The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences
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Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction
1/9/2017 Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction home | about | documents | news | publications | FOIA | research | internships | search | donate | mailing list Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 80 Updated February 11, 2004 Edited by Jeffrey Richelson Originally posted December 20, 2002 Previously updated February 26, 2003 Documents Press release Further reading Between Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, and the commencement of military ac绳on in January 1991, then President George H.W. Bush raised the specter of the Iraqi pursuit of nuclear weapons as one jus绳fica绳on for taking decisive ac绳on against Iraq. In the then‐classified Na绳onal Security Direc绳ve 54, signed on January 15, 1991, authorizing the use of force to expel Iraq from Kuwait, he iden绳fied Iraqi use of weapons of mass destruc绳on (WMD) against allied forces as an ac绳on that would lead the U.S. to seek the removal of Saddam Hussein from power. (Note 1) In the aermath of Iraq's defeat, the U.S.‐led U.N. coali绳on was able to compel Iraq to agree to an inspec绳on and monitoring regime, intended to insure that Iraq dismantled its WMD programs and did not take ac绳ons to recons绳tute them. The means of implemen绳ng the relevant U.N. resolu绳ons was the Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM). That inspec绳on regime con绳nued un绳l December 16, 1998 ‐ although it involved interrup绳ons, confronta绳ons, and Iraqi aꬫempts at denial and decep绳on ‐ when UNSCOM withdrew from Iraq in the face of Iraqi refusal to cooperate, and harassment. Subsequent to George W. Bush's assump绳on of the presidency in January 2001, the U.S. -
Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3405 Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi Dec 3, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Tehran aims to earn hard currency for its relatively cheap military hardware, ideally boosting its leverage in Baghdad at a fraction of the cost that the United States has been spending there. n November 14, a large Iraqi defense delegation began a four-day visit to Tehran as a follow-up to previous O exchanges with Iranian officials. The trip was led by Sunni defense minister Juma Saadoun al-Jubouri and included the commanders of each Iraqi military branch. According to Jubouri, its main goal was to “deepen” bilateral military and security cooperation. Three days later, the commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), Brig. Gen. Esmail Qaani, reportedly paid a secret visit to Baghdad. These exchanges are all the more notable because they came after the UN ban on arms deals with Iran expired in October. Tehran is now free to market and sell its weapons abroad, and several potential customers have already shown interest—not just Iraq, but also Syria, Venezuela, and other players. To be sure, all of these governments are financially constrained, and the United States will likely continue disrupting such deals via existing secondary sanctions, most of them based on UN Security Council resolutions adopted between 2006 and 2015. -
One Hundred Eighth Congress of the United States of America
H. R. 3289 One Hundred Eighth Congress of the United States of America AT THE FIRST SESSION Begun and held at the City of Washington on Tuesday, the seventh day of January, two thousand and three An Act Making emergency supplemental appropriations for defense and for the reconstruc- tion of Iraq and Afghanistan for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the following sums are appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes, namely: TITLE I—NATIONAL SECURITY CHAPTER 1 DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE—MILITARY MILITARY PERSONNEL MILITARY PERSONNEL, ARMY For an additional amount for ‘‘Military Personnel, Army’’, $12,858,870,000. MILITARY PERSONNEL, NAVY For an additional amount for ‘‘Military Personnel, Navy’’, $816,100,000. MILITARY PERSONNEL, MARINE CORPS For an additional amount for ‘‘Military Personnel, Marine Corps’’, $753,190,000. MILITARY PERSONNEL, AIR FORCE For an additional amount for ‘‘Military Personnel, Air Force’’, $3,384,700,000. OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE, ARMY For an additional amount for ‘‘Operation and Maintenance, Army’’, $23,997,064,000. H. R. 3289—2 OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE, NAVY (INCLUDING TRANSFER OF FUNDS) For an additional amount for ‘‘Operation and Maintenance, Navy’’, $1,956,258,000, of which up to $80,000,000 may be trans- ferred to the Department of Homeland Security for Coast Guard Operations. OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE, MARINE CORPS For an additional amount for ‘‘Operation and Maintenance, Marine Corps’’, $1,198,981,000. -
Conflict Profile
MODERN CONFLICTS: CONFLICT PROFILE Iraq (Kurds) (1961 - 1996) The Kurds are an ethnic group in northern Iraq and neighboring Turkey and Iran. There are longstanding conflicts between the Kurds and the governments of all three countries (see also Turkey-Kurds conflict profile). Sustained warfare between the Iraqi government and Kurdish fighters dates from 1961. In the first phase of the war, the Iraqi government controlled the cities and major towns, while Kurdish peshmerga fighters controlled the mountains. Iraq used aerial bombardment while the Kurds relied mainly on guerrilla tactics. An agreement that would have granted autonomy to the Kurds in was almost signed in >> MODERN CONFLICTS 1970, but the two parties could not agree to the division of oil rights and the fighting HOME PAGE resumed. With increased support from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the