British Cyprus and the Long Great War, 1914–1925

Most of the Cypriot population, especially the lower classes, remained loyal to the British cause during the Great War and the island contributed significantly to the First World War, with men and materials. The British acknowledged this yet failed to institute political and economic reforms once the war ended. The obsession of Greek Cypriot elites with enosis (union with Greece), which only increased after the war, and the British dismissal of increasing the role of Cypriots in government, bringing the Christian and Muslim communities closer, and expanding franchise to all classes and sexes, led to serious problems down the line, not least the development of a democratic deficit. Andrekos Varnava studies the events and the impact of this crucial period.

Andrekos Varnava is an Associate Professor in Imperial History at Flinders University, Adelaide and an Honorary Professor at De Montfort University, Leicester. Routledge Studies in First World War History Series Editor: John Bourne The University of Birmingham, UK

The First World War is a subject of perennial interest to historians and is often regarded as a watershed event, marking the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the ‘modern’ industrial world. The sheer scale of the conflict and massive loss of life means that it is constantly being assessed and reassessed to examine its lasting military, political, sociological, industrial, cul- tural and economic impact. Reflecting the latest international scholarly research, the Routledge Studies in First World War History series provides a unique platform for the publication of monographs on all aspects of the Great War. Whilst the main thrust of the series is on the military aspects of the conflict, other related areas (including cultural, visual, literary, political and social) are also addressed. Books published are aimed primarily at a post- graduate academic audience, furthering exciting recent interpretations of the war, whilst still being accessible enough to appeal to a wider audience of educated lay readers.

Also in this series

British Cyprus and the Long Great War, 1914–1925: Empire, Loyalties and Democratic Deficit Andrekos Varnava

Veterans of the First World War: Ex-Servicemen and Ex-Servicewomen in Post-War Britain and Ireland Edited by David Swift and Oliver Wilkinson

Burying America’s World War Dead Tracy Fisher

Policing the Home Front, 1914–1918 Mary Fraser

The Great War in the Middle East: A Clash of Empires Edited by Robert Johnson and James E. Kitchen www.routledge.com/history/series/WWI British Cyprus and the Long Great War, 1914–1925 Empire, Loyalties and Democratic Deficit

Andrekos Varnava First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Andrekos Varnava The right of Andrekos Varnava to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with Sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Varnava, Andrekos, author. Title: British Cyprus and the long Great War, 1914-1925 : empire, loyalties and democratic deficit / Andrekos Varnava. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in First World War history | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019008075| ISBN 9781138698321 (hardback) | ISBN 9781315519418 (ebook) | ISBN 9781315519401 (adobe) | ISBN 9781315519395 (mobi) | ISBN 9781315519388 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Cyprus–History–British rule, 1878-1960. | World War, 1914-1918–Cyprus. | Cyprus–Foreign relations–Great Britain. | Great Britain–Foreign relations–Cyprus. Classification: LCC DS54.8 .V365 2019 | DDC 940.3/5693–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019008075 ISBN: 978-1-138-69832-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-51941-8 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. I wanted to dedicate this book to my wonderful wife, Helen Komodromou-Varnava. Thanks for your support and patience.

Contents

List of figures viii List of tables ix Acknowledgements x List of abbreviations xii

Introduction 1

1 British Cyprus, 1878–1915: The inconsequential possession 14

2 Elite loyalties: Enosis, the Greek schism and the war effort 36

3 Middle class loyalties: Military intelligence and the war effort 61

4 Lower class loyalties: Cypriots at war 95

5 Refugees and settlers: Inclusivity and exclusivity 121

6 ‘Remember Heligoland’: Retaining Cyprus against the enosis policy 155

7 Colonialism, enosis and democratic deficit, 1921–25 185

Conclusion 218

Selected Bibliography 222 Index 235 Figures

1.1 The Location of Cyprus. Source: © Dr Andrekos Varnava, 2007. 15 1.2 Map of Cyprus. Source: © Andrekos Varnava, 2005. 15 2.1 Portrait of Archbishop Kyrillos III at the Archbishopric in Nicosia. Source: Archbishopric, Nicosia. Courtesy of the Holy Archbishopric, Nicosia, Cyprus. 39 3.1 Captured German aerial photo of Famagusta. Source: SA1/1147/ 1918. Courtesy of the Cypriot State Archives. 68 3.2 Map of POW Camp. Source: SA1/1147/1918: Courtesy of the Cypriot State Archives. 73 3.3 Photo of Snuff Box, ‘Turkish Prisoners Cyprus 1917’. Source: © Associate Professor Andrekos Varnava, 2019. 73 3.4 Photo of POW Camp and Private Henry Miller Smith, Royal Scots. Source: © Neil Smith, 2019. 78 3.5 Photo of Colonel E. A. Howe, with Private Henry Miller Smith, Royal Scots, and other men. Source: © Neil Smith, 2019. 79 4.1 Cypriot muleteers 1917, Photo I. Source: Canon Frank Newham’s trunk. Courtesy of the Office of the Secretary of the Board of Governors, Nicosia English School. 98 4.2 Cypriot muleteers 1917, Photo II. Source: Canon Frank Newham’s trunk. Courtesy of the Office of the Secretary of the Board of Governors, Nicosia English School. 98 4.3 Muleteers enlisting, with Canon Newman and Zaptiehs. Source: Canon Frank Newham’s trunk. Courtesy of the Office of the Secretary of the Board of Governors, Nicosia English School. 99 7.1 Sir Malcolm Stevenson, High Commissioner and Governor of Cyprus (1919–26). Source: National Portrait Gallery. 187 Tables

1.1 Religious Distribution of Population 1881–1921 21 1.2 Employment and Unemployment numbers, 1891–1921 24 1.3 Main Occupations 1891–1921 25 5.1 Number of refugees arriving from Mersina, 7–21 November 1921 138 5.2 Refugee Arrivals for the year to 27 November 1921 142 Acknowledgements

