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Ukraine Nuclear Fuel Cycle Chronology
Ukraine Nuclear Fuel Cycle Chronology Last update: April 2005 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. 2003-1993 1 August 2003 KRASNOYARSK ADMINISTRATION WILL NOT ALLOW IMPORT OF UKRAINE'S SPENT FUEL UNTIL DEBT PAID On 1 August 2003, UNIAN reported that, according to Yuriy Lebedev, head of Russia's International Fuel and Energy Company, which is managing the import of spent nuclear fuel to Krasnoyarsk Kray for storage, the Krasnoyarsk administration will not allow new shipments of spent fuel from Ukraine for storage until Ukraine pays its $11.76 million debt for 2002 deliveries. —"Krasnoyarskiy kray otkazhetsya prinimat otrabotannoye yadernoye toplivo iz Ukrainy v sluchaye nepogasheniya 11.76 mln. dollarov dolga," UNIAN, 1 August 2003; in Integrum Techno, www.integrum.com. 28 February 2002 RUSSIAN REACTOR FUEL DELIVERIES TO COST $246 MILLION IN 2002 Yadernyye materialy reported on 28 February 2002 that Russian Minister of Atomic Energy Aleksandr Rumyantsev and Ukrainian Minister of Fuel and Energy Vitaliy Gayduk signed an agreement under which Ukraine will buy reactor fuel worth $246 million from Russia in 2002. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
TO EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIP (Analytical Report of Razumkov Centre)
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 4 (108) CONTENTS 2009 UKRAINE-RUSSIA: FROM CRISIS – TO EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIP (Analytical Report of Razumkov Centre) ............................................................................................. 2 Founded and published by: Section 1. POLITICAL FACTORS OF BILATERAL COOPERATION ....................................................... 3 Section 2. BILATERAL ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA .........................15 Section 3. RELATIONS OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE ENERGY SECTOR .............................. 24 Section 4. HUMANITARIAN ASPECT OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA RELATIONS ......................................28 Section 5. STATE AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA COOPERATION IN THE MILITARY SECTOR ......................................................................................... 33 UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES Section 6. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ............................................................................. 37 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA PARTNERSHIP (Round-table by correspondence) .................................................................................................... 43 LONG-TERM FRUITFUL AND MUTUALLY ADVANTAGEOUS COOPERATION Director General Anatoliy Rachok OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IS OF OUR MUTUAL INTEREST Editor-in-Chief Maryna Melnyk Victor YUSHCHENKO ........................................................................................................... 43 Layout and design Oleksandr -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010
NATO Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire de l’OTAN INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The first round of the 17 January presidential election in Ukraine was of high quality and showed significant progress over previous elections. This election met most OSCE and Council of Europe commitments. Civil and political rights were respected, including freedom of assembly, association and expression. Election day was conducted in an efficient and orderly manner. This election saw a diverse field of candidates representing alternative political views, offering a genuine choice to the electorate. Candidates were able to campaign freely across the country without impediment. The campaign period was generally calm and orderly. Unsubstantiated allegations of large-scale electoral fraud negatively affected the pre-election atmosphere and voters’ confidence. In contradiction with the law, administrative resources were misused by candidates in official positions. More transparent campaign financing is necessary during the pre-election period. By voting in large numbers and freely expressing their will, Ukrainians have shown the desire to decide on the course of the country. The intertwining of political and economic interests had a negative influence and undermined public confidence in the political process, posing a challenge for Ukraine’s leadership. Election rules have to be set clearly and should not be a permanent subject of discussion. Regrettably, a unified election code has not yet been adopted in Ukraine. The existing election law as amended in August 2009 was a step backward compared to previous legislation. As a result, the legal framework remains unclear and incomplete. -
