Where Is Iraq Heading? Lessons from Basra
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UK Land Operations in Iraq 2007
House of Commons Defence Committee UK land operations in Iraq 2007 First Report of Session 2007–08 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 20 November 2007 HC 110 [Incorporating HC 727-i & ii, Session 2006–07] Published on 3 December 2007 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £15.50 The Defence Committee The Defence Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Ministry of Defence and its associated public bodies. Current membership Rt Hon James Arbuthnot MP (Conservative, North East Hampshire) (Chairman) Mr David S Borrow MP (Labour, South Ribble) Mr David Crausby MP (Labour, Bolton North East) Linda Gilroy MP (Labour, Plymouth Sutton) Mr David Hamilton MP (Labour, Midlothian) Mr Mike Hancock MP (Liberal Democrat, Portsmouth South) Mr Dai Havard MP (Labour, Merthyr Tydfil and Rhymney) Mr Adam Holloway MP (Conservative, Gravesham) Mr Bernard Jenkin MP (Conservative, North Essex) Mr Brian Jenkins MP (Labour, Tamworth) Mr Kevan Jones MP (Labour, Durham North) Robert Key MP (Conservative, Salisbury) Willie Rennie MP (Liberal Democrat, Dunfermline and West Fife) John Smith MP (Labour, Vale of Glamorgan) The following Members were also Members of the Committee during the Parliament. Mr Colin Breed MP (Liberal Democrat, South East Cornwall) Derek Conway MP (Conservative, Old Bexley and Sidcup) Mr Mark Lancaster MP (Conservative, North East Milton Keynes) Mr Desmond Swayne MP (Conservative, New Forest West) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. -
The British Army, 'Understanding', and the Illusion of Control
King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2016.1196359 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Tripodi, C. (2016). The British Army, 'Understanding', and the Illusion of Control. Journal of Strategic Studies, 1- 27. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1196359 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (JHSS) ISSN: 2279-0837, ISBN: 2279-0845. Volume 4, Issue 5 (Nov. - Dec. 2012), PP 29-47 www.Iosrjournals.Org The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences Youssef Bassil LACSC – Lebanese Association for Computational Sciences Registered under No. 957, 2011, Beirut, Lebanon Abstract: The Iraq war is the Third Gulf War that was initiated with the military invasion of Iraq on March 2003 by the United States of American and its allies to put an end to the Baath Party of Saddam Hussein, the fifth President of Iraq and a prominent leader of the Baath party in the Iraqi region. The chief cause of this war was the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) that George W. Bush declared in response to the attacks of September 11. The events of this war were both brutal and severe on both parties as it resulted in the defeat of the Iraqi army and the depose and execution of Saddam Hussein, in addition to thousands of causalities and billionsof dollars expenses.This paperdiscusses the overt as well as the covert reasons behind the Iraqi war, in addition to its different objectives. It alsodiscusses the course of the war and its aftermath. This would shed the light on the consequences of the war on the political, economic, social, and humanitarian levels. Finally, the true intentions of the war are speculated. Keywords –Political Science, Warfare, Iraq War 2003, Global War on Terrorism I. INTRODUCTION The Iraq war, sometimes known as the Third Gulf War, began on March 20, 2003 with the invasion of Iraq known as "Iraqi Freedom Operation" by the alliance led by the United States against the Baath Party of Saddam Hussein. -
Iraqi Force Development and the Challenge of Civil War
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775-3270 • Fax: 1 (202) 457-8746 Web: http://www.csis.org/burke Iraqi Force Development and the Challenge of Civil War: The Critical Problems The US Must Address if Iraqi Forces Are to Do the Job Anthony Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy With the Assistance of Adam Mausner Revised, May 10, 2007 Cordesman: Iraqi Force Development 5/10/07 Page ii Executive Summary Iraq has moved far beyond a Sunni Islamist or Ba’ath-driven insurgency. It is already in a state of limited civil war, and may well be escalating to the level of a major civil conflict. What began as a small resistance movement centered on loyalists to the Ba’ath and Saddam Hussein has expanded to include neo-Salafi Sunni terrorism, a broadly based Sunni insurgency, and now a series of broader sectarian and ethnic conflicts. The current combination of Sunni Neo-Salafi extremist insurgency, Sunni Arab versus Shi’ite Arab sectarian conflict, Shi’ite versus Shi’ite power struggles, and Arab versus Kurdish ethnic conflict could easily cause the collapse of the current political structure. In the best case, it could lead to a Shi’ite or Shi’ite-Kurdish dominated government, with strong local centers of power, and an ongoing fight with Iraq’s Sunnis. In the worst case, it could escalate to the break up of the country, far more serious ethnic and sectarian conflict, or violent paralysis. -