This book has been a long time in the making. I had intended to cover this period of British imperialism in Cyprus during my PhD, which was awarded in 2006 and published a decade ago. As can be seen, an entire book has been needed to cover this tumultuous 12-year period. And had I written this book ten years ago it would not have resembled the product before you, as I am now far more driven than I was back then by the social and economic forces that influence the development of a given place. This was reflected in my second book on the Cypriot Mule Corps, which interrupted the writing of this book. On this journey there have been many archives and people who have facilitated my research. Thank you to the Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences and the School of History and International Relations at Flinders University, and the Australian Academy of the Humanities for various grants to make research trips to the UK, Cyprus and Turkey. I must thank the staff of the numerous archives and libraries for assisting me with my research: the National Archives of the UK, Kew Gardens, London; The British Library, London; the State Archives, Nicosia; the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri in Istanbul; and, last but not least, the Flinders University Library, especially the document delivery staff. I also thank my two research assistants in Cyprus, Marios Siammas and Giorgos Charalambous, as well as Christina Mathopoulou for providing me with her notes on and scans of documents on the Russian refugees in Cyprus. I am also thankful to the many historians for discussing the project with me over the many long years that it has taken me to research and write this book. The following names are listed in no particular order: Evan Smith, Tim Reardon, Melanie Oppenheimer, Trevor Harris, Michael J.K. Walsh, John M. MacKenzie, Panikos Panayi, Eric S. Richards†, Joy Damousi, Rolandos Katsiaounis†, Nicholas Doumanis, Andonis Piperoglou, Romain Fathi, Meggie Hutchison, Mete Hatay, Erin Sebo, Tabitha Morgan, Ann Matters, Iliya Marovich-Old, Casey Raeside, Mehmet Polatel, Nicholas Coureas, Hubert Faustmann, Vangelis Kehriotis†,MichalisN.Michael, Antonis Hadjikyriacou, Matt Fitzpatrick, Peter Monteath, David Lockwood, Catherine Kevin, Brian Dickey, Lance Brennan, David Close, Richard Scully, Acknowledgements xi Alexis Rappas, John Connor, Roger Christofides, Hew Strachan and Marios Hadjianastasis. I also thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful sugges- tions and all who attended and commented on the various papers I presented on this subject at many conferences and seminars. This book has not been easy to finish. There have been several personal and professional issues that have delayed its completion. I want to thank the team at Routledge for their support and patience. Finally, but not least, I want to thank all those close to me, and in particular my wife Helen Komodromou- Varnava, our son Barnabas Andreas Varnava and our daughter Maria Anna Varnava, as well as my parents and in-laws for their patience, support and love. Associate Professor Andrekos Varnava, FRHistS, Associate Professor of Imperial History at Flinders University, South Australia/Honorary Professor at De Montfort University, Leicester, UK. List of abbreviations

The entries are mainly to assist in deciphering acronyms in the footnotes. Sometimes for ‘Assistant’ or ‘Acting’ an ‘A’ has been added, for example Acting Chief Secretary (ACS) or ‘Deputy Assistant’ Quartermaster General, Salonica (DAQGS) and these are not listed below. Neither is ‘District Medical Officer Famagusta’ (DMOFam) and other like examples. The full names of individuals are usually provided in the text.

ABS Army of the Black Sea ADM Admiralty ASC Army Supply Company CCABS Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Black Sea CCPC Chief Commandant of Police, Cyprus (Cypriot Military Police – Zaptieh) CCCC Chief Collector of Customs, Cyprus CFC Conservator of Forests, Cyprus CICBSA Commander-in-Chief of the British Salonica Army CICEEF Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force CICMF Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean Fleet CIGS Chief of the Imperial General Staff CMC Cypriot Mule Corps (also Macedonian Mule Corps) CMOC Chief Medical Officer, Cyprus CMP Cypriot Military Police (Zaptieh) CO Colonial Office CSC Chief Secretary/Colonial Secretary (from 1926) – Cyprus DAS Deputy Adjunct, Salonica DCFam District Commissioner of Famagusta DCKyr District Commissioner of Kyrenia DCLar District Commissioner of Larnaca DCLim District Commissioner of Limassol DCNic District Commissioner of Nicosia DCPap District Commissioner of Paphos DMI Director of Military Intelligence DMO District Medical Officer DPC District Paymaster, Cyprus Abbreviations xiii DPS District Paymaster, Salonica EMSIB East Mediterranean Special Intelligence Bureau EOKA Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office FO Foreign Office GHQC General Headquarters, Constantinople GHQS General Headquarters, Salonica GRO General Routine Orders HC House of Commons HCC High Commissioner of Cyprus HMSO His/Her Majesty’s Stationary Office HMT His/Her Majesty’s Transport IO India Office IOR India Office Records LCCMC Local Commandant of Cypriot Military Police NAUK National Archives of the United Kingdom (Kew Gardens, London) OCTC Officer Commanding the Troops, Cyprus RA Royal Army RE Royal Engineers RFA Royal Field Artillery RN Royal Navy SA1 Secretariat Archives (State Archives, Nicosia) SMO Senior Medical Officer SSC Secretary of State for the Colonies SSW Secretary of State for War WC War Cabinet WDSA War Diary Salonica Army WO War Office

Introduction

In June 1919, in the comfort of Government Cottage at the Troodos Hill Station, the summer-seat of the Cypriot colonial government,1 Malcolm Stevenson, the new High Commissioner, opined to Lord Milner, the Secre- tary of State for the Colonies, that

… all classes of the community combined in a cheerful and resolute manner to assist the Government of the island by willingly meeting the many demands made on them and by readily submitting to the restric- tions imposed by the various regulations which military exigencies necessitated.2

