DOCSLIB.ORG

White Americans Have a Reason to Be Mad About Wealth Inequality

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
White Americans Have a Reason to Be Mad About Wealth Inequality White Americans Have a Reason to Be Mad about Wealth Inequality By William Elliott, Elizabeth Burland, Briana Starks, and Trina Shanks Working Paper CENTER ON ASSETS, EDUCATION & INCLUSION aedi.ssw.umich.edu Abstract Information about the nature and extent of wealth inequality among Whites can play a role in eliminating misconceptions and reframing the discussion about wealth redistribution as essential to restoring hope in the American dream and imperative to improving the life chances of all. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we find that the top quintile of White wealth holders has 1,400 times as much wealth as the bottom quintile. Further, multi-dimensional descriptive analyses from 1999 to 2015 indicate that median wealth has increased 46% among White households in the top 20% of both the wealth and income distributions. During the same time period, wealth holdings decreased among White household in the bottom 20% of both economic distributions. These data suggest that wealth inequality is a problem not only for Black households in America, but for White households as well. Thus, wealth inequality is not just a question of discrimination and racial disadvantage but is rooted in the fundamental nature of the American economy. 2 Social psychologist Melvin Lerner (1980) hypothesized that people are inclined to perceive of the world as just. The ideal of the American dream—in which effort and ability determine who succeeds and who fails—encapsulates how many Americans perceive a just world (Rank, Hirschl, & Foster, 2014). Given that most Americans continue to hold to the idea of the American dream (Smith, 2017), we posit that Americans are prone to perceive income and wealth inequality, at the root, as resulting from a lack of effort and ability (i.e., merit) making them susceptible to such arguments. Further, research shows that beliefs in choice and merit influence approval and maintenance of inequality (Mollerstrom & Seim, 2014; Savani & Rattan, 2012). We also posit that some White individuals believe redistributing wealth would disproportionately benefit Black families and would be unmerited. This orientation stems from their belief that much of the Black/White wealth gap results from a lack of effort on the part of Blacks (e.g., Economic Mobility Project, 2009; Gilens, 1999; YouGov, 2012). As such, redistribution is seen as anti-American. This is not to say that race alone shapes people’s thoughts about redistribution; rather, race has been an important tool that those opposing redistributive policies use to garner support and control the conversation around redistributive policies (e.g., Carten, 2016). Not surprisingly then, current narratives regarding redistributive policies have been cast, often indirectly as part of a broader conversation about government assistance and “big” government, as anti-American (i.e., favoring those who do not work hard, often a euphemism for non-White). Government assistance requires increased government revenues, drawn largely from taxes. As such, the wealthy often view taxation as a threat from which they need protection. Small-government arguments favor those with wealth, suggesting that government’s primary role is to enforce and protect property rights from domestic and foreign threats. Expanded government spending is permissible, but only 3 insofar as it protects the wealth of the wealthy (e.g., military or law enforcement expenditures). Thus, we see that conversations about wealth redistribution are not only about wealth but also about the size and role of government, and the structure of government assistance. These conversations capitalize on Americans’ felt—if not experienced—aim to construct a just world in which effort and ability determine success and failure. For instance, former Speaker of the House of Representatives John Boehner blamed unemployment on those who would “rather just sit around” (in Krugman, 2014, June 4, para. 1). Similarly, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell claimed that businesses have “a hard time finding people to do the work because they’re doing too good with food stamps, Social Security and all the rest” (Everett & Bresnahan, 2015, September 14, para. 13). Representative Paul Ryan divided the country between those who rely on public assistance and those who “want the American dream” (Grim, 2012, para. 3), suggesting that the economically disadvantaged are outside mainstream American values. While these comments do not speak directly to redistributive policies, they do seem to presume that government assistance rewards those who do not work hard and that government, therefore, should provide no assistance, or only provide assistance in limited circumstances. Somewhat paradoxically, most Americans simultaneously—and overwhelmingly— believe that wealth distribution in the United States is unfair (Newport, 2015). What allows Americans to hold such contradictory beliefs? We