The Caretaker Election
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Hitler's Pope
1ews• Hitler's Pope Since last Christmas, GOOD SHEPHERD has assisted: - 103 homeless people to find permanent accommodation; - 70 young people to find foster care; - 7S7 families to receive financial counselling; - 21 9 people through a No Interest Loan (N ILS); Art Monthly - 12 adolescent mothers to find a place to live with support; .-lUSTR .-l/,/. 1 - 43 single mothers escaping domestic violence to find a safe home for their families; - 1466 adolescent s through counselling: - 662 young women and their families, I :\' T H E N 0 , . E '1 B E R I S S L E through counsell ing work and Reiki; - hundreds of families and Patrick I lutching;s rC\ie\\s the Jeffrey Smart retruspecti\e individuals through referrals, by speaking out against injustices and by advocating :\mire\\ Sa\ ers talks to I )a\ id I lockney <lhout portraiture on their behalf. Sunnne Spunn~:r trac~:s tht: )!t:nt:alo g;y of the Tclstra \:ational .\horig;inal and Torres Strait Islander :\rt .\"ani \bry Eag;k rt:\it:\\S the conti:rmct: \\'hat John lkrg;t:r Sa\\ Christopher I leathcott: on Australian artists and em ironm~:ntal awart:nt:ss Out now S-1. 1/'i, ji·ll/1/ g lllld 1/(/llhl/llf>S 111/d 1/ t' II ' S i /. ~t' II/S. Or plulllt' IJl fJl.J'J .i'JSfJ ji1 r your su/>stnf>/11111 AUSTRALIAN "Everyone said they wanted a full church. What I discovered was that whil e that was true, they di dn't BOOK REVIEW want any new people. -
Workplace Relations and Education
The Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Workplace Relations and Education Workplace Relations (Restoring Family Work Balance) Amendment Bill 2007 June 2007 © Commonwealth of Australia 2007 ISBN 978-0-642-71816-7 This document was produced by the Senate Standing Committee on Employment, Workplace Relations and Education and printed by the Senate Printing Unit, Department of the Senate, Parliament House, Canberra. Members of the Committee Members Senator Judith Troeth LP, Victoria Chairman Senator Gavin Marshall ALP, Victoria Deputy Chair Senator Guy Barnett LP, Tasmania Senator Simon Birmingham LP, South Australia Senator George Campbell ALP, New South Wales Senator Ross Lightfoot LP, Western Australia Senator Anne McEwen ALP, South Australia Senator Andrew Murray AD, Western Australia Senators participating in this inquiry Senator Steve Fielding FFP, Victoria Senator Rachel Siewert AG, Western Australia Secretariat Mr John Carter, Secretary Dr Greg Spelman, Principal Research Officer Ms Candice Lester, Executive Assistant Senate Employment, Workplace Relations and Education Committee Department of the Senate PO Box 6100 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Australia Phone: 02 6277 3520 Fax: 02 6277 5706 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.aph.gov.au/Senate/committee/eet_ctte/index.htm Table of Contents Members of the Committee.............................................................................. iii Acronyms .......................................................................................................... vii Chapter -
The Rise of the Australian Greens
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library Information, analysis and advice for the Parliament RESEARCH PAPER www.aph.gov.au/library 22 September 2008, no. 8, 2008–09, ISSN 1834-9854 The rise of the Australian Greens Scott Bennett Politics and Public Administration Section Executive summary The first Australian candidates to contest an election on a clearly-espoused environmental policy were members of the United Tasmania Group in the 1972 Tasmanian election. Concerns for the environment saw the emergence in the 1980s of a number of environmental groups, some contested elections, with successes in Western Australia and Tasmania. An important development was the emergence in the next decade of the Australian Greens as a unified political force, with Franklin Dam activist and Tasmanian MP, Bob Brown, as its nationally-recognised leader. The 2004 and 2007 Commonwealth elections have resulted in five Australian Green Senators in the 42nd Parliament, the best return to date. This paper discusses the electoral support that Australian Greens candidates have developed, including: • the emergence of environmental politics is placed in its historical context • the rise of voter support for environmental candidates • an analysis of Australian Greens voters—who they are, where they live and the motivations they have for casting their votes for this party • an analysis of the difficulties such a party has in winning lower house seats in Australia, which is especially related to the use of Preferential Voting for most elections • the strategic problems that the Australian Greens—and any ‘third force’—have in the Australian political setting • the decline of the Australian Democrats that has aided the Australian Greens upsurge and • the question whether the Australian Greens will ever be more than an important ‘third force’ in Australian politics. -
The Price of Freedom: New Media Ownership Laws and a Free Australian Press I Introduction Ii Public Attitudes
