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The Salience of Race Versus Socioeconomic Status Among African American Voters the salience of race versus socioeconomic status among african american voters theresa kennedy, princeton university (2014) INTRODUCTION as majority black and middle class; and Orange, New ichael Dawson’s Behind the Mule, published Jersey as majority black and lower class.7 I analyzed in 1994, examines the group dynamics and the results of the 2008 presidential election in each identity of African Americans in politics.1 of the four townships, and found that both majority MDawson gives blacks a collective consciousness rooted black towns supported Obama at rates of over 90 per- in a history of slavery and subsequent economic and cent.8 The majority white towns still supported Obama social subjugation, and further argues that African at high rates, but not as high as in the majority black Americans function as a unit because of their unique towns.9 I was not surprised by these results, as they shared past.2 Dawson uses data from the 1988 National were in line with what Dawson had predicted about Black Election Panel Survey to analyze linked fate— black group politics.10 However, I was unable to find the belief that what happens to others in a person’s more precise data than that found at the precinct level, racial group affects them as individual members of the so my results could not be specified to particular in- racial group—and group consciousness among blacks dividuals.11 in the political sphere, and then examines the effects The ecological inference problem piqued my in- of black group identity on voter choice and political terest in obtaining individual data to apply my find- leanings. 5, 3 ings at the personal level.13 This issue with ecological Dawson’s work is pertinent today in the years inference is that it assumes that individual-level analy- of the first African-American president, and even sis of results can be understood based upon aggregate more so as African Americans become wealthier and or group results.12 The aggregate data from my prior more integrated into white America.4 Integration has study was only useful at the township level. I wanted bearings on the black group: group ties may become to view linked fate and candidate choice on a person- weaker, specifically in the political realm. As African by-person basis. I felt this relationship would present Americans enter into the middle and upper classes, a more accurate and complete picture of each group’s do they still identify with roots in slavery, segregation, voting decisions. Though the majority vote in each and economic suppression? Are these roots aban- township went for Obama, I wanted to explore what doned for newly elevated class ties? Will most present- subsets of the African-American group were likely day African Americans side with the candidate who voting for Obama, and which might be more inclined looks like them, but doesn’t necessarily protect their to vote for the Republican candidate.15 To do this, I personal economic interests? decided to conduct a survey asking African-American Dawson’s work piqued my interest, especially in voters about their adherence to linked fate and politi- an age in which some academics argue that the ideo- cal leanings. In addition, I was interested in testing logical gap between black and white Americans is whether, in an electoral contest where candidate race shrinking.5 I want to expand on Dawson’s work and is set against socioeconomic status, an African-Amer- see if his idea is still applicable today. I have previously ican voter would be more likely to base his or her vote conducted case studies of four townships in the state upon the candidate’s race or class. I proposed an em- of New Jersey that represent cross sections of race and bedded experiment in my survey that would establish class.6 I categorized Carteret, New Jersey as majority a hypothetical election between four different poten- white and lower class; Morristown, New Jersey as ma- tial candidates of varying race and economic-policy jority white and middle class; Willingboro, New Jersey leanings. This would force the respondent to choose the salience of race versus socioeconomic status among african american voters in race and fiscal policy crossed pair-ups whether a Literature Review and Expectations candidate’s race or socioeconomic status would trump Dawson’s Behind the Mule considers race and the other. socioeconomic status among African Americans as These different race and class pairings are tell- factors for political choice. Dawson describes a cer- ing because of the unique class and economic status tain “New Black Politics… characterized by the trans- typically attributed to African Americans as a group. formation of protest politics into electoral politics 13 Because of the history of slavery as well as the so- with high levels of black political unity… an image of cial, economic, and legal barriers placed on African profound political unity that transcends class.”16 This Americans throughout U.S. history, African Ameri- “new” form of black politics defined by Dawson in cans have been dealt a less opportune political status. 1994 places an emphasis on the group consciousness Lack of economic diversity aided in the formation of a that accompanies African Americans in the political black political group, as fiscal interests were generally arena and at the polls. Dawson discusses this black the same.14 However, I argue that the economic inter- political unity in terms of what he calls a “black utility ests of the black group have begun to vary. Increasing heuristic”17: economic diversity has the potential to separate the It is quite clear that, until the mid-1960s, race was group, and could render Dawson’s findings of the late the decisive factor in determining the opportuni- twentieth century less applicable now, twenty years ties and life chances available to virtually all Af- later. rican Americans, regardless of their own or their I also revisited the four townships I studied to family’s social and economic status. Consequently, it was much more effective for African Americans find out the precinct-level results for the 2012 elec- to determine what was good for the racial group tion, and whether these results are in line with my in- than to determine what was good for themselves dividual-level survey results. I conducted case studies individually. It was more efficient for them to use of the four townships for the more recent election in the status of the group, both relative and absolute, order to see if group consciousness has strengthened as a proxy for individual utility.18 or weakened. This may corroborate or contradict my This black utility heuristic historically assisted survey results. Revisiting these townships was neces- African Americans in choosing which ideologies and sary to make insightful comparisons with the newer political values fit them best as a group. Because Af- individual-level results. rican Americans have a unique history with roots in I have discussed Claudine Gay’s work on the ef- slavery, segregation, and economic subjugation, vot- fects of neighborhood status, quality, and segregation ing as a group has meant more political power and on feelings of linked fate, political group conscious- typically has made sense for most black individuals 15 ness, and the black vote. I am interested in looking struggling with similar fiscal, social, and political is- at how living in close proximity to other blacks af- sues. By working as a group, blacks could advance fur- fects the strength of group unity, and if this unity is ther. Therefore, they would be communally furthering lessened by living in more integrated or mostly white the interests of the entire group. 19 neighborhoods. However, I argue that in the years since Dawson’s In conclusion, I find this research to be com- book was published, perhaps a newer black political pelling due to its implications for understanding the functioning has emerged. Where race used to trump black political community in the United States. I be- socioeconomic status, class status is now gaining in- lieve the study will contribute to a further comprehen- creasing importance for African Americans in the po- sion of the factors affecting political integration and litical realm. In 1994, Dawson wrote: the status of blacks today. There may be further im- plications for the study of affirmative action, neigh- Economic polarization among African Americans has indeed been increasing over the past twenty borhood integration, and more recently, the political years. Both the middle class and the group of eco- effects of racially biased police brutality and mass nomically marginalized African Americans have incarceration. I hope that this study will shed light grown… In the future, the new black middle class on the uniqueness of the African-American political may not identify as strongly with the black com- group, both in the past and today. munity, the Democratic Party, or liberal causes… Many would argue that economic polarization within the black community will continue to in- 81 columbia university journal of politics & society crease throughout the 1990s and will bring in its and whether it exists in different levels of intensity be- wake increasing political polarization.20 tween different socioeconomic class levels. Dawson, I plan to investigate whether economic stratifica- in his later book (2001), Black Visions: The Roots of tion in the black community has strained the historic Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies, political unanimity of African Americans. Dawson writes, “the great majority of blacks continue, my pre- calls on the “black utility heuristic,” the strength and vious and current work shows, to see their fate linked unity of the black network, and individually linked to that of the race, but how that linkage gets interpret- fate as reasons for sustained black political accord.21 ed is based partly on social position but also partly on However, I suggest that in recent year; political effi- ideological orientation.”28 My study questions whether cacy, ties to the black network, and the sense of com- this notion still holds true today.
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