suggest that it stems from America’s race history, including how Whites who hold considerable wealth acquired that wealth. This omission is problematic as the incomplete understanding of what perpetuates disadvantage. Perhaps more important than understanding why Americans hold 4 contradictory beliefs about wealth inequality is understanding why they support policies that maintain the wealth distribution they deem unfair?1 We suggest that, at least in part, these contradictory beliefs Americans hold are sustained for four reasons: (a) the perception that income polices are for the poor and wealth policies for the wealthy; (b) a belief in trickledown economics; (c) portrayal of wealth inequality as a Black problem; (d) and low- and middle-class Whites’ social and economic frustration. In identifying these underlying causes, we attempt to make explicit lexicon about redistributive policies that helps make low- and middle-class Whites less inclined to unite with low- and middle-class Blacks in adopting redistributive policies (Williams, 2017). Income Policies are for the Poor; Wealth Policies are for the Wealthy Even though many Americans may equate personal income with wages (i.e., pay for work), personal income consists of wages, capital income (e.g., business profits, dividends, net capital gains, taxable interest, and tax-exempt interest), and transfers. The wealthy in America understand that their capital income makes up a significant portion of their personal income. Further, America’s wealthy recognize that having an income source that is somewhat insulated from labor market forces provides an additional layer of financial security. Among the top 1% of U.S. households, only 39% of personal income is derived from wages while 53% is capital income (Rosenberg, 2013). Most wealthy Americans place a premium on protecting their capital income. As a result, wealthy 1It is not always the case that poor Whites support small government policies. For example, Paige, Bartels, and Seawright (2013) argue that the American political system ensures that those who have wealth have disproportionate influence; thus polices reflect their preferences. However, President Donald Trump’s rallies suggest that some poor Whites support tax cuts that disproportionately favor the wealthy. 5 Americans often pursue policies that help them to increase their wealth holdings (e.g., lower taxes) and preserve their existing wealth advantage (e.g., see Gilens & Page, 2014). In contrast, those who are at or near poverty level often focus their economic attentions on their labor market outcomes. These Americans make demands for higher wages (Bernstein & Spielberg, 2016) and more adequate benefits (Associated Press, 2010), but rarely protest for greater access to wealth-building policies. In part, this focus is the result of lower-wealth groups having experience with only wages as an income source. Few American households have enough wealth to pay attention to the policies that could help them amass greater wealth (Shapiro, 2017). As recently as 2015, nearly 9 million American households were unbanked, with evidence suggesting that, of this number, most were low-income households (Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, 2015). Given their lower-income status, these households have few interactions with mainstream financial institutions and no opportunity to see their paychecks augmented by capital earnings or other wealth-creation structures, such as property ownership and employer benefits. For these households, earned income from their work effort is often the total of their economic well-being. As the functionality of work as an instrument of financial security and upward mobility declines (Chetty, Friedman, Hendren, Jones, & Porter, 2018), a myopic emphasis on the rewards to labor—rather than the levers of capital—might doom the prospects of millions who, today, work for their living. The tendency of the wealthy to emphasize policies that give them the lion’s share of wealth and the tendency of lower-income Americans to emphasize policies that provide just enough income to survive, have also allowed the policy discussion around poverty to assume its current form among both liberals and conservatives. Currently, income policies are perceived as pertaining largely to low-income households and wealth policies as 6 pertaining largely to upper-income households. Any meaningful attempt to reduce wealth inequality will require a government transfer of wealth from the wealthy to the non- wealthy (Darity et al., 2018; Blinded, 2018). A more cynical view might suggest that the wealthy have financed
Load more

Recommended publications
  • AAPI Community Data Needed to Assess Better Health Outcomes