2007 Forum: The Price of Freedom: New Media Ownership Laws 269 THE PRICE OF FREEDOM: NEW MEDIA OWNERSHIP LAWS AND A FREE AUSTRALIAN PRESS CHRISTOPHER WARREN* I INTRODUCTION ‘Fewer voices. Fewer choices.’ This was the slogan chosen by the Media, Entertainment & Arts Alliance – the trade union and professional association of media workers – in our campaign against the new media ownership laws. There are many concerns with the changes, but chief among them is the attrition of diversity. This paper will look at the public’s attitude toward the new laws. It will then explore the market trends and foreign ownership of media companies in the context of the policy rationale for the reforms to cross-media ownership rules and to foreign ownership, of encouraging and enabling new services and players to emerge.1 Finally, media competitiveness and the nature of the regulatory environment under the new laws will be examined. II PUBLIC ATTITUDES The Australian National University in 2005 compiled Australian Social Attitudes: The First Report, a poll of 4300 Australians on a range of social, economic and political issues, including the role and power of the mass media. Of those surveyed an 81 per cent majority thought ownership of the Australian media was too concentrated. Seventy per cent thought that the media should have less power and only 38 per cent thought that the media kept governments honest. Of those surveyed, 65 per cent got their news from commercial television on a daily basis.2 In his introduction to the mass media chapter of this publication, David Denemark said Australians were increasingly uneasy about media ownership being privately owned and controlled by a few powerful, profit seeking families. -
The Rudd Government Australian Commonwealth Administration 2007–2010
The Rudd Government Australian Commonwealth Administration 2007–2010 The Rudd Government Australian Commonwealth Administration 2007–2010 Edited by Chris Aulich and Mark Evans Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/rudd_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: The Rudd government : Australian Commonwealth administration 2007 - 2010 / edited by Chris Aulich and Mark Evans. ISBN: 9781921862069 (pbk.) 9781921862076 (eBook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Rudd, Kevin, 1957---Political and social views. Australian Labor Party. Public administration--Australia. Australia--Politics and government--2001- Other Authors/Contributors: Aulich, Chris, 1947- Evans, Mark Dr. Dewey Number: 324.29407 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by ANU E Press Illustrations by David Pope, The Canberra Times Printed by Griffin Press Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2010 ANU E Press Contents Acknowledgments . vii Contributors . ix Part I. Introduction 1 . It was the best of times; it was the worst of times . 3 Chris Aulich 2 . Issues and agendas for the term . 17 John Wanna Part II. The Institutions of Government 3 . The Australian Public Service: new agendas and reform . 35 John Halligan 4 . Continuity and change in the outer public sector . -
Todd Farrell Thesis
The Australian Greens: Realignment Revisited in Australia Todd Farrell Submitted in fulfilment for the requirements of the Doctorate of Philosophy Swinburne University of Technology Faculty of Health, Arts and Design School of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities 2020 ii I declare that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree in any university or another educational institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. iii ABSTRACT Scholars have traditionally characterised Australian politics as a stable two-party system that features high levels of partisan identity, robust democratic features and strong electoral institutions (Aitkin 1982; McAllister 2011). However, this characterisation masks substantial recent changes within the Australian party system. Growing dissatisfaction with major parties and shifting political values have altered the partisan contest, especially in the proportionally- represented Senate. This thesis re-examines partisan realignment as an explanation for party system change in Australia. It draws on realignment theory to argue that the emergence and sustained success of the Greens represents a fundamental shift in the Australian party system. Drawing from Australian and international studies on realignment and party system reform, the thesis combines an historical institutionalist analysis of the Australian party system with multiple empirical measurements of Greens partisan and voter support. The historical institutionalist approach demonstrates how the combination of subnational voting mechanisms, distinctly postmaterialist social issues, federal electoral strategy and a weakened Labor party have driven a realignment on the centre-left of Australian politics substantial enough to transform the Senate party system. -
The Politics of Senate Electoral Reform 2016
