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301-United Kingdom: the Conservative Party *Note: All Code Justifications Which Appear in ALL CAPS Were Part of the Original ICPP Project (Janda, 1980)

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301-United Kingdom: the Conservative Party *Note: All Code Justifications Which Appear in ALL CAPS Were Part of the Original ICPP Project (Janda, 1980) #301-United Kingdom: The Conservative Party *Note: All code justifications which appear in ALL CAPS were part of the original ICPP project (Janda, 1980). All other code justifications were subsequently provided by those credited after said justification. Variable 9.01: Nationalization of Structure 1950-1990: 5 CONSERVATIVE PARTY WAS ORGANIZED INTO TWELVE AREA COUNCILS IN ENGLAND AND WALES AND TWO DIVISIONS IN SCOTLAND. AREA COUNCILS MET FROM TWO TO FOUR TIMES YEARLY, WHILE AREA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES FUNCTIONED IN THE INTERIM. AN AGENT OF THE CENTRAL OFFICE REPRESENTED THE INTERESTS OF THE NATIONAL PARTY, ACTING AS HONORARY SECRETARY FOR THE AREA COUNCIL. THESE REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, WHICH HAD NO RESTRICTIONS ON THE TOPICS THEY COULD DISCUSS, EXERCISED SOMEWHAT MORE INDEPENDENCE OF ACTION THAN THEIR COUNTERPARTS IN THE LABOUR PARTY. (JANDA, 1980: 209) Norton notes that, "In terms of its internal organization, the party is hierarchical." (Norton, 1991:136) The hierarchy runs from the national organs through eleven regional offices in England, one in Wales and two in Scotland. Concerning the hierarchy and flow of authority, Kelly notes that even at the Conservative Local Government Conference and Exhibition, matters were arranged and managed at the national level. (Kelly,1989:58-9) [By Paul Sum] The Conservative Party in its 1974 Manifesto (Craig, 1975: 446), agreed the following: "In Scotland, we will: set up a Scottish Assembly; give the Secretary of State for Scotland, acting with the Scottish assembly, the power to decide how to spend Scotland's share of the U.K. budget; establish a Scottish development fund to provide substantial help with both the new problems created by oil, and with Scotland's old deprived areas; transfer the Oil Division of the Department of Energy to Scotland." [By Renata Chopra] As described in the Conservative Party publication The Right Approach (1976), Scotland feels that the Parliament and the government are out of touch with its needs. Consequently, Scotland would like its own say in affairs; they would like to form a directly elected Scottish assembly as a chamber of the United Kingdom Parliament. [By Renata Chopra] Variable 9.02: Selecting the National Leader 1950-1963: 7 1964-1990: 4 THE LEADER EMERGED FROM AN OBSCURE PROCESS OF ELITE INTERACTION AND CONSENSUS-BUILDING, RATIFIED BY ACCLAMATION BY PARTY MEMBERS IN BOTH HOUSES, CONSERVATIVE CANDIDATES, AND THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL UNION. WHEN THE PARTY WAS IN POWER, THE MONARCH CONDITIONED THE CHOICE OF LEADERSHIP BY NAMING THE PRIME MINISTER. UPON THE RESIGNATION OF ANTHONY EDEN IN 1957, FOR EXAMPLE, SOUNDING IN THE TWO HOUSES AND THE CONSTITUENCY PARTIES WERE MADE BY LORDS SALISBURY, KILMUIR, AND OTHERS, AND THE QUEEN CHOSE HAROLD MACMILLAN TO SUCCEED EDEN AS PRIME MINISTER UPON ADVICE FROM CONSERVATIVE LEADERS. MACMILLAN SUBSEQUENTLY BECAME PARTY LEADER, BUT SOME CONCERN WAS REGISTERED OVER THE ROLE OF THE MONARCH IN THE PROCESS. THIS WAS HEIGHTENED AFTER OUR TIME PERIOD WITH THE SELECTION OF HOME TO REPLACE MACMILLAN IN 1963. AS OF 1965, THIS INFORMAL PROCESS WAS REPLACED BY BALLOTING AMONG ALL CONSERVATIVE MPS, WITH A 15 PERCENT MAJORITY REQUIRED TO WIN THE LEADERSHIP ON THE FIRST BALLOT. (JANDA, 1980: 209) "Before 1964, the leader of the party was not elected but simply 'emerged'." This process entailed building a consensus within elite circles of the party to be ratified by Conservative MP's. (Norton in King et al,1993:35) [By Paul Sum] Norton notes that leadership selection was formalized, "in 1964 to a new procedure under which the leader was to be elected. The electorate was to be made up solely of Conservative MP's." Selection required an absolute majority of 15% of total the electorate for the leader to be selected in the first round. This procedure was first employed in 1965 with the selection of Edward Heath. The leader was selected for an unlimited term ending through voluntary retirement or death. Norton attributes the change to disputes within the "emergence" process, most notably in 1957 and 1963. (Norton in King et al,1993:37) Finer observes that,"sentiments of local associations are to be ascertained and conveyed to the MP's before they get down to balloting." (Finer,1980:79) However, evidence of this input is unclear and therefore, the change falls within coding parameters is not reflected in the coding value. [By Paul Sum] Norton notes an additional change in the selection procedure. "At the end of 1974 the parliamentary party decided on a change in the rules for electing a leader, inserting a provision for annual election." New rules first applied in February 1975 in which Thatcher was elected. The change stems from discontent with the tenure granted to Edward Heath who experienced unpopularity within the party. (Norton in King et al,1993:37) [By