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University EDITORIAL BOARD Michael S. Flier, George G. Grabowicz, Edward L. Keenan, and Roman Szporluk, Harvard University; Frank E. Sysyn, University of Alberta FOUNDING EDITORS Omeljan Pritsak and Ihor Sevcenko, Harvard University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR Larry Wolff EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Daría Yurchuk DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS Robert A. DeLossa ADVISORY BOARD Zvi Ankori, Tel Aviv University—John A. Armstrong, University of Wisconsin—Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delaware—Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, Carleton University, Ottawa—Axinia Djurova, University of Sofia—Olexa Horbatsch, University of Frankfurt—Halil inalcık, University of Chi- cago—Jaroslav D. Isajevych, Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, L'viv— Edward Kasinec, New York Public Library—Magdalena László-Kujiuk, University of Bucharest— Walter Leitsch, University of Vienna—L. R. Lewitter, Cambridge University—G. Luciani, University of Bordeaux—George S. N. Luckyj, University of Toronto—M. Łesiów, Marie Curie-Sktodowska University, Lublin—Paul R. Magocsi, University of Toronto—Dimitri Obolensky, Oxford Univer- sity—RiccardoPicchio, Yale University—MarcRaeff, Columbia University—HansRothe, University of Bonn—Bohdan Rubchak, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle—Władysław A. Serczyk, University of Warsaw at Białystok—George Y. Shevelov, Columbia University—Günther Stökl, University of Cologne—A. de Vincenz, University of Göttingen—Vaclav Żidlicky, Charles Univer- sity, Prague. COMMITTEE ON UKRAINIAN STUDIES, Harvard University Stanisław Barańczak Patricia Chaput Timothy Colton Michael S. Flier George G. Grabowicz Edward L. Keenan Jeffrey D. Sachs Roman Szporluk (Chairman) Subscription rates per volume (two double issues) are $28.00 U.S. in the United States and Canada, $32.00 in other countries. The price of one double issue is $ 18.00 ($20.00 overseas). -
Ukraine Chornobyl Chronology
Chornobyl Chronology Last update: December 2008 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. Nuclear Waste: 2008-1995 OVERVIEW Spent fuel is generally stored on site in cooling ponds at the nuclear power plants at which the fuel assemblies were used. Ukraine previously sent its spent fuel to Russia to be reprocessed, but this course became a contentious issue after Russia passed a law in 1992 prohibiting the import of radioactive material into Russia. This action resulted in storage crisis at Ukrainian power plants. In 6/93, however, Russia passed a new law that allows Ukrainian spent fuel to be reprocessed, but not stored, in Russia. The law does not allow the import of nuclear waste into Russia, but allows the import of Russian-origin spent fuel as long as the resulting waste is returned to the territory of the state which delivered it. -
Weeklyoverview
UKRAINIAN EQUITY MARKET:: WEEKLY OVERVIEW Parex Asset Management 5–6 JANUARY 2010 Republikas laukums 2a, Riga, Latvia, LV-1522 Lidiya Mudra, Financial Analyst Tel. 371 67010810 Fax. 371 67778622 http://www.parexgroup.com Email: [email protected] Equity Market The Ukrainian major exchanges started the year on a PFTS Index positive note, with PFTS index gaining 3.82% and UX 700 adding 5.09% during holiday-shortened trading week. PFTS In the metallurgical sector, the Financial Times has last week: informed that an unnamed Russian group is close to 650 buying control of the Ukrainian metallurgical +3.82% corporation Industrial Union of Donbas (IUD). According to FT, the “50%+2 shares” stake in the IUD 600 might be sold by the end of January for up to $2b. 06-Jan-10: Later in the week, Oleksandr Pilipenko, a vice 594.80 550 president within the IUD group, revealed in a Oct Nov Dec Jan statement that one of its new owners is Swiss-based steel trader Carbofer, itself co-owned by Russian below.) businessman Alexander Katunin. At the same time, In the agricultural sector, Ukraine's leading sugar PFTS index gained he did not name the others Mr. Katunin’s partners, producer Astarta Holding released 2009 operational 3.82% and UX revealing only that “none of the new owners would results. In 2009, Astarta produced more than 225ths added 5.09% during have more than a 20% stake”. There were given no tonnes of sugar (-4.5% y/y) that allowed the company the week figures for the value of the deal in the statement. -