Iranian Strategy in Iraq: Politics and 'Other Means,'
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Iranian Strategy in Iraq Politics and “Other Means” Joseph Felter Brian Fishman October 13, 2008 1 Contents Preface…………………………………………………………………..... 3 Author’s Note…………………………………………………………… 4 Introduction……………………………………………………………... 6 Chapter 1: Iranian Intervention in Iraq before 2003……………….. 14 Chapter 2: Iran’s Political Strategy in Iraq………………………….. 26 Chapter 3: Iranian Training for Iraqi Militias……………………… 55 Chapter 4: Iranian Lethal Aid in Iraq………………………………... 71 Chapter 5: Findings and Recommendations………………………... 83 Acronym List……………………………………………………………. 90 2 Preface Iranian strategy in Iraq is a subject of great importance and intense study. Many discussions of Iran concentrate on reports of lethal aid, pronouncements of Iranian leaders, or Iranian nuclear ambitions. While these data points provide part of the picture, it is vital to put each of the Iranian actions into their broader, historical context. In this light, Iran’s actions are part of a deliberate, strategic policy to increase its power and influence in Iraq and throughout the region. In this report, Colonel Joe Felter and Brian Fishman of the Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) at West Point have detailed the objectives, methods, and expansiveness of the Iranian attempts to affect policy and politics in Iraq. Having spent much of the summer 2008 in Iraq, they have identified many of the documents, reports, and interviews that explain the Iranian strategy and provide both the historical context and the strategic motivation for Iranian actions. By using first hand reports from detainee interviews, Iraqi intelligence services, and coalition forces, they have a unique, empirically‐based study that provides rich detail about Iranian action. -
Iran's Proxy War Against the United States and the Iraqi Government
A PUBLICATION OF THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF WAR AND WEEKLYSTANDARD.COM A PUBLICATION OF THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF WAR AND WEEKLYSTANDARD.COM A paratrooper from 1-501 Airborne escorts a rogue Jaish Al Mahdi rocket cell militant to the pickup zone after completing a precision raid to disrupt the cell on August 12. SGT. ERNEST HENRY / U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE PHOTO DEFENSE OF DEPARTMENT / U.S. HENRY ERNEST SGT. May 2006 – August 20, 2007 Iran’s Proxy War against the United States and the Iraqi Government by KIMBERLY KAGAN Summary Iran, and its Lebanese proxy Hezbollah, have been actively involved in supporting Shia militias and encouraging sectarian violence in Iraq since the invasion of 2003—and Iranian planning and preparation for that effort began as early as 2002. The precise purposes of this support are unclear and may have changed over time. But one thing is very clear: Iran has consistently supplied weapons, its own advisors, and Lebanese Hezbollah advisors to multiple resistance groups in Iraq, both Sunni and Shia, and has supported these groups as they have targeted Sunni Arabs, Coalition forces, Iraqi Security Forces, and the Iraqi Government itself. Their infl uence runs from Kurdistan to Basrah, and Coalition sources report that by August 2007, Iranian-backed insurgents accounted for roughly half the attacks on Coalition forces, a dramatic change from previous periods that had seen the overwhelming majority of attacks coming from the Sunni Arab insurgency and al Qaeda. The Coalition has stepped-up its efforts to combat -
Death Squad Operations in Iraq