This rosy assessment of loyalty was a generalisation, for not all classes of the population were loyal to the British war effort. Stevenson’s assessment, written almost five years after the Great War started and about five years before the island became a Crown Colony, marked a mid-point in the story of Cyprus during the long Great War; that is, from when the war started in August 1914 to when the status of the island was formalised as British in the Treaty of Lausanne, which came into force in August 1924, and was confirmed when the island became a Crown Colony on 1 May 1925. When the war started, Hamilton Goold-Adams had been the High Commissioner but owing to the stress of the job on his health he was transferred halfway into his six-year tenure to the ceremonial post of Governor of Queensland and replaced with Sir John Clauson, a previous Chief Secretary (1906–11). Clauson served during the difficult war years with tact and coolness until he died after a brief illness on 31 December 1918. Stevenson had been on the island a mere 18 months when he was thrust into the top job, confirmed in July 1920, yet rose to the task, despite the negative historiography, coloured by the view of him from the pro-enosis faction.3 All three men faced some nasty criticism from the pro-enosis obsessed elites and although all tried to improve rural life, none wanted to create an alternative to British rule, thus leaving enosis as the only alternative, despite the clear disinterest of the vast majority of the population to it. 2 Introduction There are three reasons why this book is important. The first is because it is the first comprehensive book on any non-settler parts of the British Empire during the long Great War. Although there have been studies on Cypriot and Jamaican volunteers, and edited volumes that cover many sub- jects on the role of the former settler colonies and India, there has been little on other parts and nothing that includes the period after the war, when conflicts continued, the peace seemed elusive and, amongst other crises, refugees seemed to be streaming across Europe, Asia and Africa. Fill- ing this gap is important because it shows how the war impacted the entire British Empire, including its smallest parts, and because it offers a model for analysis of other places. And this is the second reason this book is important: it is the first to provide a comprehensive analysis on the social, economic and political developments in Cyprus during these 12 years (1914–25) of flux caused by the Great War and the conflicts that followed as a consequence. This is particularly important as it focusses on the loyal- ties of the population, framed, as this book is, around the broader picture of the long Great War, rather than merely the regional struggles of the respective states that are claimed as the ‘motherlands’ by the elites of the two main communities of Greece and the Ottoman Empire/Turkey. This leads to the third reason for its importance: the framework of analysis, which focusses on a deconstruction of society along broad class lines, offer- ing a model for others, that is inclusive of the entire population in so far as such entirety is possible, moving away from the elitist nationalist histories without ignoring the role of elites or indeed the British imperialists back in London and the colonial authorities on the island.

Historiography The leading historians of the first five decades of British Cyprus have been Hill, Georghallides, Katsiaounis and myself.4 Generally, these historians agree that Cyprus was a backwater of both the Ottoman and British empires during these periods and that the island had a varied development from the pre-modern/reformist Ottoman system to the British system of partial modernisation, which grafted certain modern structures onto the Ottoman ones. Twentieth century nationalism has tainted the historiog- raphy. Nationalism has seen the customary parochial work from Greeks and Greek Cypriots on the one hand, and Turks and Turkish Cypriots on the other, which, influenced by respective propaganda machines and educa- tion systems, projected the mid–late twentieth century conflict in the island as a Greco-Turkish conflict from the Greek War of Independence in the 1820s and even earlier to the Ottoman occupation of Constantinople. Such an approach has also influenced the Western scholarship, which is largely phil-Hellenic or phil-Turkish, and ignores the broader Ottoman and British empires as frames of comparison, situating Cyprus within a narrow geo- graphic space confined to the Greek and Turkish worlds.5 Introduction 3 Little has been published on British Cyprus during the immediate years before, during, and after the Great War (1912–1925). Earlier stud- ies, such as by Hill, Purcell and Georghallides, barely touch upon the war.6 The limited sources available before the 1980s does not excuse those writing since, who have largely argued that the war had a minor impact on Cyprus and vice versa, glossing over this period or focussing on the British offer to cede the island to Greece in October 1915,7 focussed on themes from a few files,8 or exaggerating the impact of Brit- ish martial law on Muslim Cypriots.9 There has also been an exagger- ated focus on the small Cypriot Orthodox-Christian contributions in the Greek army from the Balkan Wars and on.10 More general accounts still leave many gaps – even my effort.11 My 2009 monograph remains the most comprehensive on the period 1878–1915, with a later effort failing to engage with this.12 This book picks-up where my first mono- graph left off, after the interruption of Serving the Empire.13 Aside from that book and my work on different subjects relating to the war years in Cyprus, little of substance has been published on the Great War and Cyprus.14 This study aims to be comprehensive, covering the period until 1925, thus placing the story of British Cyprus into a broader con- text of the ‘long Great War’ and moving beyond the local political clash between the British colonial authorities and the Greek Cypriot national- ist elites.15 Given the limited historiography, there is little to engage with. It is worth dwelling on the arguments from Georghallides on the strategic value of the island: ‘Cyprus remained on the periphery of strategic developments [and] its relatively distant location from the main theatres of land operations, in Egypt, the Dardanelles and Macedonia, ensured that Cyprus was left in peace’.16 To be sure,Cyprus was never threatened with invasion nor could it serve as a forward base since it lacked adequate harbour facilities, yet the war impacted upon the island and its people and the Cypriots impacted upon the war. Georghallides also argued that the island held a negative stra- tegic advantage for the British in that by holding it the island would be denied to another power. Even if the British did believe this, it needs to be critically assessed, and in any event such an argument plays into imperialist discourses.17

