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Kafka Reception in Israel by June Leavitt

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Kafka Reception in Israel by June Leavitt Kafka-Atlas Kafka Reception in Israel by June Leavitt Earliest Interpretations of Kafka: Tormented Jew and Zionism It is advisable to consider Prague, before there was a Jewish State, as background for the historical trends that developed in the reception of Kafka in Israel. After Kafka's death in 1924, Felix Weltsch, who grew up with Kafka in Prague, wrote the only full page obituary on him. It appeared in the Prague Zionist newspaper Selbstwehr of which Weltsch was Editor-in- Chief: […] the soul that moved his [Kafka's] writings was Jewish throughout. His torment was Jewish as were his problematics and their consequences … He was deeply interested in everything concerning Palestine and its reconstruction. (Kafka: Exhibition 1883-1924 Catalogue) This understanding of Kafka and his career by a close friend made the claim that his writings were an expression of a Jewish soul tormented by a Jewish problem. By pointing to biographical details of Kafka's life, Weltsch suggested that Kafka's tormenting problem was alleviated by his interest in the burgeoning Zionist movement which sought reconstruction of the Jewish nation in its historic homeland. It is not surprising then that a week after Kafka's death, the first Hebrew translation of a Kafka excerpt would appear in Ha Poel ha Zair, the newspaper of the Young Zionist Workers' party in Mandatory Palestine which was then under British rule. The goal of this party was the restoration of a Jewish homeland and the creation of a new Jew, who would revive Hebrew language, native literature and culture. Among news items about activities of the Zionist Workers' Party, collective farms, the new wave of immigration to Mandatory Palestine and poems in fledgling modern Hebrew, the Kafka fragment appeared. The editors of Ha Poel ha Zair published "The Sudden Walk," a one-page sketch from the collection which Kafka had published as Betrachtung in 1908 (Ha Poel ha Zair 33: (1924):10-11). At the bottom of the page appeared a note explaining who Franz Kafka was: About a week ago, [the author] died in a sanitarium in Vienna. The Jewish-German writer and prose poet Franz Kafka, one of the outstanding young poets in Prague, and master of the new tendency in literature, was the closest friend of Max Brod. Fate decreed for him a short and tragic life. He was 41 when he died. It would be another eleven years before Ha Poel ha Zair would translate any more excerpts. Kafka-Atlas Max Brod and the Kafka Legacy Max Brod, the famous Prague Jewish writer who was Kafka's closest confidante, attempted to establish a literary legacy for his departed friend. At the memorial service held in Prague eight days after Kafka's death, Brod declared him to be a great prophet in whom "the splendor of the Shekina [divine presence] shone" (Diamant 128). In Brod's hands, Kafka was transformed into an Old Testament prophet embodying the Divine presence in the world. Brod's mystification of Kafka's "Jewishness" was to affect fateful decisions he would make. After the memorial service, Kafka's parents asked Max Brod to go through their son's desk in their apartment. Among a mass of papers which Kafka had never seen fit to publish, Brod found a letter addressed to himself requesting that everything Kafka left behind "in the way of diaries, manuscripts, letters, my own and others, sketches[…] be burned unread." Brod said to himself that he would do no such thing. He devoted the next three years to assure that Kafka's three unfinished novels would appear in print. After editing, completing and titling them, he convinced a small avant-garde Berlin house to publish the manuscript of The Trial (1925). A publisher in Munich published The Castle (1926) and The Man who Disappeared (1927). When both publishers were forced to close down because of the severe depression in the Weimar Republic which was soon followed by the rise of Nazism and racial laws, Brod enlisted the help of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber. Together with Andre Gide, Herman Hesse, and Thomas Mann, they issued a public statement urging publication of an edition of Kafka's collected works which would include fragments of stories, diaries and letters. This, they claimed, would be "a spiritual act of unusual dimensions, especially now during times of chaos" (The Trial, viii). This inspired proclamation did not move Salman Schocken when Brod offered his Berlin publishing house the world rights to all of Kafka's works. Doubting the public appeal and marketability of the novels, stories and letters, he had to be urged by his editor-in-chief Moritz Spitzer, "to see in Kafka the purest, archetypal Jewish voice which would give meaning to the new reality