Peacock, Timothy Noel (2015) the Changing Strategies of Minority Government and Opposition During the Callaghan Administration, 1976- 1979

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Peacock, Timothy Noel (2015) the Changing Strategies of Minority Government and Opposition During the Callaghan Administration, 1976- 1979 Peacock, Timothy Noel (2015) The changing strategies of minority government and opposition during the Callaghan administration, 1976- 1979. PhD thesis. https://theses.gla.ac.uk/6812/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] The Changing Strategies of Minority Government and Opposition during the Callaghan Administration, 1976-1979 Timothy Noel Peacock (MA, MLitt) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in History School of Humanities College of Arts University of Glasgow April 2015 © Timothy Noel Peacock 2015 Abstract The 2010 General Election and subsequent coalition government brought groundbreaking changes to the conduct of UK politics, challenging recent British political history’s encapsulation within the dominant paradigm of the majoritarian ‘Westminster model’, and raising the prospect of further indecisive elections, not least evident in the uncertainty surrounding the upcoming 2015 General Election. These developments have also encouraged a rereading of past British minority governments, previously relegated to a status of either inherent weakness or aberration. Seminal works in the study of minority governments (Kaare Strom, 1990, 2006) have tended to concentrate on international experience, and even more recent studies by the Constitution Unit in London which have sought to act as a guide to current political parties (‘Making Minority Government Work’ (2010)) have not considered past British administrations in any great depth. This thesis provides a historico-political study of the two main parties’ strategic response to minority government during the Callaghan Administration of 1976-1979. The twin conclusions of this work are that both the Labour Government and Conservative Opposition showed greater consideration of strategies for dealing with minority government than has previously been appreciated by scholars, and that their actions are indicative of a distinct British tradition of minority government hitherto relatively unrecognised. The first two chapters establish the study’s theoretical framework, chronological context of the Callaghan Government, and strategy-making process within the main parties. Chapters 3-4 take in the alternative courses of action during Government formation and the changing approaches to managing legislative defeats, while Chapters 5-6 examine formal and informal interparty cooperation. Chapters 7-8 consider strategies of electoral timing, as well as planning by both parties for future minority or coalition governments, while the remaining two chapters revisit the confidence vote that brought down the Government, and place Callaghan’s Administration within a wider reconceptualising of British minority government history. Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 1 - 25 Chapter 2: Historical Context and the Strategy-Making Process 26 - 47 Chapter 3: Government Formation 48 - 65 Chapter 4: Defeats and Legislative Management 66 - 97 Chapter 5: Lib-Lab Pact 98 - 126 Chapter 6: Informal Interparty Cooperation 127 - 145 Chapter 7: Electoral Timing 146 - 166 Chapter 8: Future Minority Government and Coalition 167 - 193 Chapter 9: No Confidence Defeat – 28 March 1979 194 - 216 Chapter 10: Conclusions and Reflection 217 - 228 Bibliography 229 - 242 Acknowledgements I would like to express my warmest gratitude to: The Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) for their financial support through the Block Grant Partnership (BGP) Scholarships, awarded in the first instance for the Masters, and then for the PhD. The staff of the various archives that I have visited, and of the University of Glasgow Library, who have always been very courteous in dealing with my inquiries and in facilitating my research. My friends, for their kind words and interest in my work. My supervisors, Dr Phillips O’Brien and Professor Simon Ball, for all their encouragement and helpful advice. Last, but not least, my parents, Noël and Sandra Peacock, for their inspiration, constant support and encouragement. Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 1 – Introduction 2 Rationale At a time when many countries are continuing to struggle with economic crises, many are also facing crises of government, even in long-established democracies; elections more regularly produce indecisive outcomes and have compelled political parties to form minority governments, being unable to construct majority coalition arrangements with other parties. Even traditional notions of Britain as a bastion of single-party majority government have been challenged by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government, formed at Westminster in 2010, as well as by the uncertainty and prospect of further minority or coalition government following future electoral results. A recent British Minority Administration whose experience has been largely overlooked is that of the Callaghan Government between 1976 and 1979. Through its action or inaction, Callaghan’s Administration laid the political groundwork acted upon by British governments over the last three decades, in areas ranging from Macroeconomic policy to Devolution. As will be outlined in this study, the