application of all syllabic variations to mono- and di-aksara bases, following alphabetic principles, and then defined. He quickly grows tired of this exercise, however, as it produces large numbers of nonsense words for which def- initions have to be forced or invented whole, and part way through he switches to a variant on the system which deals only with actual words in the paradigmatic patterns. Let us turn briefly now to the other set of exemplary texts in which Suryanagara displays his deeply rational, highly systematizing intellect at work. As with his dictionary, the texts dealing with chronogram words, manuscript illumination, aksara studies, and traditional prosody all go through a process of expansion and perfection over the course of his career. They all appear in several places, sometimes as the main focus of a short piece of scholarship, other times as part of a larger compilation. All are treated to a greater or lesser extent in the 1861 edition of the Purwa Ukara encyclopedia. And most significantly, all are treated in new ways as part of Suryanagara's attempt to bring new intellectual system and vigor to traditional subjects. How were these subjects treated traditionally? Representative pre-nineteenth-century explications of chronogram words are numerous. Sengkalan

35 I suspect that YKM/W.329, an unattributed Carnkabasa copied in Hamengkubuwana V's scriptorium in 1850 is actually a copy of Suryanagara's early work, but further study is needed to be certain.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access 408 T.E. Behrend words were used extensively in Javanese texts in place of numerals to express years in exordia and chronologies of important events. There is a conventional system by which each numeral from 0 through 9 is represented by words belonging to established semantic groups.36 Traditional texts on sengkala are designed to teach the semantic-numeric equivalents by associ- ating representative words with their respective numbers. This is done in poetic stanzas meant to be memorized. The order and phrasing of the word equivalents given is determined by the rules of prosody. On the manuscript page there is no way to quickly identify words, numbers, or explanations, as these verses were to be internalized and sung back privately and quietly when needed to figure out a chronogram date. Their existence in written form is simply to preserve them for the fragile memory. Suryanagara's treatment of chronograms differs fundamentally from this tradition precisely because he is producing a reference guide meant to be used with the eye and the finger tip. To this end he does away with the poetic organization and replaces it with words listed in columns under clearly marked headings giving numerical values. He also greatly expands the number of entries to include far more numerous and specific examples. He also briefly mentions a small number of words that have historically had more than one valuation or that might be incorrectly interpreted. The result is a very useful reference handbook, lacking only an alphabetic index keyed to the words used rather than numeric value. This particular lack makes the lists feel as if they were designed for authors and copyists trying to compose chronograms rather than readers trying to decipher them. Suryanagara's work with prosody and certain aspects of manuscript illumination is even more obviously intended for writers and copyists. Traditionally, the rules of prosody governing line length, final syllabic rhyme, and stanza length for macapat poetry were not explained, but demonstrated in sample verses that were committed to memory. In the few cases where prosody is discussed, as in the Centhini Kadipaten verses devoted to sekar ageng, the explanations given are quite minimal and their presentation always conditioned by the metric requirements of the verses that contain them. The Centhini Kadipaten also offers a silent showcase or sampler of macapat prosody which takes the form of a cavalcade of 15 consecutive cantos, each numbering about ten stanzas, in which every meter used in the text is on display. Once again Suryanagara takes this dense tangle of material and converts it into readily accessible reference form. For each verse type (sekar kawi, dhagelan, macapatan) he first presents in tabular form a list of meters with a rough translation of the meter name into everyday Javanese. He then offers

36 On the origin and logic of the chronogram system see Noorduyn (1993).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 409 two or three stanzas as examples of each type. These are not written in the standard Javanese style of running text with tiny signs showing the ends of lines and larger decorative punctuation marks indicating the ends of stanzas. Instead they are written out in European style as numbered stanzas centred on the page; each line of poetry {gatra) is also written as a separate line of text - just as they are represented in works like Cohen Stuart's 1860 edition of the Bratayuda. Foliowing the examples Suryanagara constructs tables in which the particular rules governing lines and rhymes are entered in appropriate columns. A count of total syllables over all the lines of a stanza ends the entry for each meter - a somewhat useless bit of information.37 Finally, a very specific form of the punctuation mark used to close each stanza is indicated for use in cantos of every type of meter. These are not necessarily meant to be prescriptive, he says, but are added as a little conceit for the pleasure or entertainment of his readers (sesenengan). In a few cases Suryanagara adds an explanatory note about relevant issues. With respect to the tunes associated with sekar kawi, for example, he explains that they are of secondary importance and that poets should worry only about getting the number of syllables and the end rhymes right as they compose.38