Conflict Studies Research Centre Middl e East Series 06/28 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom 1 Death Squad Operations in Iraq Jakub Cerny Key Points * This paper outlines the affiliations and tactics of groups in the Iraqi insurgency. * If the country degenerates further into civil war, particularly one with an Islamic revolutionary element, such groups are likely to pay an increasing role Contents Operation types 1 Special Police Commandos and Badr brigades 3 Local Shia militias, the al-Mahdi Army and 6 Kurdish peshmerga Islamic fundamentalists, nationalist insurgency 9 and Sunni tribal militias Criminal gangs and other groups 11 06/28 Death Squad Operations in Iraq Jakub Cerny In the harsh Iraqi insurgency which started immediately after the unseating of Saddam Hussein, several types of operations were adopted by many forces engaged in the conflict. A death squad operation type grew steadily in use until it became a common practice of all of the Iraqi factions – insurgents, militias and possibly certain parts of the Iraqi government as well. Each side in the conflict developed its own death squads to serve its motives, which differ greatly. Therefore, their techniques, targets and the way they cover themselves are different as well. So, in parallel with the guerilla war led by insurgents against the occupation forces and Iraqi government forces, there is something that can be accurately called a death squad war inside Iraqi society. Throughout 2005 there were so many indications of growing use of death squads that questions arose as to whether the US command had devised a "Salvador solution". -
The US Army and the Battle for Baghdad: Lessons Learned
C O R P O R A T I O N The U.S. Army and the Battle for Baghdad Lessons Learned—And Still to Be Learned David E. Johnson, Agnes Gereben Schaefer, Brenna Allen, Raphael S. Cohen, Gian Gentile, James Hoobler, Michael Schwille, Jerry M. Sollinger, Sean M. Zeigler For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3076 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019940985 ISBN: 978-0-8330-9601-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled Lessons Learned from 13 Years of Conflict: The Battle for Baghdad, 2003–2008, spon- sored by the Office of Quadrennial Defense Review, U.S. -
Saddam's Generals: Perspectives of the Iran-Iraq
SADDAM’S GENERALS Perspectives of the Iran-Iraq War Kevin M. Woods, Williamson Murray, Elizabeth A. Nathan, Laila Sabara, Ana M. Venegas SADDAM’S GENERALS SADDAM’S GENERALS Perspectives of the Iran-Iraq War Kevin M. Woods, Williamson Murray, Elizabeth A. Nathan, Laila Sabara, Ana M. Venegas Institute for Defense Analyses 2011 Final July 2010 IDA Document D-4121 Log: H 10-000765/1 Copy This work was conducted under contract DASW01-04-C-003, Task ET-8-2579, “Study on Military History (Project 1946—Phase II)” for the National Intelligence Council. The publication of this IDA document does not indicate endorsement by the Department of Defense, nor should the contents be construed as reflecting the official position of the Agency. © 2010 Institute for Defense Analyses, 4850 Mark Center Drive, Alexandria, Virginia 22311-1882 • (703) 845-2000. This material may be reproduced by or for the U.S. Government pursuant to the copyright license under the clause at DFARS 252.227-7013 (November 1995). Contents Foreword............................................................................................................................................ vii Introduction.......................................................................................................................................... 1 Summary and Analysis........................................................................................................................ 5 Background .................................................................................................................................. -
Iraq Situation Report
Iraq Situation Report Kimberly Kagan, Marisa Cochrane, Eric Hamilton, Farook Ahmed, Andrea So, Wesley Morgan February 7, 2008 1 Executive Summary Operations by Coalition and Iraqi Forces throughout 2007 have transformed the security situation in Iraq. Violence decreased dramatically in the second half of 2007. The number of enemy attacks in Iraq, the number of attacks against Iraqi civilians, and the number of murders in Baghdad, dropped to levels last seen in early 2006.1 The mission shift to an aggressive counterinsurgency strategy, with an emphasis on population security, which occurred in January 2007, solidified these gains more quickly than many had predicted. Unexpected developments, like the emergence of Awakening movements and the unilateral Sadrist ceasefire, further helped to accelerate the ground level improvements in security. By late 2007, Al-Qaeda in