influence of experiences gained by both Government and Opposition parties during the Callaghan Administration may be seen even in the formation of Britain’s post-2010 Coalition Government. In the same way that the indecisive nature of the result in 2010 presented a situation not faced in a generation, the period of non-majority governance from 1976-79 compelled the main parties to adapt to a largely unfamiliar political environment, having become used to single party majority governance. Prior to the short-lived Wilson Minority Government (February-October 1974), Britain had last experienced minority governance more than forty-three years earlier in 1929-31 under Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. In this respect, the experience of the 1976-79 Government provides perhaps one of the best comparators with the post-2010 Coalition in the UK Parliament. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate two aspects of the Callaghan Government and Opposition that have received less scholarly interest. The first of these aspects is that the two main political parties within Britain showed greater strategic thinking than has previously been appreciated by scholars, and sought to adapt to the different challenges posed by minority government at a national level between 1976 and 1979. The second aspect is that these trends of attempted adaptation were reflective of a distinctively British tradition of minority government, in which the main participants sought primarily to adhere to a majoritarian political system, while contemplating and embracing pragmatic changes. This British tradition of minority government was also Chapter 1 – Introduction 3 reflected in seeking guidance for formulating strategy. Participants and papers on the subject in both main parties referenced Britain’s own historic experience with minority administrations, rather than those more recently occurring in other countries. In addition to a rereading of late 1970s British politics, charting of the development of political strategy will provide: an insight into how parties adapt to new political circumstances; a greater understanding of the challenges facing future minority and coalition governments and how these may be confronted; and a framework for evaluating strategic developments of other minority, majority and coalition governments in Britain and internationally. In spite of the many historical experiences of minority government, this area of research has been largely under-explored, particularly in Britain, with only a handful of recent works providing a corrective to this omission, domestic and international minority government scholarship being discussed below. Even in terms of a general overview, within a broader international context, minority government as a concept and practice has not been as widely studied as that of coalition government. Some other countries’ experiences of minority government, primarily confined to article-length case-studies or subsumed into larger works, have also begun to be subject to more detailed examination.1 Full monograph studies of the subject of minority government in its own right have only more recently been produced in certain cases, such as Russell’s Two Cheers for Minority Government, which examines Canada’s historic experience with minority administrations, or Nikolenyi’s The Puzzle of Elusive Majorities, which charts minority governments in India.2 It is only more recently that this field has begun to garner greater scholarly attention in countries facing fresh experiences with minority administrations, in some cases for the first time ever at a national level. It is clear that minority government will be an increasingly prominent feature of national politics in democracies across the world in the years ahead. Continued trends of declining membership
Recommended publications
  • Haessly, Katie (2010) British Conservative Women Mps
    British Conservative Women MPs and ‘Women’s Issues’ 1950-1979 Katie Haessly, BA MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2010 1 Abstract In the period 1950-1979, there were significant changes in legislation relating to women’s issues, specifically employment, marital and guardianship and abortion rights. This thesis explores the impact of Conservative female MPs on these changes as well as the changing roles of women within the party. In addition there is a discussion of the relationships between Conservative women and their colleagues which provides insights into the changes in gender roles which were occurring at this time. Following the introduction the next four chapters focus on the women themselves and the changes in the above mentioned women’s issues during the mid-twentieth century and the impact Conservative women MPs had on them. The changing Conservative attitudes are considered in the context of the wider changes in women’s roles in society in the period. Chapter six explores the relationship between women and men of the Conservative Parliamentary Party, as well as men’s impact on the selected women’s issues. These relationships were crucial to enhancing women’s roles within the party, as it is widely recognised that women would not have been able to attain high positions or affect the issues as they did without help from male colleagues. Finally, the female Labour MPs in the alteration of women’s issues is discussed in Chapter seven. Labour women’s relationships both with their party and with Conservative women are also examined.