Summary

Arguments and analyses of form and content similar to these could easily be multiplied. This is not the place, however, to continue such detailed treatments. Instead I will stop at this level of detail and draw some simple con- clusions about the contributions to Javanese thought and literature made by this princely poet. Most obvious is his graphic reorganization of the manuscript page. Although it has not been established that Suryanagara was the absolute first innovator in this area, he was certainly one of the pioneers and he stands out for the comprehensiveness of the changes evident in the prod- ucts of his hand, and for the sheer number of texts and manuscripts that he produced and passed on. Most of his manuscript copies are equipped with tables of contents, section headings, and a visual and conceptual organiza-

37 It should be noted, though, that in a tiny number of specially prepared and illuminated Ngayogyan manuscripts from this period syllable counts by canto and for the entire text are indicated in the codex. Perhaps Suryanagara's interest in counting and quantifying as a pure scientific activity in its own right was somewhat infectious. 38 One issue that, very significantly, is nowhere mentioned or discussed is the so-called watak, the unique evocative or emotional character of each meter. It's absence from this very thorough document strengthens the argument that I have put forward elsewhere that the ascrip- tion of watak was a late-nineteenth-century Surakarta development that was more notional than actual.

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tion of the page that makes finding and retrieving specific types of information a simple task. Many of his manuscripts also have glossaries providing interpretation of obscure or antiquated words used in the text, in a sense desacralizing the language of priest-poets and their fellow purveyors of secret meanings, the puppet masters. When later scribes copied Suryana- gara's glossed texts, they almost always copied the lexical annexes as well. All of these practical modifications to the dense, even impenetrable, lay- out of traditional manuscripts indicate that a fundamental conceptual revo- lution is occurring. This change came about due to contact with and willing borrowing from European models, and equally to the natural effects associated with the process of readjustment as the chirographic culture of pre-print Java changed under the material influence of the technology of mechanical reproduction. Under the new regime the manuscript or book was becoming an object for personal study and reference, a repository for documentation and stored information meant for instant retrieval rather than a prop for performance or a guide to memorization that could be used productively only by those f amiliar with the idiosyncratic organization and hidden contents of each unlabelled volume. In the process the ways in which knowledge was organized were also undergoing change. Suryanagara helped introducé the idea of comparative, critical analysis, the unravelling or breaking down of the universe and its reassembly according to universal principals of 'objectivity' in which authority is derived from a new numerology of externally based quantitative com- putation (syllable counts, census figures, charts and graphs of all sorts) rather than the internally derived analysis of cryptic meanings and significance (for example, keratabasa-style logomancy) and mystical paradigms (for example, regnal cycles of 100 years). Just as textual variation in manuscript copying diminishes and almost disappears in this period of transition, and the scribe turns from a creative center reworking infinitely plastic text into a warm blooded copy machine bound by the authority of a dictatorial and unchang- ing text, so factual variation and a creative epistemology'inspired by literary associations and the cultural ld give way to a more demanding hermeneutic that requires replicability from text to text, genre to genre, through the impo- sition of a scientific superego. These are straightforward oral-versus-visual developments that Ong, Finnegan, Goody, Havelock cum suis have prepared us to anticipate; here, though, they are not abstracted phenomenologies arrived at ex ratio, but particular human experiences caught on paper in the midst of a paradigm shift of immense import during the first quarter century following the establishment of vernacular printing in Java. Suryanagara's corpus reveals an intelligence devoted to the preservation of all forms of traditional knowledge through their systematic restatement or

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 07:32:55AM via free access The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara 411 reorganization in new terms that seem to borrow heavily from European exemplars, and that are based on comparative study. He was by no means alone in this project which stretches at least over the century between Ranggawarsita's first commissioned studies of Javanese vocabulary and writing in 1840 and continuing through Poerbatjaraka's overview of Javanese literature - and Ranggawarsita's place in it - in the 1950s. Suryanagara's role as an early articulator in this process is an especially important one due to his rank, the scope of his output, the seeming independence of his intellectual development from European dictation, and the insistent, even excited, modernity of his mentality despite his residence in the very seat of tradition.