    CENTER FOR HEALTH EQUITY REPORT AAPI community data needed to assess better health outcomes EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report lays out an historical overview of the politicizing of the AAPI community for the purpose of distributing federal resources based on need as determined by federal data collection efforts. This report also outlines what current federal, state, local, as well as private and non-government associated data efforts entail, and the limitations associated with current efforts. Finally, this report re-emphasizes the need for continued surveillance of data collection initiatives, and greater granularity of data collection, pertaining to AAPI communities in the U.S. and its territories. and greater granularity of data collection, pertaining to AAPI communities in the U.S. and its territories. BACKGROUND At the height of the Vietnam War in 1968, a young Japanese graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley, Yuji Ichioka, banded with other students in an attempt to shut down the university in collective protest against the conflict. The demonstration was not only successful for five months, but Ichioka and his student colleagues also successfully initiated a self-determination campaign against the derogatory term, “Oriental,” then reserved for all persons of Asian descent, birthing the distinction, “Asian American,”1 which we use to this day. The United States Census Bureau’s “Asian” racial category refers to “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent...,” while “Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander” refers to “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands.2” Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) collectively comprise the largest and fastest growing racial group in the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lived Experiences of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the Greater Hartford Area
    University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn University Scholar Projects University Scholar Program Spring 5-1-2021 Untold Stories of the African Diaspora: The Lived Experiences of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the Greater Hartford Area Shanelle A. Jones [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/usp_projects Part of the Immigration Law Commons, Labor Economics Commons, Migration Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Jones, Shanelle A., "Untold Stories of the African Diaspora: The Lived Experiences of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the Greater Hartford Area" (2021). University Scholar Projects. 69. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/usp_projects/69 Untold Stories of the African Diaspora: The Lived Experiences of Black Caribbean Immigrants in the Greater Hartford Area Shanelle Jones University Scholar Committee: Dr. Charles Venator (Chair), Dr. Virginia Hettinger, Dr. Sara Silverstein B.A. Political Science & Human Rights University of Connecticut May 2021 Abstract: The African Diaspora represents vastly complex migratory patterns. This project studies the journeys of English-speaking Afro-Caribbeans who immigrated to the US for economic reasons between the 1980s-present day. While some researchers emphasize the success of West Indian immigrants, others highlight the issue of downward assimilation many face upon arrival in the US. This paper explores the prospect of economic incorporation into American society for West Indian immigrants. I conducted and analyzed data from an online survey and 10 oral histories of West Indian economic migrants residing in the Greater Hartford Area to gain a broader perspective on the economic attainment of these immigrants.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G
    Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G. Reginald Daniel, Laura Kina, Wei Ming Dariotis, and Camilla Fojas Mixed Race Studies1 In the early 1980s, several important unpublished doctoral dissertations were written on the topic of multiraciality and mixed-race experiences in the United States. Numerous scholarly works were published in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By 2004, master’s theses, doctoral dissertations, books, book chapters, and journal articles on the subject reached a critical mass. They composed part of the emerging field of mixed race studies although that scholarship did not yet encompass a formally defined area of inquiry. What has changed is that there is now recognition of an entire field devoted to the study of multiracial identities and mixed-race experiences. Rather than indicating an abrupt shift or change in the study of these topics, mixed race studies is now being formally defined at a time that beckons scholars to be more critical. That is, the current moment calls upon scholars to assess the merit of arguments made over the last twenty years and their relevance for future research. This essay seeks to map out the critical turn in mixed race studies. It discusses whether and to what extent the field that is now being called critical mixed race studies (CMRS) diverges from previous explorations of the topic, thereby leading to formations of new intellectual terrain. In the United States, the public interest in the topic of mixed race intensified during the 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama, an African American whose biracial background and global experience figured prominently in his campaign for and election to the nation’s highest office.