ELECTORAL REGULATION RESEARCH NETWORK/DEMOCRATIC AUDIT OF AUSTRALIA JOINT WORKING PAPER SERIES AN INSTANCE OF CARTEL BEHAVIOUR? THE POLITICS OF SENATE ELECTORAL REFORM 2016 Dr. Nick Economou (Monash University) WORKING PAPER NO. 40 (APRIL 2016) 1 Abstract This working paper outlines the history, politics and mechanics of the recent changes to Senate voting. *********** Introduction As the result of the count of the 2013 half-Senate election indicated that a high number of candidates from parties other than Labor, the Greens and the Liberal-National coalition had won seats in the Australian Senate, pressure began to mount on aspects of the Senate voting system. In particular, the ‘Group Vote Ticket’ (or GVT) (i.e. the option that electors have to vote for a party ticket rather than fill in preferences for all candidates) became the focus of criticism of the system. This option has been available to electors since 1983 when the then Labor government undertook extensive changes to the Electoral Act (1918) (see Rydon 1988, 1985). Since its introduction, the GVT has been immensely popular with voters (see Figure 1). However, it was also the case that the new system provided scope for the administrative executives of the political parties to seek to exercise influence over outcomes through the decisions they made on how preferences would be ordered. Parties could, and did, enter into negotiations over the allocation of preferences (the colloquial term for this being preference “wheeling and dealing” (Mayer 1980)). This aspect of the system became the source of controversy especially where there were contentious representational outcomes (see Green, A. -
Should God Get a Vote?
March 2006 Vision Advocate Sharing faith Lenten appointed on the road Studies 2006 Page 3 Page 6 Pages 9 - 12 Should God get a vote? With family values, abortion and intelligent design fi rmly on the political agenda the Australian community is reassessing the role of religion in Australia’s political life. By Mardi Lumsden and Bruce Mullan hile conventional wisdom was never to Wmix faith and politics, both the Prime Minister and Federal Treasurer have participated in media saturated attendances at the Hillsong Church in Sydney, and the Family First party with its strong Assemblies of God connection has campaigned successfully in both state and federal elections. Following the lead of George Bush and Tony Blair many of People who say Australia’s high profi le politicians religion and politics don’t mix now overtly lay claim to Christian understand neither one. faith and values. Mahatma Gandhi While the Australian Constitution prohibits government from imposing religious observance and states that religious test will not Uniting Church President Rev Dean Drayton speaking for the church. Photo by Stephen Webb courtesy of Insights be required as a qualifi cation for offi ce, Tony Abbott, Peter Costello, Kevin Rudd and even Prime “I think it’s time that those personnel … But we [the Labor Controversial retired Uniting Minister John Howard wear their people who have a view of faith party] will not for one moment Church minister Dorothy McRae- Read more faith credentials on their sleeve. from the other side of politics stand idly by while either the McMahon said there is an ultimate Mahatma Gandhi claimed that actually spoke out and dealt with Liberals, the Nationals or Family irony in the attempts of mainstream about religion anyone who says “religion and this challenge, and I’ve therefore First assert that God has somehow churches to enter political debate. -
The Wrong Crowd
THE WRONG CROWD An online documentary and Analytical contextualisation Debra Beattie BA(UQ), Dip Ed (UNSW), Grad Dip Film (Swinburne), MA (QUT) Creative Industries Research and Applications Centre CIRAC Queensland University of Technology Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2003 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i Statement of Originality iii Acknowledgements iv Chapter One – History, Documentary, Memory 2 History and Popular Memory (a) Background 9 (b) Buried Histories 11 (c) Trauma, Narrative and History 25 (d) History and the document(ary) as evidence 30 (e) So whose memories make documentary history? 36 Chapter Two – Documentary in the Age of New Media Digitised reality and non-linear history in a navigable narration 49 (a) Simulation as evidence 50 (b) Narrative and non-linearity 53 (c) Digital realism 59 The New Age of New Media (d) Screen theory online 63 (e) Spatial montage 70 (f) Cinematic apparatus on the net 74 Chapter Three – The Wrong Crowd – Documentary Online 81 Conclusion 93 Reference List 99 Filmography 107 ABSTRACT The Wrong Crowd the theory and the practice of creating a personal history-documentary online. This doctoral study comprises two parts. 75 per cent of the total weight of the submission consists of the creative component, the writing, directing and producing of a moving- image documentary in an online environment (supplementary material includes the script). Cutting edge technology (QTVR ‘movies’ and Live Stage Professional software) was used to create an immersive cinematic experience on the net. The Wrong Crowd can be viewed either online at www.abc.net.au/wrongcrowd or offline via a CD Rom (the latter includes the radio play ‘Death of a Prostitute’ which was excised from the version published via ABC Online because of legal concerns on the part of the ABC lawyers). -
Family Impact Statement