SCIENTIFIC YEARBOOK Issue Twelve
SCIENTIFIC YEARBOOK Issue Twelve Compilers Leonid Guberskiy, Pavlo Kryvonos, Borys Gumenyuk, Anatoliy Denysenko, Vasyl Turkevych Kyiv • 2011 ББК 66.49(4УКР)я5+63.3(4УКР)Оя5 UKRAYINA DYPLOMATYCHNA (Diplomatic Ukraine) SCIENTIFIC AN NUALLY Issued since November 2000 THE TWELFTH ISSUE Founders: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Diplomatic Academy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine General Directorate for Servicing Foreign Representations Historical Club Planeta The issue is recommended for publishing by the Scientific Council of the Diplomatic Academyat the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Protocol No of September 28, 2011 р. Publisher: General Directorate for Servicing Foreign Representations Chief Editor Anatoliy Denysenko, PhD (history) Deputy chief editors: Borys Humenyuk, Doctor of History, Vasyl Turkevych, Honored Art Worker of Ukraine Leonid Schlyar, Doctor of Political Sciences Executive editor: Volodymyr Denysenko, Doctor of History ISBN 966-7522-07-5 EDITORIAL BOARD Kostyantyn Gryschenko, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Leonid Guberskiy, Rector of the T.G. Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Member of the NAS of Ukraine, Doctor of Philosophy Borys Humenyuk, Rector of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine under the MFA of Ukraine, Deputy Chief Editor Volodymyr Khandogiy, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Volodymyr Yalovyi, Deputy Head of the VR Staff of Ukraine Oleh Bilorus, Head of the VR Committee of Ukraine for Foreign -
1999 Ukraine Presidential Election Observation Mission Report
1999 Ukraine Presidential Election Observation Mission Report October 31, 1999 and November 14, 1999 International Republican Institute 1212 New York Avenue, N.W., Suite 900 Washington, D.C. 20005 ©2000 International Republican Institute CONTENTS Delegation Members and IRI Staff...........................................1 IRI Board of Directors...............................................................4 Introduction................................................................................5 Executive Summary ...................................................................9 Election Environment ..............................................................11 Election Administration...........................................................20 Post Election .............................................................................23 Recommendations ....................................................................26 IRI Election Observation Press Releases ...........................................................................41 Reports from the Regions........................................................51 1999 Ukraine Presidential Election Observation Mission Report 1 1999 Ukraine Presidential Election Observation Mission Delegation Members October 31, 1999 Election Delegation Leader Honeywell, Inc. Constance Berry Newman Minneapolis, MN Smithsonian Institution Washington, DC Daniel Burghart Defense Threat Reduction Agency Washington, DC Doc Dockery Crossroads Insurance Company Lakeland, FL Mel Goodweather Airbus -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1994, No.52
www.ukrweekly.com 1NS1DE: t 1994: the year in review. Special section beginning on page 3. THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association inc., a fraternal non-profit association vol. LXII No. 52 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, DECEMBER 25,1994 75 cents Ukraine renews Antarctic research Canada denies redress requests by Petro Matiaszek orary consular level.) Special to The Ukrainian Weekly Another such explorer is Anton of Ukrainians, other communities Omelchenko, who accompanied British KYYiv - With the transmittal of a explorer Robert F. Scott to Antarctica by Christopher Guly the turning away of a Second World War brief, formal letter of acceptance to the earlier this century. On their way through steamship, the St. Louis, that carried 900 United Kingdom, Ukraine officially OTTAWA - Prime Minister Jean Britain to Faraday, the present-day Jewish refugees seeking refuge from renewed its long-standing tradition of Chretien has broken his promise and the Ukrainian Antarctic team will visit the Nazi Germany; Antarctic research. For budgetary