    [Show full text]
  • American = White ? 54
    1 Running Head: AMERICAN = WHITE? American = White? Thierry Devos Mahzarin R. Banaji San Diego State University Harvard University American = White? 2 Abstract In six studies, the extent to which American ethnic groups (African, Asian, and White) are associated with the national category “American” was investigated. Although strong explicit commitments to egalitarian principles were expressed (Study 1), each of five subsequent studies consistently revealed that both African and Asian Americans as groups are less associated with the national category “American” than are White Americans (Studies 2-6). Under some circumstances, a complete dissociation between mean levels of explicit beliefs and implicit responses emerged such that an ethnic minority was explicitly regarded to be more American than were White Americans (e.g., African Americans representing the U.S. in Olympic sports), but implicit measures showed the reverse pattern (Studies 3 and 4). In addition, Asian American participants themselves showed the American = White effect, although African Americans did not (Study 5). Importantly, the American = White association predicted the strength of national identity in White Americans: the greater the exclusion of Asian Americans from the category “American,” the greater the identification with being American (Study 6). Together, these studies provide evidence that to be American is implicitly synonymous with being White. American = White? 3 American = White? In 1937, the Trustees of the Carnegie Corporation of New York invited the Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal to study the “Negro problem” in America. The main message from Myrdal’s now classic study was captured in the title of his book, An American Dilemma (1944). Contrary to expectations that White Americans would express prejudice without compunction, Myrdal found that even sixty years ago in the deep South, White citizens clearly experienced a moral dilemma, “an ever-raging conflict” between strong beliefs in equality and liberty for all and the reality of their actions and their history.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare in America: Perspectives on White Poverty and Human Rights
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Select or Award-Winning Individual Scholarship and Creative Work 12-10-2019 Welfare in America: Perspectives on White Poverty and Human Rights Erika L Seiber University of Tennessee, Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_selectug Recommended Citation Seiber, Erika L, "Welfare in America: Perspectives on White Poverty and Human Rights" (2019). Select or Award-Winning Individual Scholarship. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_selectug/11 This Publication is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Select or Award-Winning Individual Scholarship by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Trace: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Anthropology Publications and Other Works Anthropology 12-10-2019 Welfare in America: Perspectives on White Poverty and Human Rights Erika L Seiber Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_anthpubs Part of the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons UNDERGRADUATE THESIS Welfare in America: Perspectives on White Poverty and Human Rights Erika Seiber The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Fall 2019 1 Introduction I grew up in between several small towns in East Tennessee. My sisters and I, fortunate enough to be raised in a middle-class family, spent most of our time in Clinton and Norris. This was where we went to school, spent time with friends, and went swimming during the summer.
    [Show full text]
  • Down in the Valley, up on the Ridge an Appalachian People Offers a Timely Parable of the Nuanced History of Race in America
    An American mystery Down in the valley, up on the ridge An Appalachian people offers a timely parable of the nuanced history of race in America From the print edition | United States Aug 27th 2016| VARDY, TENNESSEE AND BIG STONE GAP, VIRGINIA HEAD into Sneedville from the Clinch river, turn left at the courthouse and crawl up Newman’s Ridge. Do not be distracted by the driveways meandering into the woods, the views across the Appalachians or the shadows of the birds of prey; heed the warnings locals may have issued about the steepness and the switchbacks. If the pass seems challenging, consider how inaccessible it must have been in the moonshining days before motor cars. Halfway down, as Snake Hollow appears on your left, you reach a narrow gorge, between the ridge and Powell Mountain and hard on Tennessee’s north-eastern border. In parts sheer and wooded, it opens into an unexpected valley, where secluded pastures and fields of wild flowers hug Blackwater Creek—in which the water is not black but clear, running, like the valley, down into Virginia. This is the ancestral home of an obscure American people, the Melungeons. Some lived over the state line on Stone Mountain, in other craggy parts of western Virginia and North Carolina and in eastern Kentucky. But the ridge and this valley were their heartland. The story of the Melungeons is at once a footnote to the history of race in America and a timely parable of it. They bear witness to the horrors and legacy of segregation, but also to the overlooked complexity of the early colonial era.