    [Show full text]
  • 2011-2012, Vol. 27
    2011-2012 NORTHERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY PERSPECTIVES IN HISTORY VOLUME XXVII, 2011-2012 PERSPECTIVES IN HISTORY VOLUME Perspectives in History VOL. XXVII, 2011-2012 PHI ALPHA THETA ALPHA BETA PHI CHAPTER XXVIIPHI ALPHA THETA JOURNAL OF ALPHA BETA PHI CHAPTER OF PHI ALPHA THETA Officers Perspectives in Alpha Beta Phi Chapter History 2011-2012 James Lupo .................................President Ex-officio EDITOR Alexandra Barrett ......................President Kevin J. Leibach Caitlin Stylinski Hazelip ...........Vice President ASSISTANT EDITORS Matthew Chalfant ......................Treasurer Aaron Sprinkles Vincent Fraley ............................Historian Sheryn Labate Shane Winslow ..........................Secretary FACULTY ADVISOR Kevin Leibach .............................Journal Editor William Landon Kari Becker .................................Wellness Officer Perspectives in History is an annual scholarly publication of the Depart- ment of History and Geography at Northern Kentucky Unviersity (NKU). Opinions expressed by contributors do not necessarily reflect the views of the NKU Board of Regents, the faculty of the university, or of the student editors of the journal. Manuscripts are welcome from students and faculty in the Commonwealth of Kentucky. Send all articles, essays, and reviews to: Northern Kentucky University History/Geography Department Highland Heights, KY 41099 This publication was prepared by Northern Kentucky University and printed with state funds (KRS 57.375). Northern Kentucky University is committed to building a diverse faculty and staff for employment and promotion to ensure the highest quality of workforce and to foster an environment that embraces the broad range of human diversity. The university is committed to equal employment opportunity, affirmative action, and eliminating discrimination. This commitment is consistent with an intellectual community that celebrates individual differences and diversity as well as being a matter of law.
    [Show full text]
  • Going, Going, Gone: How Safe Is David Cameron?
    Going, Going, Gone: How Safe is David Cameron? democraticaudit.com /2016/06/03/going-going-gone-how-safe-is-david-cameron/ By Democratic Audit UK 2016-6-3 Last weekend, rumors were once again abound of plots to remove David Cameron as leader. Ben Worthy assesses the Prime Minister’s position in light of the latest threat, and writes that although it appears probable he will survive attempts to topple him in the short-term, the plots, rumours and rebellion will continue. David Cameron at first Cabinet meeting in 2010. Credit: Crown Copyright The UK’s EU referendum has turned into a series of threats against Cameron himself. The weekend was dominated by swirling rumours about Conservative MPs plotting to remove their leader with talk of plots of 50 MPs, (metaphorical) ‘stabbing in the front’ and letters to the 1922 committee. This isn’t the first time Cameron has faced challenges to his position. So how safe is he now? The rules for triggering an election for a Conservative party leader are clear. To ‘secure a confidence vote, 15% of Conservative Members of Parliament (“in receipt of the Conservative Whip”) must submit a request for such a vote, in writing, to the Chairman of the 1922 Committee’. This means 50 MPs need to sign a letter. There are 330 Conservative whipped MPs in the House of Commons. It is estimated that around 110 are definitely Brexit versus 128 MPs for Remain with the rest unknown. There are likely enough unhappy MPs to get 50 signatures on a letter. How these numbers may translate into a leadership election is less clear.