Paul Sum] The selection of leader was revised in 1975 so that three ballots would be included. For a candidate to win on the first ballot, she or he has to win the overall majority with a 15% lead over the rival. If this is not accomplished, then on the second ballot, an overall majority must be won. If this is still not obtained, then a majority is assured by a system of transferable voting (King and Nugent, 1977: 50). [By Renata Chopra] The 1974 rule change that required the Conservative leader to win by 15% over the second place candidate proved to be the undoing for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1990. On the first ballot, Mrs. Thatcher fell just short of the required 15- percent advantage. She withdrew, and the second ballot elected Mr. Major. (Zeigler, 1993: 99) [By Kenneth Janda] Variable 9.03: Selecting Parliamentary Candidates 1950-1990: 5 THE NATIONAL UNION'S STANDING ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON CANDIDATES SUBMITTED A LIST OF POTENTIAL CANDIDATES TO THE CONSTITUENCY, WHICH WAS ALSO ABLE TO SUGGEST NAMES OF ITS OWN. A SELECTION COMMITTEE WITHIN THE CONSTITUENCY DREW UP A LIST OF CANDIDATES TO BE INTERVIEWED BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE IN THE CONSTITUENCY, WHICH RECOMMENDED A CANDIDATE TO THE ASSOCIATION FOR APPROVAL. THE CHOICE MUST ALSO HAVE BEEN APPROVED BY THE CENTRAL OFFICE, AND ALMOST INVARIABLY WAS. (JANDA, 1980: 209) New procedures for the selection of MP's were approved on July 27, 1972. The new criteria, which was described as being rather ambiguous, was formulated by a committee led by Lord Carrington with the purpose of centralizing governmental control. The first step MP's seeking another term must follow is that each MP must formally announce her or his readoption before each general election. Then each MP must offer alternative candidates to the association. A selection committee within the constituency then makes it choices, with the approval of central office (Layton, 1976: 396-405). [By Renata Chopra] Finer observes that the Committee on Candidates, which is a sub- committee of the National Union, is,"responsible for interviewing would-be candidates and putting them on an approval list, although in practice this function is usually left to the vice-chairman of the party." He continues that, "local associations select their own candidate [from the list]; and although the Committee [on Candidates] may not wholly approve, the local association is almost certain to be able to get him endorsed if it is adamant enough." (Finer,1980:80) [By Paul Sum] Ingle notes that since 1980, "residential selection boards" have been utilized as a screening process of potential candidates by local authorities before they are sent to the Committee on Candidates for final approval. These boards consist of an MP, an industrialist and a member of the National Union. Ingle concludes that this has had the effect of decreasing diversity among candidates in favor of "candidates who correspond most closely to an amalgam of all desirable Conservative qualities. The day of the Conservative candidate clone may be coming; we have already seen that selection committees use candidate 'profiles'. (Ingle,1989:80) This change falls within the coding parameters and does not merit a value change. [By Paul Sum] Variable 9.04: Allocating Funds 1950-1990: 2 FUNDS WERE COLLECTED AT ALL LEVELS OF THE PARTY ORGANISATION, WITH MOST OF THE FUNDS RAISED BY CONSTITUENCY ASSOCIATIONS. LOCALLY COLLECTED MONEYS WERE ALLOCATED TO THE CENTRE BUT THE CONSTITUENCIES COLLECTIVELY RECEIVED MORE THAN THEY SUPPLIED. THE CENTRAL BOARD OF FINANCE SEEMED TO BE RESPONSIBLE FOR DUNNING WEALTHY PRIVATE SUPPORTERS AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL. (JANDA, 1980: 209) Finer points out that sources of funds have not altered since 1945. "Constituencies are expected to fund themselves, and in the Conservative case they make a substantial contribution to headquarters funds (one-third of the total)...Two thirds of the Conservative party headquarters income are donations from private companies, mostly small, but a few substantial." (Finer,1980:106) [By Paul Sum] The Conservative Central Office does not disclose a list of corporate or individual donors to the party (Duschinsky, 1989: 197). [By Renata Chopra] Norton observes that income is generated from three general sources: business donations, individual donations, constituency associations. He notes that although constituency association income and business donations have steadily decreased, individual donations have increased and now constitute the bulk of the party's central funds. A second tier of money-raising takes place at the local level in which constituency associations raise their own funds and send approximately one-third to the national organization although this amount varies widely. (Norton,1991:136-9) This confirms Finer's finding above. [By Paul Sum] Variable 9.05: Formulating Policy 1950-1990: 7 THE FORMATION OF POLICY WAS THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PARTY LEADER, ACTING ON THE ADVICE OF HIS CABINET OR CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE COLLEAGUES AND THE STANDING ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON POLICY.
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