    [Show full text]
  • Long Shadows the BLACK-WHITE GAP in MULTIGENERATIONAL POVERTY
    Long Shadows THE BLACK-WHITE GAP IN MULTIGENERATIONAL POVERTY Scott Winship, Christopher Pulliam, Ariel Gelrud Shiro, Richard V. Reeves, and Santiago Deambrosi Executive Summary ssues of racial inequality and injustice are center poverty than White adults are to be poor. The grand- I stage in America today—especially the position parents of Black adults had much lower incomes than and treatment of Black Americans. This report pres- the grandparents of their White counterparts had; ents evidence on long-term differences in opportunity this initial inequality has been compounded by lower by race. Previous research showed large racial gaps in rates of subsequent Black upward mobility out of poverty and mobility across two generations. We take poverty and by greater Black downward mobility. a longer view, examining patterns of multigenerational These patterns mean that poor Black and White poverty for Black and White Americans across three adults today have dramatically different family pov- generations, drawing on data from the Panel Study of erty trajectories. Half of Blacks in the bottom fifth of Income Dynamics. the income distribution have parents and grandpar- We find that Black families are over 16 times more ents who were also poor, compared to just 8 percent likely than White families are to experience three of poor Whites. We show that the longer the time generations of poverty (defined as the bottom fifth of frame, the starker the racial gaps. More than half a the income distribution). Three-generation poverty century since the civil rights victories of the 1960s, occurs among one in 100 Whites, but it describes the these racial gaps in poverty and opportunity remain a experience of one in five Black adults.
    [Show full text]
  • A Chronological History of African Americans in Santa Cruz County
    To Know My Name: A Chronological History of African Americans in Santa Cruz County By Phil Reader In Memoriam for Helen Weston From her friends, The Phil Reader family PREFACE Sailors of African ancestry were crew members aboard most of the vessels which explored the coast of California during the 17th and 18th centuries. Negro trappers and adventurers like Allen Light and Jim Beckwourth, tramped about Santa Cruz county decades before any white Americans found their way to the area. Oscar T. Jackson a young African American from Watsonville traveled around the world with all of the leading Black Minstrel troupes. During the 1880s, he performed before the royal courts of Europe. London Nelson, [a.k.a Louden Nelson] an ex-slave from Tennessee, left his entire estate "to the children of Santa Cruz" and this generous bequest made it possible to reopen the local schools after they had been allowed to close. Ida B. Wells one of the founders of the NAACP, and a leading figure in Black history, could be found with her family on the streets of Santa Cruz during the early 1890s. Daniel Rodgers a Negro 49er from Arkansas, won his own freedom from an unscrupulous master and led a wagon train of ex-slaves to Watsonville where they established a large, vigorous Black community. Irva Bowen became the first African American to be elected to office when she won a seat on the Board of Trustees for the Santa Cruz City Schools in 1978. INTRODUCTION Americans of African lineage are a people whose historical legacy is of one bondage.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexican Americans, Racial Discrimination, and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 Gary A
    Mexican Americans, Racial Discrimination, and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 Gary A. Greenfield* and Don B. Kates, Jr.*- The authors examine the legislative history of section one of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, scientific concepts of race and racial classifica- tions, state racial statutes and litigation, the early federal naturaliza- tion law, the perception of Mexican Americans in the Southwest, and the discrimination which the Mexican American has encountered. They conclude that Mexican Americans generally have been per- ceived as a nonwhite racial group and that the discrimination they have encountered has been based upon that perception. They fur- ther conclude that Mexican Americans are entitled to the protections of section one of the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Since the Civil War, Congress has enacted a number of statutes designed to eradicate various forms of discrimination. The earliest of these statutes was the Civil Rights Act of 1866.1 The first section of that Act read: That all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involun- tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States, to make and enforce con- tracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property, and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of per- son and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, to the contrary not- withstanding.
