Sporting Nationalism and Turkish-German Ethno-Comedy: Tiger’S “Süper EM-Stüdyo”
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Democracy's Graveyards?
review Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing Cambridge University Press: Cambridge 2005, £18.99, paperback 584 pp, 0 521 53854 8 Dylan Riley DEMOCRACY’S GRAVEYARDS? The murderous ‘ethnic cleansing’ of civilian populations remains one of the unexplained scandals of world history, although such events seem to have occurred almost as frequently as social revolutions. Over the past 150 years alone, mass killings of indigenous groups by colonial or settler states, of Armenians by Turkish forces and their allies, of Jews by the Nazis, of Tutsis by Hutus, have far exceeded any rational military or economic calculation. But historical and comparative sociology has had relatively little to say about these deeds. Debate about the causes of ethnic cleansing is instead domi- nated by ahistorical and individualistic models. Michael Mann’s impressive The Dark Side of Democracy makes a giant step toward specifying the concrete social structures and circumstances that produce such results. Its scale is vast—over 500 pages of dense theorization and historical narrative, encom- passing a temporal arc that stretches from ancient Assyria to the Rwandan genocide—while its unforgettable analyses of perpetrators and their actions display an almost ethno-methodological sensibility to the micro-foundations of social life, a new dimension for this master of the grand narrative. It is a major achievement. The Dark Side of Democracy’s mass of historical evidence is marshalled to test a strikingly bold central thesis: that ethnic cleansing is the dark side of democracy, in the sense that the latter is premised on the creation of an ethnic community that ‘trumps’ or ‘displaces’ class divisions. -
CAUSES of WORLD WAR I Objective: Analyze the Causes of World War I
CAUSES of WORLD WAR I Objective: Analyze the causes of World War I. Do Now: What are some holidays during which people celebrate pride in their national heritage? Causes of World War I - MANIA M ilitarism – policy of building up strong military forces to prepare for war Alliances - agreements between nations to aid and protect one another ationalism – pride in or devotion to one’s Ncountry I mperialism – when one country takes over another country economically and politically Assassination – murder of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand Causes of WWI - Militarism Total Defense Expenditures for the Great Powers [Ger., A-H, It., Fr., Br., Rus.] in millions of £s (British pounds). 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1914 94 130 154 268 289 398 1910-1914 Increase in Defense Expenditures France 10% Britain 13% Russia 39% Germany 73% Causes of WWI - Alliances Triple Entente: Triple Alliance: Great Britain Germany France Austria-Hungary Russia Italy Causes of WWI - Nationalism Causes of WWI - Nationalism Pan-Germanism - movement to unify the people of all German speaking countries Germanic Countries Austria * Luxembourg Belgium Netherlands Denmark Norway Iceland Sweden Germany * Switzerland * Liechtenstein United * Kingdom * = German speaking country Causes of WWI - Nationalism Pan-Slavism - movement to unify all of the Slavic people Imperialism: European conquest of Africa Causes of WWI - Imperialism Causes of WWI - Imperialism The “Spark” Causes of WWI - Assassination Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand visited the city of Sarajevo in Bosnia – a country that was under the control of Austria. Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Duchess Sophie in Sarajevo, Bosnia, on June 28th, 1914. Causes of WWI - Assassination Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were killed in Bosnia by a Serbian nationalist who believed that Bosnia should belong to Serbia. -
Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union's
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union’s East Border Brie, Mircea and Horga, Ioan and Şipoş, Sorin University of Oradea, Romania 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44082/ MPRA Paper No. 44082, posted 31 Jan 2013 05:28 UTC ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER ETHNICITY, CONFESSION AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AT THE EUROPEAN UNION EASTERN BORDER Mircea BRIE Ioan HORGA Sorin ŞIPOŞ (Coordinators) Debrecen/Oradea 2011 This present volume contains the papers of the international conference Ethnicity, Confession and Intercultural Dialogue at the European Union‟s East Border, held in Oradea between 2nd-5th of June 2011, organized by Institute for Euroregional Studies Oradea-Debrecen, University of Oradea and Department of International Relations and European Studies, with the support of the European Commission and Bihor County Council. CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY STUDIES Mircea BRIE Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Dialogue in the European Border Space.......11 Ioan HORGA Ethnicity, Religion and Intercultural Education in the Curricula of European Studies .......19 MINORITY AND MAJORITY IN THE EASTERN EUROPEAN AREA Victoria BEVZIUC Electoral Systems and Minorities Representations in the Eastern European Area........31 Sergiu CORNEA, Valentina CORNEA Administrative Tools in the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Ethnic Minorities .............................................................................................................47 -