Iraq had been defeated in Anbar, and its network and safe havens in Baghdad and the belts were largely disrupted. Al-Qaeda in Iraq has been steadily pushed north, into isolated pockets, often far from population centers. Coalition Forces have also aggressively targeted Shi’a militia extremists and Iranian-backed Special Groups, with encouraging results. The Institute for the Study of War has created this situation report to document the dramatic changes from January 2007 to December 2007. This report details the organization of Coalition and Iraqi Forces, the various enemy groups in Iraq, and operations across Iraq over the last year to defeat these enemy actors and improve security throughout the country. Key Points: • In 2007, the enemy groups in Iraq were al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), Sunni rejectionists, Ansar al- Sunna, the Kurdish Workers Party, Shi’a extremists, and Iranian-backed Special Groups. -
The Missing Link
THE MISSING LINK CIVIL-MILITARY ASPECTS OF EFFECTIVENESS IN COMPLEX IRREGULAR WARFARE Claes Robert Egnell Word count: 99,889 Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the PhD King’s College London September 2007 1 ABSTRACT Traditional analyses of operational effectiveness and combat power often lack consideration of civil-military aspects. However, in operations with complex and ambitious political aims, such as democratization, economic development and respect for human rights, the co-ordination of military, diplomatic and economic means is essential. These are issues that have increasingly become obvious since the end of the Cold War, and even more so during the operations in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq in the new millennium. The aim of the thesis is to increase the understanding of how different patterns of civil-military relations affect the way operations are conducted. In general terms the impact is twofold: a direct impact by providing the highest levels in the chain of command – the level where strategic aims are set and operational plans made, and an indirect impact by being the arena in which decisions regarding size, culture, equipment and doctrine of the armed forces are made. Without properly functioning civil-military relations, structurally as well as culturally, effectiveness in complex irregular warfare is therefore unlikely. More specifically, the thesis compares the divided, radical civil-military approach, as promoted by Samuel Huntington and his followers, and the integrated, pragmatic approach, as advocated by the Janowitzean, sociological school. In practical terms, this involves a comparative study of US and British patterns of civil-military relations, their strategic cultures, as well as their operations in Iraq. -
The Trade-Off Between Force and Casualties in Democracies at War a Study of the American, British and Israeli Militaries
The Trade-off between Force and Casualties in Democracies at War A Study of the American, British and Israeli Militaries By Yonatan Freeman & Yagil Levy The United States, United Kingdom and Israel in recent years have been involved in military campaigns in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq and Gaza. At the same time, sensitivity to casualties has remained paramount to liberal worldviews. This outlook has led to the use of aggressive force to shift the mission risk from a nation’s soldier to the enemy civilian, possibly leading to an increase in collateral damage. The result has been the development 1 of a force/ casualty trade-off (FCT) – the use of operational methods to reduce risks to soldiers, under specific conditions of legitimacy for using force, at the expense of inflicting more damage on the enemy civilians. Thus, the aversion to exposing soldiers to greater risk has challenged the sensitivity to enemy civilian casualties. This article seeks to evaluate how FCT has been legitimized through the legitimization of aggressiveness. Certainly, as will be shown below, legitimacy was not just about the use of force, but about backing for the operation. At times, by using greater force, leaders chose to risk enemy civilians to satisfy public desires for the protection their soldiers. The structure of this article is as follows. First, the study will be situated within the current literature, and the latter’s gap identified. Next, the main line of argument and methodology will be presented. This will be followed by a section detailing the empirical analysis offered to back it. Lastly, conclusions will duly be provided.