Iranian government, the Kurds escalated the war. In 1975, when the CIA and Iran cut off >> CONFLICTS MAP their support, the Kurdish forces were significantly weakened. This phase of the war was >> CONFLICTS TABLE characterized by mass displacements, summary executions, and other gross human rights >> PERI HOME PAGE violations. In 1979, when Saddam Hussein became president of Iraq, he intensified the repression against the Kurds. Though Kurds resisted, large-scale fighting did not resume until the mid-1980s when Iran, now fighting its own war with Iraq, renewed support for the peshmerga. In 1987, Saddam Hussein appointed his cousin, General Ali Hassan al-Majid, to subdue the Kurds. “Chemical Ali,” as he came to be known because of his use of chemical weapons, launched the Anfal campaign that resulted in the deaths of approximately 100,000 Kurds, the displacement of hundreds of thousands of others, and the destruction of more than 2,000 Kurdish villages. -
Iraq Body Count As a Case Study in the Use Of
Chapter 5 Iraq Body Count: A Case Study in the Uses of Incident-based Conflict Casualty Data John Sloboda, Hamit Dardagan, Michael Spagat, and Madelyn Hsiao-Rei Hicks Introduction Iraq Body Count (IBC) is a nonprofit, nongovernmental organization that has systematically collated media reports of Iraqi civilian deaths from incidents of armed violence since the beginning of the Iraq war on March 20, 2003 (Dardagan et al. 2005; Iraq Body Count, 2011). The IBC method integrates data extracted from media reports on civilian deaths with data on deaths reported by hospitals, morgues, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and official figures, using systematic cross-checks to eliminate double-counting, with the aim of providing as complete a record as possible of individual Iraqi civilians killed by armed violence since the beginning of the war. In this chapter, we discuss the uses, merits, and limitations of incident-based casualty data, using the IBC database as our example. We begin by describing the origins and aims of the Iraq Body Count project; the characteristics, methods, and sources of IBC’s data; and examples of how IBC’s incident- based data have been used in efforts to improve understanding of the effects of armed conflict on civilians, to commemorate individual deaths, and to advocate for civilian protection. We then discuss how IBC’s database on Iraqi civilian deaths compares against other sources of information on violent deaths in Iraq, and we discuss the strengths and limitations of using media-based data and of using incident-based data. We end by describing our view on what improvements could be made in the incident-based recording of civilian casualties in order to support the increased protection of civilians from the violence of armed conflict. -
DEVELOPMENT of EDUCATION SYSTEM in IRAQ İBRAHİM, Fadhil K
1641 DEVELOPMENT OF EDUCATION SYSTEM IN IRAQ İBRAHİM, Fadhil K. IRAK/IRAQ/ИРАК ABSTRACT It’s generally agreed that the origins of the Iraqi education systems go back to the days of Abbassid rule (750-1258). During this period, learning was based on Islamic philosophy and conducted through two main institutions: Al-kuttab and Al-madrassa. When Iraq came under Ottoman rule the Turks set up military schools. Under the British occupation the education ladders was changed, the primary level involved two types of six-year primary schools. At the time of its foundation, the Iraqi Kingdom had very little to begin with by way of education provision. In 1931, an attempt was made to reform the educational system as a whole. In order to meet the social and economic changes in Iraq, another attempt to develop the education system was made in 1952. During the period 1958-1968 further progress was achieved in relation to the growth of number of students. More details will be shown in the research . Key Words: Education, history, delopment, Iraq. INTRODUCTION Iraq is a country of various physical features. It is famous for the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates. It has a rich heritage history stretching from the ancient past to recent times. Its land witnessed the rising of the greatest and oldest civilization in the world Sumerian, Babylonian, and Assyrian. Iraqi society consists of various ethnic, language and religious groups. This variety has influenced positively the content of the existing national culture. The historical background of the country has an obvious impact on the development of education systems quantitatively and qualitatively. -
The Report of the Iraq Inquiry: Executive Summary
Return to an Address of the Honourable the House of Commons dated 6 July 2016 for The Report of the Iraq Inquiry Executive Summary Report of a Committee of Privy Counsellors Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 6 July 2016 HC 264 46561_00b Viking_Executive Summary Title Page.indd 1 23/06/2016 14:22 © Crown copyright 2016 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identifi ed any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] Print ISBN 9781474133319 Web ISBN 9781474133326 ID 23051602 46561 07/16 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fi bre content minimum Printed in the UK by the Williams Lea Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Offi ce 46561_00b Viking_Executive Summary Title Page.indd 2 23/06/2016 14:22 46561_00c Viking_Executive Summary.indd 1 23/06/2016 15:04 46561_00c Viking_Executive Summary.indd 2 23/06/2016 14:17 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Contents Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 4 Pre‑conflict strategy and planning .................................................................................... 5 The UK decision to support US military action ................................................................. 6 UK policy before 9/11 ................................................................................................ -