    [Show full text]
  • 301-United Kingdom: the Conservative Party *Note: All Code Justifications Which Appear in ALL CAPS Were Part of the Original ICPP Project (Janda, 1980)
    #301-United Kingdom: The Conservative Party *Note: All code justifications which appear in ALL CAPS were part of the original ICPP project (Janda, 1980). All other code justifications were subsequently provided by those credited after said justification. Variable 9.01: Nationalization of Structure 1950-1990: 5 CONSERVATIVE PARTY WAS ORGANIZED INTO TWELVE AREA COUNCILS IN ENGLAND AND WALES AND TWO DIVISIONS IN SCOTLAND. AREA COUNCILS MET FROM TWO TO FOUR TIMES YEARLY, WHILE AREA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES FUNCTIONED IN THE INTERIM. AN AGENT OF THE CENTRAL OFFICE REPRESENTED THE INTERESTS OF THE NATIONAL PARTY, ACTING AS HONORARY SECRETARY FOR THE AREA COUNCIL. THESE REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, WHICH HAD NO RESTRICTIONS ON THE TOPICS THEY COULD DISCUSS, EXERCISED SOMEWHAT MORE INDEPENDENCE OF ACTION THAN THEIR COUNTERPARTS IN THE LABOUR PARTY. (JANDA, 1980: 209) Norton notes that, "In terms of its internal organization, the party is hierarchical." (Norton, 1991:136) The hierarchy runs from the national organs through eleven regional offices in England, one in Wales and two in Scotland. Concerning the hierarchy and flow of authority, Kelly notes that even at the Conservative Local Government Conference and Exhibition, matters were arranged and managed at the national level. (Kelly,1989:58-9) [By Paul Sum] The Conservative Party in its 1974 Manifesto (Craig, 1975: 446), agreed the following: "In Scotland, we will: set up a Scottish Assembly; give the Secretary of State for Scotland, acting with the Scottish assembly, the power to decide how to spend Scotland's share of the U.K. budget; establish a Scottish development fund to provide substantial help with both the new problems created by oil, and with Scotland's old deprived areas; transfer the Oil Division of the Department of Energy to Scotland." [By Renata Chopra] As described in the Conservative Party publication The Right Approach (1976), Scotland feels that the Parliament and the government are out of touch with its needs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Polling
    The Politics of Polling everyday practices of political opinion polling Robin Hughes A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics Faculty of Social Sciences The University of Sheffield March 2020 2 3 Abstract Public opinion has long been held as an important concept in politics. Consequently, its measurement, particularly through public opinion polls, is valuable both as a point of democratic principle and of political practicality. Whilst a rich literature exists on opinion polls and opinion data is regularly used for a variety of analyses, there is little available information on the everyday, human activities which drive the production of polling. In this thesis, I present a different view of political polling by engaging with polls at the site of their production and asking the question: what are the everyday practices of political public opinion polling, and what is their significance in understanding political polls? In answering this question, I use an ethnographic approach to provide a narrative account of qualitative data on political polling. This thesis is an exploratory study. It produces empirical data on the practices of polling, and theoretical analyses of how this data can further inform our understandings of political polls. Throughout the thesis, I put forward the argument that the human agency of pollsters is an important, but often overlooked facet of understanding political polls. Significant individual decisions are found to be commonplace in everyday practice, and affect the wording, the type, and the nature of available polls. By providing an account of everyday practices, I am able to demonstrate the ways in which this influence on polling output manifests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Consequences of the EU Referendum
    The Consequences of the EU Referendum 20 June 2016 | Authors: Gregor Irwin Summary Whatever the result on 23 June Britain faces political risk. If Britain votes to leave there will be political instability in the UK, the process of withdrawal will be messy, and investors will give their verdict on the structural implications for the UK economy. If the UK votes to stay David Cameron will have to work hard to keep his job, his Europe problem will not go away, and the government’s remaining time in office will be marked by weakness. Britain’s referendum on EU membership will have figure. Other Brexiteers would be likely to emerge. profound consequences whatever the result on Michael Gove has carefully ruled himself out – but 23 June. This note identifies some of the most may feel obliged to reconsider as the party seeks a important for British politics, policy and the big-hitting conciliator with impeccable Eurosceptic economy, and for the rest of the EU. credentials to lead the negotiation with Brussels. The final decision lies with party members, so be If the UK votes to leave ready for a surprise. There will be political instability in the UK There could also be a general election. A new party leader’s first priority would be to build bridges and David Cameron would almost certainly resign. If unify the party, aided by a fresh party mandate. he tried to hold on, he would be pushed out by The working majority of the government is small – his MPs. He would have lost the confidence of the just seventeen.