rea– Ukrainian Canadian community's 10- 9 Scott institute where they will view rare the Chinese Canadian National sons, the United Kingdom decided to year-old redress claim over World War І film footage of the famed explorer and Council and the National Congress of close and abandon its Faraday Research internment operations is now dead. his Ukrainian colleague. Chinese Canadians, for the shameful Center, located on the southernmost con- Canada's Secretary of State Sheila treatment of Chinese immigrants to Ukrainian researchers regularly partic– tine tit's Antarctic Peninsula, and offered Finestone announced on December 14 Canada, who faced a controversial head ipated in Soviet Antarctic exploration as to transfer the base to Ukrainian jurisdic– that the federal Liberal government tax and were denied permission to bring well. -
How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Chapter
ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine:ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine 8/28/09 5:50 PM Page 93 4 Kuchma’s Stagnation, 1996–99 By the summer of 1996 Leonid Kuchma’s strategic outlook was clouded. He had introduced elementary market economic reform and the national currency, the hryvnia. Although he desired to pursue more privatization, his reformist endeavors had to a large extent been accomplished. After long and hard work, a Ukrainian constitution was finally adopted in June 1996. National integrity seemed safer. But Ukraine’s foreign policy was not set- tled, and no great deed, such as membership of the European Union, was within reach. Kuchma started devoting a lot of time to foreign policy. Polit- ically, he was at his peak, but he had no real vision or major goals to accom- plish. His strategy seemed to have evaporated, and tactics took its place. As so often happens with politicians who have enjoyed early success, Kuchma focused on his own political survival, which took five expres- sions, best summarized as standard divide and rule with limited policy ambitions. First, he checked the power and ambitions of his prime minis- ter. Second, he devoted great efforts to both parliamentary and presiden- tial elections. Third, he played different business and regional groupings against one another. Fourth, he also played different branches of law en- forcement against each other. Fifth, the presidential administration in- creasingly disciplined and controlled media. These were tactics without strategy. This period was not pretty. In 1996– 97 Pavlo Lazarenko was prime minister but acted like a businessman. Deputy Prime Minister Viktor Pynzenyk undertook a brave but hopeless attempt at renewed economic reform for the sake of economic growth. -
Wednesday, December 8 -- Volume 1, Issue 142
Wednesday, December 8 -- Volume 1, Issue 142 PRO-KUCHMA CAMP CONTINUES TO DISINTEGRATE --Taras Kuzio In the aftermath of the scandalous second round of the Ukrainian presidential election on November 21, the pro-Kuchma parliamentary majority, established originally to back up Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych's "coalition government," is continuing to unravel. The disintegration is part and parcel of the gradual defection of state institutions from Kuchma to either a neutral position or challenger Viktor Yushchenko's camp. The pro-presidential majority has been in crisis since September, when the Agrarian Party faction, led by parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn, announced that it was "suspending" its membership. This step effectively eliminated the pro-presidential camp's claim to be a "majority," as it brought their number to below 225 deputies. New defections have reduced the pro-Kuchma camp by another one-third. On the eve of round one, opposition ally Yulia Tymoshenko claimed that a new parliamentary majority of 233 deputies was ready to be dispatched in the event of a Yushchenko victory (Ukrayinska pravda, October 31). After round two Yuriy Kostenko, another close ally of Yushchenko, claimed that this embryonic pro-Yushchenko majority had increased to 270 deputies (razom.org.ua, December 3). This increase, Kostenko argued, was due to three factors. First, Kuchma's "administrative pressure" on deputies to stay in line is no longer effective. Second, deputies are re- aligning their loyalties to a new president-in-waiting: Yushchenko. Third, some deputies are angry at the actions of Labor Party head and faction leader Serhiy Tyhipko, who resigned as head of the Yanukovych campaign and chairman of the National Bank without consulting either his party or his parliamentary faction.