Theories This thesis speaks to various interconnected theories. These range from understanding the strengths and weaknesses of the British Empire during the war and post-war periods, to the loyalties and disloyalties of a colonised population. An understanding of theories of national identity and subaltern studies is also critical in understanding the differing desires and experiences of the various classes and how they interacted and were perceived by the colonial powers. 4 Introduction British Empire and the Great War One of the fundamental debates on the nature of Empire and especially the British Empire revolves around its expansion. Such debates usually focus on the ‘new imperialism’ and the ‘scramble for Africa’, with economic impulses usually winning over others, although strategic considerations have been prominent.18 After victory in the Great War, the British Empire expanded even further and consolidated elsewhere. As regards Cyprus, there was a ‘reassessment’ given the proposal to cede the island to Greece in 1915, yet ultimately the British decided to retain it despite the desire of Greek Cyp- riot elites for enosis with Greece, which had, albeit from 1917, been an ally in the war. Exploring why the British retained Cyprus not only means reassessing Georghallides’ findings from forty years ago, but it also means engaging with another debate: that on when the British Empire went into ‘decline’. Older theories, such as by Holland, argued that the decline occurred after World War II.19 Hyam complicated this by arguing for a steady ‘decline’ after the Great War.20 Burton tested these arguments and showed that the entire ‘rise and decline’ thesis needed re-examination.21 MacKenzie agreed, arguing that the British Empire changed after the Great War, yet it met challenges to its authority and there was no appreciable decline, certainly not in the desire for the Empire.22 After the war, the desire to maintain peace was strong and a united British Empire in the League of Nations rep- resented for many British the answer to how peace could prevail, rather than a Cobdenian Liberal philosophy on empire, which may have seen its contraction because a large Empire would weaken rather than strengthen Britain and the Empire, since it would mean more places to defend, resources and development, sometimes without any benefit to the British or locals.23 Challenges from local elites or from lower classes owing to eco- nomic hardships were met either by reverting to an informal imperial con- trol, such as in Egypt, Mesopotamia, India (1935 constitution) and Burma (1937 constitution),24 while in other places constitutions were revoked and reintroduced, such as in Malta. Cyprus was an exception. The constitution was suspended after the disturbances of 1931 and another was not proposed after the assassination of Antonios Triantafyllides in 1934.25 Understanding the role of the British Empire during the War and the impact of conflicts that followed it are also important in understanding the consolidation of British imperialism. In the years following the war, publica- tions on the British Empire during the Great War were celebratory, did not take into account the views of colonised populations and relied heavily on the views of colonial administrators and men who had served or visited colonial spaces during that time and on what documents the imperial gov- ernment was willing to make available.26 From the 1950s through to the 1980s, some publications on the Great War and the Empire incorporated the views of the colonised, but limited such views to nationalist colonial Introduction 5 elites, with a heavy focus on the former settler colonies, especially Australia and New Zealand, and the role of the war in the formation of national identity.27 Over the last decade, the record has shifted with the interest in the Great War and telling its story from the perspective of the colonised. More work is of course needed in this area.

The long Great War The idea that the Great War did not end in 1918 has been given renewed focus by Robert Gerwarth, in his comparative study concisely exploring various conflicts emerging from the war, which ended only with the Treaty of Lausanne in 1924. Gerwarth showed both the continuities, namely that these conflicts were born out of the Great War, and the discontinuities, that their violence was revolutionary/counter-revolutionary, more ideological and existential.28 Although such violence did not occur in Cyprus, the war con- tinued around it, and consequently refugees poured into the island, while the economic, political and ideological developments were acutely felt in various ways. And although there was no serious violence, the British feared that it might erupt and clamped any possible outbreak, while the Greek Cypriot nationalists became more radical in their prosecution of their enosis policy, with some doing more than merely contemplating the use of para- military violence. Many of these individuals had served in the Greek forces during the Balkan Wars and there is an argument to be made for including the Balkans in discussions of a ‘long Great War’ as there is for including the Spanish Civil War as regards the Second World War. Gerwarth’s second thesis, that the ideological and ethnic violence that gripped Europe after 1939 show remarkable continuities with the post-1918 conflicts, also applies to Cyprus, given the extreme right and left radicalism that emerged during the inter-war years and more so after World War II. The idea that the fascists of the inter-war period were more the products of the ideological conflicts that followed the Great War than from their experi- ences of the War is interesting because fascism was a response to the Bol- shevik Revolution of 1917 and, as with the case of Cyprus, many fascists grew out of ideological battles that predated the war. Most Cypriot fascists served in the Balkan Wars and were pro-Constantine and pro-German, which for many led to fascism during the inter-war period when they played leading roles in the disturbances of 1931, the assassination of their former nationalist colleague cum moderate, Antonios Triantafyllides in January 1934, and eventually formation of EOKA in 1951.29