that was befalling German Jews" (The Trial, x). Giving in to his editor's persuasion, Schocken published an anthology of diary entries and short stories in 1934 and three novels in 1935. As a result of the Schocken edition, a modicum of interest in Franz Kafka was kindled in Mandatory Palestine which was then being repopulated by Jewish immigrants fleeing Nazi Europe. In April 1935 once again the Young Zionist Worker's newspaper translated an excerpt from a Kafka story into modern Hebrew, this time "Report to an Academy" (Ha Poel ha Zair 26-27 (1935):16-18). The original story published during Kafka's lifetime was a great deal longer than the short excerpt which appeared in the newspaper suggesting that editors chose one of the newly published fragments. Six months later, in the same Young Zionist Workers' newspaper, a review of The Castle came out, titled Ha Armon (The Palace) (Ha Poel ha Zair 2-3 (1935):13. Later Hebrew translations would re-title it as Ha Tira. The reviewer, Israel Cohen, extolled the novel, calling it a multi-dimensional work. He claimed it was a wonderful adventure story, full of tension Kafka-Atlas with a marvelous protagonist who faces obstacles, conflicts and cruelty. He promised that even a religious person would be satisfied with the questions raised about God's relationship to mankind and the running of the world. The author ended the article by saying it would be commendable if Kafka's works would be translated into Hebrew. The next time Kafka's writings were published in Hebrew in Ha Poel ha Zair was after a massacre of Jewish settlers in the Galilee. The front page of the newspaper dated March 23, 1937 was designed as a banner of mourning with eulogies for the victims. Inside the newspaper, three prose pieces of Kafka appeared "Crossbreed," "The Top" and "On Parables," (Ha Poel ha Zair 25-26 (1937):12-13. One might ask what the massacres had to do with a prose poem about an animal that is half lamb or a short story about a philosopher entranced with the spinning of a top. There was an obvious discrepancy between Kafka's obscure worldview and that of Zionists in Mandatory Palestine, which may explain why Hebrew translations were published infrequently. According to Zionist ideology, forming a socialist society of kibbutzim, developing agricultural training groups youth movements and activating paramilitary groups to defend Jewish settlements such as those in the Galilee which had come under attack, were the highest ideals. As Zionist workers and militia pursued their pragmatic program for the creation of the New Jew who tilled and harvested the soil of the historic homeland, it was left to the German-Jewish Zionist intellectuals living in Europe and Palestine to speculate about Kafka's prose. Early Discussions of Kafka Among German-Jews The first discourse about Kafka was concerned with the nature of the ancient Jew. Since Weltsch, Brod, Buber and Spitzer at Schocken had created an image of Kafka as biblical, spiritual and prophetic, these thinkers began to ask what form of Jewish essence Kafka's writings might embody. In Berlin where Martin Buber lived prior to his immigration in 1938 to Palestine, he suggested that Kafka's The Trial "was a rendering of ancient Jewish Gnostic ideas" (Knowledge of Man 145). He noted that Kafka was struggling with Psalm 82 in his diary at the same time that he was writing The Trial. Buber believed that Kafka had been troubled by that Psalm for years, for Kafka had asked him about it on a visit to Berlin (Knowledge of Man 1 45). The content of the Psalm reflected, in Buber’s estimation, vestiges of Gnostic mythology that concerned demons and demigods who fatefully determine the destiny of humanity" (Leavitt 121). The attempt to shed light on Kafka's alleged ancient Jewish essence motivated the German- born intellectual and scholar Gershom Scholem, who had immigrated to Mandatory Palestine in 1923. A decade after Kafka's death, he argued that Kafka's writings were a secularized representation of the kabalistic conception of the world (Grözinger 1). Scholem qualified this claim to Walter Benjamin a German-Jewish literary critic and philosopher. By Kabbalah he chiefly meant The Zohar, the classic text of Jewish mysticism which first appeared in Spain in the early part of the 13th century. By "Kafka's writings" he meant The Trial. Scholem believed that The Trial reflected Zoharic thought because Kafka, in his Kafka-Atlas opinion, had been studying the Zohar in which very old Gnostic traditions had been absorbed. "The dark world of Joseph K reminded Scholem of the dark world of the Gnostics whom he considered the forerunners of the Kabbala" (Horowitz 23). Buber and Scholem attempted to frame Kafka's novel The Trial with Kabbala and a form of antiquated Jewish mysticism which they referred to as Gnosticism.
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