Iraq: U.S. Military Operations
Order Code RL31701 Iraq: U.S. Military Operations Updated July 15, 2007 Steve Bowman Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Iraq: U.S. Military Operations Summary Iraq’s chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons programs, together with Iraqi long-range missile development and support for Al Qaeda terrorism, were the primary justifications put forward for military action. On March 17, 2003, President Bush issued an ultimatum demanding that Saddam Hussein and his sons depart from Iraq within 48 hours. On March 19, offensive operations began with air strikes against Iraqi leadership positions. By April 15, after 27 days of operations, coalition forces were in relative control of all major Iraqi cities and Iraqi political and military leadership had disintegrated. On May 1, 2003, President Bush declared an end to major combat operations. There was no use of chemical or biological (CB) weapons, and no CB or nuclear weapons stockpiles or production facilities have been found. The major challenges to coalition forces are now quelling a persistent Iraqi resistance movement and training/retaining sufficient Iraqi security forces to assume responsibility for the nations domestic security. Though initially denying that there was an organized resistance movement, DOD officials have now acknowledged there is regional/local organization, with apparently ample supplies of arms and funding. CENTCOM has characterized the Iraqi resistance as “a classical guerrilla-type campaign.” DOD initially believed the resistance to consist primarily of former regime supporters and foreign fighters; however, it has now acknowledged that growing resentment of coalition forces and an increase in sectarian conflicts, independent of connections with the earlier regime, are contributing to the insurgency. -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
The Cost and Benefits of Education in Iraq
THE COST AND BENEFITS OF EDUCATION IN IRAQ: AN ANALYSIS OF THE EDUCATION SECTOR AND STRATEGIES TO MAXIMIZE THE BENEFITS OF EDUCATION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY There has been remarkable progress in education in Iraq. Enrolment in primary education grew tremendously over the past decade, increasing at about 4.1% per year. As of 2015-2016, 9.2 million students are enrolled across all education levels in Iraq. The total enrolment in primary education almost doubled to six million children in 2012 from 3.6 million in 2000. Girls’ enrolment grew at all levels and at faster rates than boys’ enrolment, although they are still enrolled in lower numbers than boys and tend to drop out at a higher rate. The rising number of students and recent financial crisis in Iraq pose new challenges in terms of providing sufficient education resources for the growing number of students. Unless Iraq increases its public education resources, its expanding enrolment will continue to strain existing education resources. In fact, as of 2013, 13.5% of school-aged Iraqi children (1.2 million children) did not have access to basic education.1 For those who are in school, there are large drop out and repetition rates. The quality of education and learning outcomes is decreasing, due in part to multiple-shifting of schools and dropping teacher retention rates. Government spend- ing on education infrastructure also remains low, although there is a marked increase in private schools yielding higher achievement rates. Looking at Iraq Centre and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), this report aims to update the education situation, quantify the economic benefits of education, and identify sources of inefficiencies as well as key priority themes in the education sector with clear links to the National Education Strategy 2011-2020. -
Irregular Warfare: a Case Study in Cia and Us Army Special Forces Operations in Northern Iraq, 2002-03
IRREGULAR WARFARE: A CASE STUDY IN CIA AND US ARMY SPECIAL FORCES OPERATIONS IN NORTHERN IRAQ, 2002-03 THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE ANDREW L., MICK MULROY, AND KEN TOVO AUGUST 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE The Middle East Institute is a center of knowledge dedicated to narrowing divides between the peoples of the Middle East and the United States. With over 70 years’ experience, MEI has established itself as a credible, non-partisan source of insight and policy analysis on all matters concerning the Middle East. MEI is distinguished by its holistic approach to the region and its deep understanding of the Middle East’s political, economic and cultural contexts. Through the collaborative work of its three centers — Policy & Research, Arts & Culture, and Education — MEI provides current and future leaders with the resources necessary to build a future of mutual understanding. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew L. “Uncle Andy” is a retired Senior Intelligence Service Paramilitary Operations Officer in the Special Activities Center with 25 years of service in the CIA. He is a former U.S. Marine infantry and reconnaissance officer. Michael “Mick” Patrick Mulroy Mick Mulroy is the former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East. He is also a retired CIA Paramilitary Operations Officer in the Special Activities Center and a United States Marine. He is a Senior Fellow for the Middle East Institute, an ABC News National Security Analyst, and a co-founder of Lobo Institute. Kenneth “Ken” Tovo Lieutenant General (Ret.) Ken Tovo retired from the U.S. Army in 2018 with 35 years of service. -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development.