    [Show full text]
  • September 2017 Newsletter
    Truro School Former Pupils’ Association September 2017 Newsletter 2017/18 issue 01 www.truroschool.com [email protected] FORMER PUPIL NEWS EVENTS October 12th 2017 Former Pupil Events London Networking Reunion Reunion Weekend 2017 12th October 2017 East India Club Julia Goldsworthy (CO97) Guest Speaker Chapel Anniversary A note From Paul and Kathy Smith Jeremy Rowe (CO83) Come along to this FREE event and Stuart Bird (CO64) meet other former pupils for an evening of conversation, over a drink and refreshments. Family Notices Nancy Kenward and Jane Rainbow will be attending and are very much looking forward to catching up with some familiar Archive Attic faces. Please register your interest with Katy: Advertisements [email protected] Important Notice If you have not yet completed an OPT-IN form, please do so asap by using the link: ONLINE FORM . If you do not complete this, soon you will stop receiving invitations to events, reunions and your monthly newsletters! PLEASE CONFIRM IF YOU WISH TO ATTEND AS WE Thank you to all those who have WILL NEED TO already chosen to OPT-IN. PROVIDE A COMPLETE GUEST LIST FOR You do not need to do it again until THE EAST INDIA CLUB. we send you a personal reminder! Please keep in touch! Truro School Annual Reunion Weekend 2017 Sports Fixtures and Reunion Dinner The weather was kind during the afternoon as CO17 were welcomed back to School, not as pupils but as the newest members of the TSFPA. Following tradition the first sports fixtures of the new academic year started with the new School teams playing against the Former Pupils.
    [Show full text]
  • Thecoalition
    The Coalition Voters, Parties and Institutions Welcome to this interactive pdf version of The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Please note that in order to view this pdf as intended and to take full advantage of the interactive functions, we strongly recommend you open this document in Adobe Acrobat. Adobe Acrobat Reader is free to download and you can do so from the Adobe website (click to open webpage). Navigation • Each page includes a navigation bar with buttons to view the previous and next pages, along with a button to return to the contents page at any time • You can click on any of the titles on the contents page to take you directly to each article Figures • To examine any of the figures in more detail, you can click on the + button beside each figure to open a magnified view. You can also click on the diagram itself. To return to the full page view, click on the - button Weblinks and email addresses • All web links and email addresses are live links - you can click on them to open a website or new email <>contents The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Edited by: Hussein Kassim Charles Clarke Catherine Haddon <>contents Published 2012 Commissioned by School of Political, Social and International Studies University of East Anglia Norwich Design by Woolf Designs (www.woolfdesigns.co.uk) <>contents Introduction 03 The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Introduction The formation of the Conservative-Liberal In his opening paper, Bob Worcester discusses Democratic administration in May 2010 was a public opinion and support for the parties in major political event.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservative Party & Perceptions of the Middle
    THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY & PERCEPTIONS OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES TITLE: THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE BRITISH MIDDLE CLASSES, 1951 - 1974 By LEANNA FONG, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Leanna Fong, August 2016 Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Descriptive Note McMaster University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2016) Hamilton, Ontario (History) TITLE: The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 - 1974 AUTHOR: Leanna Fong, B.A., M.A (York University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Stephen Heathorn PAGES: vi, 307 ii Ph.D. Thesis – Leanna Fong McMaster University - Department of History Abstract “The Conservative Party and Perceptions of the British Middle Classes, 1951 – 1974,” explores conceptions of middle-class voters at various levels of the party organization after the Second World War. Since Benjamin Disraeli, Conservatives have endeavoured to represent national rather than sectional interests and appeal widely to a growing electorate. Yet, the middle classes and their interests have also enjoyed a special position in the Conservative political imagination often because the group insists they receive special consideration. It proved especially difficult to juggle these priorities after 1951 when Conservatives encountered two colliding challenges: the middle classes growing at a rapid rate, failing to form a unified outlook or identity, and the limited appeal of consumer rhetoric and interests owing to the uneven experience of affluence and prosperity. Conservative ideas and policies failed to acknowledge and resonate with the changing nature of their core supporters and antiquated local party organization reinforced feelings of alienation from and mistrust of new members of the middle classes as well as affluent workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Unclassified Unclassified
    UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED Evidence Number Name E23 Pagoda PR E24 Paul Flynn MP E25 PCRC (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee) E26 PLMR (Political Lobbying and Media Relations Ltd) E27 Political Intelligence E28 PRCA (Public Relations Consultants Association) E29 Ranelagh International Ltd E30 Rowan Public Affairs E31 (SPA) Society of Parliamentary Agents E32 (TPA) TaxPayers’ Alliance E33 Transparency International UK E34 UKPAC E35 Unlock Democracy E36 William Dinan and David Miller UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED E23: Pagoda PR 1. Is there any reason to think that lobbying per se is a problem; and is there any evidence that abuse of lobbying is widespread or systemic, as opposed to exceptional behaviour by a few? Not in itself, although recent evidence would indicate that some parliamentarians may be susceptible to influence on the basis of inappropriate inducements. This does, as the paper suggests, damage the reputation of lobbying and parliamentary engagement more widely. In this respect, there is a risk that efforts to encourage more lobbying/campaigning from wider sections of society – especially young people – are undermined. We need to proactively promote the positive achievements of lobbying if we are to secure the confidence and participation of the next generation, who will otherwise view Parliament with cynicism. Politicians could do more to say when they have been persuaded by well run, well evidenced and transparent lobbying campaigns. 2. How wide should the definition of lobbying be? What activities should be excluded from the definition? This is extremely difficult because the current definitions rely on determining an attempt to ‘influence’. In many cases such intent is very difficult to determine.