Nationalism, colonial loyalties/disloyalties and the subaltern Most historians and commentators on Cyprus write as if the ‘Greek’ nation in Cyprus had always existed. Sometimes they acknowledge a ‘Turkish’ nation in Cyprus and sometimes they claimed that the Turks are descendants 6 Introduction of ‘Greeks’ forcibly converted.30 This primordialist view does not sit comfort- ably in the academy, yet it remains the dominant approach to research on Cyprus. For Cypriots, Greeks and Turks writing about Cyprus, this could be because of their education in hyper-nationalistic societies that indoctrinate them with Greek and Turkish nationalisms31; for myself, fortunately I see through such indoctrination, being raised in a society that questions such anachronisms and values critical thinking. Increasingly, nationalist discourses and approaches to Cypriot history are shown as exclusivist and not holistic.32 These discourses have led to claims that the anti-colonial movement was legitimate in its war of ‘national liber- ation’ (1955–9), that the intercommunal clashes in the 1950s and civil war of 1963–4 were sudden and contrived by the British, and that the idea of independence was alien to Cyprus and proposed for the first time in the late 1950s as a compromise to enosis and taksim (partition). In reality, the anti- colonial movement expressed itself as Greek irredentism/imperialism through enosis, the British had warned about the potential of intercommu- nal clashes after the Great War and acted to prevent them, and independ- ence was in fact suggested before the Great War, most interestingly by J.C. C. Davidson who visited the island for the Colonial Secretary in 1913. Efforts to redress the nationalist discourses, starting in the 1970s with theor- ies such as ‘peaceful co-existence’, failed, because these too were mired in political rather than scholarly aims.33 This book adds to the new way of seeing Cyprus as a diverse place with a diverse past.34 It shows that social diversity was as important as ethno-religious differences when Cyprus was experiencing British colonial modernisation.35 The evidence suggests that the belief in the island belonging to Greek and Turkish nations was not widespread during the period under investigation and therefore gives cre- dence to the modernist theories that nations and nationalism are modernist phenomena, which is also supported by the work of Gourgouris in the Greek case.36 Weber showed in his classic book on French modernisation that it was only after 1870 and into the early twentieth century that the majority of the French people, the peasant and rural labouring classes, became French.37 If the French did not become a nation until the Great War how could the Cypriots have become ‘Greeks’ and ‘Turks’ well before it as the traditional historiography claims? In the Cypriot case, before the peasants and labouring classes became ‘Greeks’ and ‘Turks’ (or ‘Cypriots’), they first became imperial citizens, for example when a quarter of the male population aged 18–35 served in the Cypriot Mule Corps. Sukanya Banerjee’s Becoming Imperial Citizens showed how elite Indians formed an imperial citizenship before the anti- colonial nationalist movement and the idea of a free independent post- colonial nation-state.38 Such an imperial identity existed at the elite level in Cyprus before and later alongside nationalist ambitions as a continuation of Ottoman imperial identity and power-dynamics, but has not been fully studied.39 The annexation of the island in 1914 and the establishment of the Introduction 7 requirements of British Cypriot nationality in 1917 saw various classes of Cypriots avail themselves of this powerful citizenship, with few opting to keep their Ottoman or Greek nationality, especially migrants and those wishing to emigrate.40 This study explores both educated elites and the peasant and labouring classes, showing that any ethno-nationalist loyalties to ‘Greek’ and ‘Ottoman/Turkish’ motherlands did not exist for some, or did not preclude for others, loyalty to the British Empire and service to the war effort, yet there were those who supported and even aided the enemy. As with Serving the Empire, this book considers it pivotal in talking about societies to understand them in their entirety, not simply the elite, whether they proclaim to speak for the rest or not. In trying to do so in a colonial context, one must be aware of the power dynamics, as regards the population and the colonial authority, but also between the population and their elites. Subaltern studies promote critical thinking about social structures, institutions, actors and processes relating to rural societies. It asks how agrarian power relations between classes and other social groups form, and are contested and transformed.41 Agency is a key question in understanding these marginalised rural societies, particularly their auton- omy and capacity to interpret and change their conditions. This anti- essentialist ‘history from below’ approach, focuses on the rural masses, rather than the elite. Linked with imperialism and colonial power dynamics, such an approach spawned ‘subaltern studies’.42 The term ‘subaltern’ derived from the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s work on cultural hegemony, which identified the voices of social groups who were excluded from a society’s established political structures. Focussed around scholars interested in the postcolonial/post-imperial societies of the Sub-Continent, the geographical reach has expanded more recently to cover the developing world more generally. Using Spivak’sdefinition of the ‘subaltern’, the majority of the Cypriots doing the living and working were the ‘men and women among the illiterate peasantry, the tribals, the lowest strata of the urban subproletariat’ and lacked agency in the relationship between the coloniser and colonised and between the lower classes and the educated elites. Thus they fit the historical profile of subaltern. Spivak asks: ‘Can the subaltern speak?’43 Were they able, in what Homi Bhabha called the ‘liminal space’, to negotiate with their colonisers or elites?44 British imperialism largely met the needs of the peasant and labouring classes, allowing the colonised to express their imper- ial identity and loyalty, but both colonial authorities and elites presumed to speak for the lower classes, who were primarily interested in subsistence and improving their lives. This analytical re-essentialisation of the lower-classes rejected inauthentic European discourses as colonial impositions, thereby recovering unheard grassroots voices. Such inauthentic European impositions are evident in British efforts to classify the Cypriots. The British colonised the Cypriots and perhaps considered them ‘European’, but within the British imperial 8 Introduction project they occupied a space on the fringes of Orientalism. The British, especially back in London, considered the Cypriot Orthodox Christians as Greeks, misunderstanding ancient Greece as a unitary state and contribut- ing to the continuation thesis of modern Greeks being descendants of the ancient Greeks.45 This discourse dominated early British Cyprus, yet existed alongside an orientalist discourse of Cypriots as exotic others, not Greeks, nor Turks, but a mixture of various racial/ethnic settlers from its varied his- tory. This complicates the categorisation of Cypriots, who do not easily fit into the ‘east’ and ‘west’ Saidian dichotomy, making them ‘in-betweens’.46 Like Said’s dichotomy, Todorova’s ‘Balkanisation’ theory does not precisely capture how Cypriots were categorised, or how they saw themselves. Con- trary to what Bakic-Hayden has interpreted,47 Todorova does not claim that her Balkanisation theory is another form of Orientalism. She goes through various reasons, such as that the Balkans are concrete, whereas the notion of ‘the Orient’ is vague; the self-perception of Balkan peoples is not colonial; Orientalism posits Islam as the other, whereas Balkanisation deals with Christians and is fixed alongside an ‘other’, usually Islam; and Orien- talism categorises non-white people, whereas Balkanisation deals with whites.48 From the outside, Cypriots were seen as occidental, oriental or a mixture.