Bibliography

Abbrevations

AdKIT (Manuscript from) Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam Bal. Bhs. DIY (Manuscript from) the Balai Bahasa Daerah Istimewah Yogyakarta FSUI (Manuscript from) Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta GSU Genealogical Society of Utah KBG Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap KITLV (Manuscript from) Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde LOr (Manuscript from) Leiden University Library, Oriental Collection MSB (Manuscript from) Museum Sonobudoyo, Yogyakarta PNRI (Manuscript from) Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, Jakarta RAS (Manuscript from) Royal Asiatic Society, London SMP (Manuscript from) Surakarta Manuscript Project YKM Yogyakarta Kraton Manuscript

Manuscripts cited, including all manuscripts associated with Suryanagara

AdKIT H 835 Kiyahi Wijayeng Tantama Susandi Wahini Bal. Bhs. DIY 2469. Suryanalendra History • FSUI/ BA.119 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 =16.073) FSUI/ BA.119a Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 =16.073) FSUI/ CS. 12 Cabolek Bratatama FSUI/ CS. 71 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I FSUI/ CS. 72 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II FSUI/ SJ. 98 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana FSUI/ SJ. 99 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana GSU 1208627 [Arsip Pakualaman] KITLV Or 257 Babad Sengkalaning Momana KITLV Or 467a-c BabadNgayogyakarta

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LOr 2251 Dfl/ior Palak LOr 6523 Purwa Ukara LOr 6796a Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I LOr 8367 Cabolek Bratatama LOr 8552a-c Babad Ngayogyakarta LOr 8560 Babad Sengkalaning Momana LOr 8989 Babad Sengkalaning Momana MSB/ B. 14 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.874 entries MSB/ L. 80 Cabolek Bratatama, Panitisastra MSB/ L. 80a Cabolek Bratatama MSB/ L. 80b Cabolek Bratatama MSB/ L. 99 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I MSB/ L. 99a Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I MSB/ L.100 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II MSB/ L.lOOa Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II MSB/ L.lOOb Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II MSB/ P.201 Cabolek Bratatama MSB/ S. 1 . Dahor Palak MSB/ S. 2 Babad Sengkalaning Momana MSB/ S. 3 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana MSB/ S.105-107 Babad Ngayogyakarta MSB/ S.105a-106a, 108 Babad Ngayogyakarta MSB/ S.115 Babad Ngayogyakarta: Hamengkubuwana V MSB/ S.llód Sarasilah Warni-warni MSB/ Sil. 6 Serat Sajarah Leluhur PNRI/ CS 87 Purwacampur PNRI/ G 113 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I PNRI/ G 176 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana PNRI/ G 190 Cabolek Bratatama PNRI/ KBG 16 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 =16.073) PNRI/ KBG 80 Purwacampur (Sastra Gendhing) PNRI/ KBG 651 Babad Galuh, Wiwaha }arwa, Silsilah HamengkubuwanaI PNRI/ KBG 994 Cabolek Bratatama PNRI/ KBG 1052 Babad Sengkalaning Momana RAS Jav 46 Buk Renggan Wadana utawi Pada Sekar SMP/ MN.343 Reringkasanipun serat ingkang awasta Suluk Tambang Laras utawi Centhini, by R.M. Soemahatmaka •• SMP/ Rp 44 Babad Ngayogyakarta, Penget rarepenipun sekar kawi utawi sekar ageng, Pangetang saking Babad Moma- na tuwin bab Panjenenganing Ratu awit ing Mamenang YKM/ W. 7a Kandha Bedhaya Srimpi YKM/ W. 37-39 Purwa Ukara YKM/ W. 40 Purwa Ukara • •'• YKM/ W.llód Sarasilah warni-warni nalika jumeneng dalem Hamengkubuwana VI

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YKM/ W.264 Serat Centhini [Centhini Kasultanan] YKM/ W.284 Cathetan bab warninipun pada pupuh YKM/ W.302 Purwacampur YKM/ W.324a Ambiya YKM/ W.329 Carakabasa YKM/ W.336c Cabolek Bratatama YKM/ W.337 Buk Sastra Buda YKM/ W.338 Babar Tuladan (Carakabasa , 1861-12-02) YKM/ W.342-343 Kaklempakan bab Basa, n.d. YKM/ W.344 . Carakabasa YKM/ W.349 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 17.485 entries

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