    [Show full text]
  • The Presentation of the Prime Minister's Election Campaign Would
    SECRET COPY NO: FROM: Anthony Shrimsley DATE: April 7 1983 PRIME MINISTER'S ELECTION CAMPAIGN STYLE: The presentation of the Prime Minister's election campaign would seem to be dictated by recognition of simple political reality rather than any considerations of "packaging" or "image". The election is about the nation's future and the nation's leadership -- the two are inseparable. In the Prime Minister the Conservative Party has the only outstanding national leader for many years. The other parties lack such an asset. Because of this central fact the Conservatives are able with total credibility to offer continued progress on the path towards a radical restoration of Britain's economic strength, pride and traditional values while our rivals can only revive the failed dogmas of the past. The media will wish to see the campaign as a bitter conflict between the Prime Minister and Michael Foot with the Alliance trying to pick up the pieces. We will have to judge nearer the time how much attention needs to be concentrated on smashing the Alliance threat but the inevitable personalising of the battle by the Press and TV is to our advantage provided we can maintain the contrast between the sides. We do not want to be accused of "presidential" campaigning. Nor is this a question of cold-blooded managerial efficiency. This country is not Great Britain Ltd but 50 million human beings with hopes, fears and ambitions. It is clear that many of them see in the Prime Minister the personification of those concerns. They see in her someone with the courage to defend the country's values against threats fi%om the Left and the Unions at home as well as from Foreign interests, whether in the EEC or the South Atlantic.
    [Show full text]
  • 18 Pack Research Notes
    drawal from the EEC passed as policy. Shirley Williams and Tom Bradley refuse to speak from the Research Notes platform on behalf of the NEC. October James Callaghan resigns as Labour Chronology leader. November Key Alliance dates 1979–88 First round of Labour’s leadership election (Healey , Foot , Silkin Compiled by Mark Pack , Shore ). November 1979 they will leave Labour if it supports Michael Foot elected leader of La- withdrawal from the EEC: ‘There are bour (defeating Healey –). May some of us who will not accept a November General election won by Tories. De- choice between socialism and Eu- Owen announces he will not be feated Labour MPs include Shirley rope. We will choose them both.’ restanding for Shadow Cabinet. Williams. June November June Williams warns that a centre party Williams announces she cannot be Social Democrat Alliance (SDA) re- would have ‘no roots, no principles, a Labour candidate again with its organises itself into a network of lo- no philosophy and no values.’ current policies cal groups, not all of whose mem- bers need be in the Labour Party. June December Roy Jenkins delivers lecture to Labour proscribes SDA. November House of Commons Press Gallery, Roy Jenkins delivers the Dimbleby calling for a realignment of the ‘radi- December lecture, ‘Home thoughts from cal centre.’ Meeting in Williams’ flat, including abroad’. Ivor Crewe and Anthony King, who June outline considerable possible support November Labour’s Commission of Inquiry for a new party. Bill Rodgers gives speech at backs use of an electoral college for Abertillery: ‘Our party has a year, not electing the leader and mandatory much longer, in which to save itself.’ reselection of MPs.
    [Show full text]