Sources and methodology As previously stated, the extraction of primary sources for this project began back in 2001 when I visited Cyprus for my PhD research and gathered mater- ial on the Great War at the Cypriot State Archives and on a subsequent trip to the National Archives of the UK (NAUK). Many other trips have been made to both these archives over the years, including my latest in 2018 to access files I had previously not and those recently released, such as from FCO141, the so called ‘migrated files’. Being primarily about British imperialism and colonialism in Cyprus, the role of the island and its people during the war and immediately after, and the impact of the war on them, the main sources are from two archives in London and Nicosia. The primary departmental files in London are the Colonial Office, Foreign Office, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (i.e. FCO141), War Office and Admiralty, and the Cabinet Papers. The Colonial Office files contain the correspondence between the Cypriot Government under the High Commissioner, and the Colonial Office. This record is incomplete without the files from the State Archives (SA1) in Nicosia and the FCO141 files since they contain the correspondence between the various departments and districts in Cyprus to the Cypriot secretariat, and therefore the background to the correspondence to London. The FCO141 files have been a revelation as these contain the files removed, or ‘migrated’,from Cyprus at independence because of their sensitivity. Correspondence between the Foreign Office and relevant ambassadors, particularly the Greek, and Introduction 9 between the Foreign and Colonial offices was also vital in understanding the background to policy and its implementation. The War Office files were par- ticularly important for understanding the role of the island in the war and the Admiralty and Treasury files were useful in understanding the complexity of shipping, particularly of goods, muleteers and refugees. In addition to the archives in London and Nicosia, a trip to Istanbul in 2012 proved surpris- ingly fruitful with Ottoman interior ministry files in the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri (Office of the Grand Vizier’s Ottoman Archives) on Cyprus during the war. Despite the many years of excellent research into imperial history, the scholarship on Cyprus has rarely seen a reading of the colonial archive with and against the grain. My approach is to create an imperial and colonial archive from all the relevant sources and to not give greater emphasis to certain views because they are more in volume in the archives, especially since they are from the same powerful people and therefore repetitive, com- pared to views which are less in volume and opposed to the views of the ‘nationalist’ line. In fact, this ‘nationalist’ line must be questioned and chal- lenged, as it clearly stifled opposition of any form, and thus led to the democratic deficit. As for understanding imperial and colonial views and actions, rather than criticise everything the imperial and colonial govern- ments did in relation to Cyprus simply because they were the power in con- trol, and thus completely swallow the nationalist discourses, my approach is to try to understand the broader imperial and not merely regional (Greek and Turkish) picture, as well as the domestic situation. The book is built around seven chapters. The first provides the necessary historical context, introducing the reader to the social, political and eco- nomic history of the island from the late Ottoman period until the offer of 1915. The next six chapters constitute the main original contribution of the book and discuss, in a chronological and thematic framework, the role of the island and the islanders in the war, how they impacted the war and how the war impacted them, and how the war continued after it officially ended, and only really ended when Cyprus became a Crown Colony in 1925, thus ending the anomaly of the annexation of November 1914. Chapters 2 to 4 focus on the loyalties and disloyalties of the Cypriots along class and social lines, thus incorporating the two main communities into the discussion, while showing that society was divided along class lines yet not ignoring other divisions (i.e. over enosis). This is examined first through the politics of the Greek Cypriot nationalist elites and the reactions of their Muslim Cypriot counterparts, then through the middle-classes, who were involved in military intelligence either for or against the British, and finally through the lower-classes who did the vast bulk of the volunteering to serve in the armed forces, and how those who had emigrated to the Ottoman Empire, Greece and Egypt were not interested in fighting for the Greeks in the Ana- tolian campaign. Chapters 5 to 7 then focus on the aftermath of the official end of the Great War and how the democratic deficit grew. This is explored 10 Introduction first through the responses to the resettlement of thousands of Russian, Armenian and Anatolian Greek refugees (as well as Cypriots who had lived in the Ottoman Empire) and how Armenians were unwanted by the small group of Greek Cypriot nationalists, and then through a comprehensive exploration of the enosis policy in the final two chapters, which shows how desperate the enosis leaders became in their efforts to control opposition and present their views as those of the entire Cypriot Orthodox population, who were largely disinterested. The archive-driven account is given a human face through the individuals in the story. They were not only the imperial and colonial officials or the local elites, but also those from all walks of life, who touched and were touched by the war positively or negatively. This includes men who served and died in various allied armed forces, to those who betrayed the war effort by giving military secrets to the enemy, and to the men, women and children who fled to Cyprus as a consequence of the war or the wars arising from it, where they settled into new lives. And it also includes those who opposed enosis or were opposed to the way the nationalist leaders pros- ecuted the enosis policy. Such an approach to history opens the door for other studies of similar colonial spaces and groups that touched and were touched by the long Great War.