Family Impact Statement - On ‘WorkChoices’ – the proposed new Industrial Relations Regime Prepared by Dr. Don Edgar For Unions NSW November, 2005 CCOONNTTEENNTTSS Introduction ............................................................................................................................................3 Summary of Proposed IR Changes.......................................................................................................5 What is a Family Impact Statement?....................................................................................................7 Snapshot of Australian Families ...........................................................................................................9 Questioning Government claims made in ‘WorkChoices’ about likely impacts.............................11 Claim 1 - wage growth..................................................................................................................12 Claim 2 – increased job security...................................................................................................12 Claim 3 - flexibility equals ‘balance’............................................................................................13 Claim 4 – individual workplace bargaining will help...................................................................14 Claim 5 – family-friendly workplaces are essential......................................................................14 Claim 6 – protecting part-time work.............................................................................................15 -
Fitzgerald S Impact on the International Anti-Corruption
From Deep North to International Governance Exemplar: Fitzgerald's Impact on the International Anti-Corruption Movement Author Sampford, Charles Published 2009 Journal Title Griffith Law Review Copyright Statement © 2009 Griffith Law School. The attached file is reproduced here in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal's website for access to the definitive, published version. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/33845 Link to published version https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rlaw20/18/3?nav=tocList Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au FROM DEEP NORTH TO INTERNATIONAL GOVERNANCE EXEMPLAR Fitzgeraldʼs Impact on the International Anti-Corruption Movement Charles Sampford * In pre-Fitzgerald Queensland, the existence of corruption was widely known but its extent and modes of operation were not fully evident. The Fitzgerald Report identified the need for reform of the structure, procedures and efficiency in public administration in Queensland. What was most striking in the Queensland reform process was that a new model for combatting corruption had been developed. Rather than rely upon a single law and a single institution, existing institutions were strengthened and new institutions were introduced to create a set of mutually supporting and mutually checking institutions, agencies and laws that jointly sought to improve governmental standards and combat corruption. Some of the reforms were either unique to Queensland or very rare. One of the strengths of this approach was that it avoided creating a single over-arching institution to fight corruption. There are many powerful opponents of reform. Influential institutions and individuals resist any interference with their privileges. -
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice the Australian Experience
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice The Australian Experience Glynn Evans Department of Politics and International Relations School of Social Sciences The University of Adelaide June 2019 Table of Contents Abstract ii Statement of Authorship iii Acknowledgements iv Preface vi 1. Introduction 1 2. District Magnitude, Proportionality and the Number of 30 Parties 3. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in the 57 Senate 4. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in Western 102 Australia 5. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in South Eastern Jurisdictions 132 6. Proportional Representation and Minor Parties: Some 170 Deviating Cases 7. Does Proportional Representation Favour 204 Independents? 8. Proportional Representation and Women – How Much 231 Help? 9. Conclusion 247 Bibliography 251 Appendices 260 i Abstract While all houses of Australian parliaments using proportional representation use the Single Transferable Vote arrangement, district magnitudes (the numbers of members elected per division) and requirements for casting a formal vote vary considerably. Early chapters of this thesis analyse election results in search for distinct patterns of proportionality, the numbers of effective parties and partisan advantage under different conditions. This thesis argues that while district magnitude remains the decisive factor in determining proportionality (the higher the magnitude, the more proportional the system), ballot paper numbering requirements play a more important role in determining the number of (especially) parliamentary parties. The general pattern is that, somewhat paradoxically, the more freedom voters have to choose their own preference allocations, or lack of them, the smaller the number of parliamentary parties. Even numbered magnitudes in general, and six member divisions in particular, provide some advantage to the Liberal and National Parties, while the Greens are disadvantaged in five member divisions as compared to six or seven member divisions.