    [Show full text]
  • Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles I Am Not Your Immigrant: Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology by Ariana Jeanette Valle 2019 © Copyright by Ariana Jeanette Valle 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION I am Not Your Immigrant: Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida by Ariana Jeanette Valle Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Vilma Ortiz, Chair This dissertation investigates how colonialism, citizenship, migration, and racialization intersect in a new destination and shape Puerto Ricans’ contemporary experiences. Puerto Ricans are a strategic case to examine through these frameworks because Puerto Ricans’ have been U.S. citizens for over a century due to an ongoing colonial relationship between the U.S. and Puerto Rico. There have been various waves of Puerto Rican migration to the U.S. mainland throughout the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Moreover, Puerto Ricans are a phenotypically diverse group due to the historic intermixing between Indigenous, African, and European groups in Puerto Rico. And, Puerto Ricans are an original member of the institutionally created Hispanic ethnic group. Our current understanding of Puerto Ricans in the U.S. is largely based on their experiences in traditional destinations of migration located in the Northeast and Midwest. Scholars that have studied this experience have argued Puerto Ricans experienced a racialized mode of incorporation in traditional destinations, which explains their lower socioeconomic outcomes, marginalized experiences, and placement on the lower rungs of the social hierarchy in traditional destinations.
    [Show full text]
  • Good White People
    1 Dumping on White Trash Etiquette, Abjection, and Radical Inclusion The trailer park has become . the only acceptable place to dump one’s racist inclinations. —Jim Goad, The Redneck Manifesto One February weekend in 2002, critical whiteness scholar and English professor Mike Hill infiltrated the fifth American Renaissance confer‑ ence. The theme for that year’s meeting was “In Defense of Western Man,” and the three hundred conference attendees—all apparently white men—were gathered in the name of “white genetic solidarity.”1 In past years, the conference had focused on non‑European immigrants and citizens of color in the United States. In 2002, its emphasis shifted to “the vicissitudes of white identity as it seemed to disappear before our eyes,” with the goal of bringing about “the racial awakening of an Anglocentric nation in crisis.”2 Hill, a white man who edited Whiteness: A Critical Reader in 1997, attended the meeting with permission; he was given an invitation when he truthfully lied that he wrote on whiteness.3 Unbeknownst to the American Renaissance organizers and attendees, Hill was at the conference as a spy on behalf of The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education. His task was to write “a sort of antiracist exposé” for the journal, which he did for their Spring 2002 issue.4 The American Renaissance Web site labels its approach to race as one of “race real‑ ism,” and in noninflammatory ways explains that “race is an important aspect of individual and group identity. Race and racial conflict are at the heart of the most serious challenges the Western World faces in the 21st century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Salience of Race Versus Socioeconomic Status Among African American Voters
    the salience of race versus socioeconomic status among african american voters theresa kennedy, princeton university (2014) INTRODUCTION as majority black and middle class; and Orange, New ichael Dawson’s Behind the Mule, published Jersey as majority black and lower class.7 I analyzed in 1994, examines the group dynamics and the results of the 2008 presidential election in each identity of African Americans in politics.1 of the four townships, and found that both majority MDawson gives blacks a collective consciousness rooted black towns supported Obama at rates of over 90 per- in a history of slavery and subsequent economic and cent.8 The majority white towns still supported Obama social subjugation, and further argues that African at high rates, but not as high as in the majority black Americans function as a unit because of their unique towns.9 I was not surprised by these results, as they shared past.2 Dawson uses data from the 1988 National were in line with what Dawson had predicted about Black Election Panel Survey to analyze linked fate— black group politics.10 However, I was unable to find the belief that what happens to others in a person’s more precise data than that found at the precinct level, racial group affects them as individual members of the so my results could not be specified to particular in- racial group—and group consciousness among blacks dividuals.11 in the political sphere, and then examines the effects The ecological inference problem piqued my in- of black group identity on voter choice and political terest in obtaining individual data to apply my find- leanings.
    [Show full text]