Notes 1 Andrekos Varnava, ‘Recreating Rural Britain and Maintaining Britishness in the Mediterranean: The Troodos Hill Station in Early British Cyprus’, The Cyprus Review, 27(2), 2005, 47–80. 2 CO67/192/37309, Stevenson memorandum, 3 June 1919. 3 George Georghallides, A Political and Administrative History of Cyprus, Nicosia, 1979, 406; Tabitha Morgan, Sweet and Bitter Island: A History of the British in Cyprus, London, 2010, 101; Antigone Heraclidou, Imperial Control in Cyprus: Education and Political Manipulation in the British Empire, I.B. Tauris, London, 2017, 27. 4 George Hill, A History of Cyprus, IV, (ed.) Sir Harry Luke, Cambridge Univer- sity Press, Cambridge, 1952; Georghallides, A Political and Administrative His- tory of Cyprus; George Georghallides, Cyprus and the Governorship of Sir Ronald Storrs: The Causes of the 1931 Crisis, Cyprus Research Centre, Nicosia, 1985; Rolandos Katsiaounis, Labour, Society and Politics in Cyprus during the second half of the Nineteenth Century, Cyprus Research Centre, Nicosia, 1996; Andrekos Varnava, British Imperialism in Cyprus, 1878–1915: The Inconse- quential Possession, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2009; Andrekos Varnava, Serving the Empire in the Great War: The Cypriot Mule Corps, Imperial Loyalty and Silenced Memory, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2017. 5 An example is Robert Holland and Diana Markides, The British and the Hel- lenes: Struggles for Mastery in the Eastern Mediterranean 1850–1960, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2006, which favours, arguing that the British rejection of it was merely an excuse to prolong British rule. 6 Hill, A History of Cyprus, 412, 521–7, 614; H.D. Purcell, Cyprus, Ernest Benn, London, 1969, 222, 239–42, 300–1; Georghallides, A Political and Administrative History of Cyprus,88–102; Holland and Markides, The British and the Hellenes. Introduction 11 7 Georghallides, A Political and Administrative History of Cyprus,88–102; Stavros Stavridis, ‘Greek-Cypriot Enosis of October 1915: A “Lost Oppor- tunity”’, Balkan Studies, 1996, 282–307; C.M. Woodhouse, ‘The offer of Cyprus: October 1915’, Greece and Great Britain during World War I,Insti- tute for Balkan Studies, Salonica, 1985, 77–97; Christos Theodoulou, ‘The 1915 British Offer of Cyprus to Greece in the Light of the War in the Bal- kans’, Epeteris,4,1970–71, 417–430; Varnava, British Imperialism in Cyprus, 261–5. 8 Panagiotis Dimitrakis, Military Intelligence in Cyprus: From the Great War to Middle East Crises, I.B. Tauris, London, 2010, 11–22. 9 Ulvi Keser, Kıbrıs 1914–1923: Fransız Ermeni kampları İngiliz esir kampları ve Atatürkçü Kıbrıs Türkü (Cyprus 1914–1923: French Armenian Camps, British Prisoner Camps and Kemalist Cypriot Turks), Akdeniz Haber Ajansı Yayınları, Istanbul, 2001. 10 These are works (which are not peer-reviewed) by Petros Papapolyviou, including: (ed.), Εμμανουήλ Μ. Εμμανουήλ, Ημερολόγιον ή Πολεμικαί Σελίδες: Το ημερολόγιο ενός Κύπριου εθελοντή του ελληνοβουλγαρικού πολέμου του 1913 (Emmanuel M. Emmanuel, diary or war pages: The Diary of a Cypriot volun- teer in the Greek-Bulgarian War of 1913), Germanos, Salonica, 1996; Η Κύπρος και οι Βαλκανικοί πόλεμοι: Συμβολή στην ιστορία του κυπριακού εθελοντισμού (Cyprus and the Balkan Wars: Contribution to the history of Cypriot volunteerism), Nicosia, 1997, (ed.), Πολεμικά Ημερολόγια, επιστολές και ανταποκρίσεις Κυπρίων εθελοντών από την Ήπειρο και τη Μακεδονία του 1912–1913 (War Diaries, letters and responses of Cypriot volunteers from Epirus and Macedonia 1912–1913), Nicosia, 1999, «Ο κυπριακός εθελοντισμός στους πολέμους της Ελλάδας,1866–1945» (‘Cypriot Volunteerism in the Wars of Greece, 1866–1945’), in Andreas I. Voskos (ed.), Κύπρος: Αγώνες ελευθερίας στην ελληνική ιστορία (Cyprus: Struggles for Freedom in Greek History), Athens, 2010, 204–29. 11 Morgan, Sweet and Bitter Island,67–94. See my review, The Cyprus Review, 23(2), 2011, 149–54; Heraclidou, ‘Cyprus’s Non-military Contribution’; Andre- kos Varnava, ‘The Impact of the Cypriot Contribution during the Great War on Colonial Society and Loyalties/Disloyalties to the British Empire’, First World War Studies, 8(1), 2017, 17–36. 12 Varnava, British Imperialism in Cyprus, 1878–1915. Gail Hook, Protectorate Cyprus: British Imperial Power before World War I, I.B. Tauris, London, 2015. 13 Varnava, Serving the Empire in the Great War. 14 My book chapters and articles are: Andrekos Varnava, ‘European Subaltern War Asses: “Service” or “Employment” in the Cypriot Mule Corps during the Great War?’, Britain and the World, 10(1), March 2017, 6–31; Andrekos Var- nava, ‘Fighting Asses: Procuring Mules in Cyprus and their Condition at the Salonica Front’, War in History, 23(4), 2016, 489–515; Andrekos Varnava, ‘The Politics and Imperialism of Colonial and Foreign Volunteer Legions during the Great War: Comparing Proposals for Cypriot, Armenian and Jewish Legions’, War in History, 22(3), 2015, 344–63; Andrekos Varnava, ‘Famagusta during the Great War: From Backwater to Bustling’, (ed.) Michael Walsh, Fama- gusta: City of Empires, 1571–960, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015, 91–111; Andrekos Varnava, ‘Recruitment and Volunteerism for the Cypriot Mule Corps, 1916–19’, Itinerario, 38(3), 2014, 79–101; Andrekos Varnava, ‘British Military Intelligence in Cyprus during the Great War’, War in History, 19(3), July 2012, 353–78. 15 Georghallides, A Political and Administrative History of Cyprus. 16 Ibid, 88–9. 12 Introduction 17 Andrekos Varnava, Response to Dr Hubert Faustmann’s Review of British Imperialism in Cyprus, 1878–1915: The Inconsequential Possession, Reviews in History, Institute of Historical Research, London, January 2010. 18 For a useful discussion see Andrekos Varnava, ‘El Dorados, Utopias and Dys- topias in Imperialism and Colonial Settlement’, Andrekos Varnava (ed.), Imper- ial Expectations and Realities: El Dorados, Utopias and Dystopias, Manchester University Press, 2015, 1–25. 19 Robert Holland, European Decolonization 1918–1981: An Introductory Survey, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1985. 20 Ronald Hyam, Britain’s Declining Empire: The Road to Decolonisation, 1918–1968, Cambridge University Press, 2006. 21 Antoinette Burton, The Trouble with Empire: Challenges to Modern British Imperialism, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2015. 22 John MacKenzie, ‘The First World War and the Cultural, Political, and Environ- mental Transformation of the British Empire’, Walsh and Varnava (eds.), The Great War and the British Empire,23–38. 23 Andrekos Varnava, ‘British and Greek Liberalism and Imperialism in the Long Nineteenth Century’, (ed.) Matthew Fitzpatrick, Liberal Imperialism in Europe in the Long Nineteenth Century, Studies in Intellectual and Cultural History, Pal- grave Macmillan, London, 2012, 219–40. 24 John Darwin, Britain and Decolonisation: The Retreat from Empire in the Post- War World, London, 1988, 82. 25 Iliya Marovich-Old, ‘Nationalism as Resistance to Colonialism: A Comparative Look at Malta and Cyprus from 1919 to 1940’, Thekla Kyritsi and Nikos Chris- tofis (eds.), Cypriot Nationalisms in Context, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 261–81. 26 Sir Charles Lucas, The Empire at War, V, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1926. 27 Georghallides, A Political and Administrative History of Cyprus,88–102; Michael J. K. Walsh and Andrekos Varnava, ‘Australia and the Great War: Identity, Memory, and Mythology’, Michael J. K. Walsh and Andrekos Varnava (ed.), Australia and the Great War: Identity, Memory and Mythology, Melbourne Uni- versity Press, Melbourne, 2016, 1–22. 28 Robert Gerwarth, The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917–1923, Allen Lane, London, 2016. 29 The connection between the Great War, the events of 1931 and 1934, and the formation of EOKA are the subject of my ongoing research. 30 See generally Constantine Spyridakis, A Brief History of Cyprus, Greek Commu- nal Chamber, Nicosia, 1963 (2nd edition, 1964); Costas Kyrris, Peaceful Co- existence in Cyprus under British Rule (1878–1959) and after Independence, PIO, Nicosia, 1977; Costas Kyrris, History of Cyprus, Nicocles, Nicosia, 1985. 31 Stavroula Philippou and Andrekos Varnava, ‘Constructions of Solution(s) to the Cyprus Problem: Exploring Formal Curricula in Greek-Cypriot State Schools’, Andrekos Varnava and Hubert Faustmann (eds.), Reunifying Cyprus: The Annan Plan and Beyond, I.B. Tauris, London, 2009, 194–212. 32 See Andrekos Varnava, ‘The State of Cypriot Minorities: Cultural Diversity, Internal- Exclusion and the Cyprus “Problem”’, The Cyprus Review, 22(2), 2010, 205–18. 33 Kyrris, Peaceful Co-existence in Cyprus under British Rule. 34 See Mehmet Yashin, Step-Mothertongue From Nationalism to Multiculturalism: Lit- eratures of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, Middlesex University Press, London, 2000; Yiannis Papadakis, Nicos Peristianis and Gisela Welz (eds.), Divided Cyprus: Mod- ernity, History, and an Island in Conflict, University of Indiana, 2006 and my review, The Cyprus Review, 18(2), 2006, 167–72; Varnava, ‘The State of Cypriot Minorities’. 35 Andrekos Varnava and Christalla Yakinthou, ‘Cyprus: Political Modernity and Structures of Democracy in a Divided Island’, (eds.) John Loughlin, Frank Introduction 13 Hendriks and Anders Lidström, The Oxford Handbook of Local and Regional Democracy in Europe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2011, 455–77. 36 Stathis Gourgouris, Dream Nation: Enlightenment, Colonization, and the Institu- tion of Modern Greece, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1996. 37 Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchman: The Mobilization of Rural France, 1879–1914, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1976. 38 Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the late-Victorian Empire, Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 2010. 39 See Varnava, British Imperialism in Cyprus, 1878–1915,152–201; Alexis Rappas, Cyprus in the Thirties: British Colonial Rule and the Roots of the Cyprus Conflict, I.B. Tauris, London, 2014, 88–122; Yiannos Katsourides, The Greek Cypriot Nationalist Right in the Era of British Colonialism, Springer, Cham, Switzerland, 2017. 40 Andrekos Varnava and Evan Smith, ‘Destitute Cypriots Abroad, 1914–1931’, (eds.) Philip Payton and Andrekos, Australia, Migration and Empire – Immigrants in a Globalised World, Palgrave, London, forthcoming 2019. 41 See the Journal of Peasant Studies and the work of Tom Brass and Henry Bernstein. 42 See G. C. Spivak, ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’, C. Nelson, L. Grossberg (eds.), Marx- ism and the Interpretation of Culture, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1988; V. Lal, ‘Review: Subaltern Studies and Its Critics: Debates Over Indian History’, History and Theory, 40(1), 2001, 135–48; D. Chakrabarty, Habitations of Modernity: Essays in the Wake of Subaltern Studies, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2002; H. Singh, ‘Caste, Class and Peasant Agency in Subaltern Studies Discourse: Revisionist Historiog- raphy, Elite Ideology’, Journal of Peasant Studies, 30(1), 2002, 91–134. 43 Spivak, ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’, 271, 283. 44 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture, Routledge, London, 2008, 5. 45 Michael Herzfeld, Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece, University of Texas Press, Austin, 1982; Michael Herzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987. 46 Varnava, British Imperialism in Cyprus,22–4, 152–201; Andrekos Varnava, ‘Sophronios III, 1865–1900: The Last of the “Old” and the First of the “New” Archbishop-Ethnarchs?’, Varnava and Michael (eds.), The Archbishop’sof Cyprus in the Modern Age, 106–47. 47 Milica Bakic-Hayden, ‘Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia’, Slavic Review, 54(4), 1995, 917–31. 48 Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997. 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