Helmut Walser Smith, "Nation and Nationalism"
Smith, H. Nation and Nationalism pp. 230-255 Jonathan Sperber., (2004) Germany, 1800-1870, Oxford: Oxford University Press Staff and students of University of Warwick are reminded that copyright subsists in this extract and the work from which it was taken. This Digital Copy has been made under the terms of a CLA licence which allows you to: • access and download a copy; • print out a copy; Please note that this material is for use ONLY by students registered on the course of study as stated in the section below. All other staff and students are only entitled to browse the material and should not download and/or print out a copy. This Digital Copy and any digital or printed copy supplied to or made by you under the terms of this Licence are for use in connection with this Course of Study. You may retain such copies after the end of the course, but strictly for your own personal use. All copies (including electronic copies) shall include this Copyright Notice and shall be destroyed and/or deleted if and when required by University of Warwick. Except as provided for by copyright law, no further copying, storage or distribution (including by e-mail) is permitted without the consent of the copyright holder. The author (which term includes artists and other visual creators) has moral rights in the work and neither staff nor students may cause, or permit, the distortion, mutilation or other modification of the work, or any other derogatory treatment of it, which would be prejudicial to the honour or reputation of the author. -
The Sociology of Ethnic Conflicts: Comparative International Perspectives
Annual Review of Sociology Annual 1994 v20 p49(31) Page 1 The sociology of ethnic conflicts: comparative international perspectives. by Robin M. Williams Jr. Oppositions and deadly conflicts among ethnic collectivities are important around the world. Ethnies (our term for ethnic groups) also strongly affect interstate relations. Both interethnic and ethnic-state conflicts tend to be severe, protracted, and intractable. At the extremes, the stakes are total: survival versus genocide. Competition and rivalry for individualized economic and political goods are important, but the most intense conflicts are to be expected when the stakes are collective goods, including categorical claims to prestige and political authority. States are major actors in creating, accentuating, or diminishing ethnic identities. States are both arenas of rivalry and conflict and resources for ethnic mobilization and counter-mobilization. Because both ethnies and states are diverse, careful specification is required for fruitful analysis. The same dictum applies for the diverse types of oppositions and of conflicts. Ethnic conflicts arise from complex combinations of ethnic strength, class, inequality, political opportunity, mobilization resources, interdependence, and international interventions. Frequent but nonviolent protests, for example, are most likely by organized collectivities with substantial resources, operating in relatively open political systems. International aid to parties in domestic conflicts appears to prolong and intensify ethnic struggles. Research in this field contends with many difficulties, and one-sided theories do not fare well. Yet abundant descriptive materials are available, statistical techniques are improving, conceptual clarification continues, and substantive knowledge does accumulate. Accordingly, there is hope for better understanding of some of the most destructive and tragic conflicts of our times. -
The German Influence on the Life and Thought of W.E.B. Dubois. Michaela C
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 2001 The German influence on the life and thought of W.E.B. DuBois. Michaela C. Orizu University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Orizu, Michaela C., "The German influence on the life and thought of W.E.B. DuBois." (2001). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2566. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2566 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON THE LIFE AND THOUGHT OF W. E. B. DU BOIS A Thesis Presented by MICHAELA C. ORIZU Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS February 2001 Political Science THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON THE LIE AND THOUGHT OF W. E. B. DU BOIS A Master’s Thesis Presented by MICHAELA C. ORIZU Approved as to style and content by; Dean Robinson, Chair t William Strickland, Member / Jerome Mileur, Member ad. Department of Political Science ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I like would to thank my advisors William Strickland and Dean Robinson for their guidance, insight and patient support during this project as well as for the inspiring classes they offered. Many thanks also to Prof. Jerome Mileur for taking interest in my work and joining my thesis committee at such short notice. -
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff, the Governing Board and the Scientific Council are international. The Governing Board and the Scientific Council are not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, MP, Chairman (Sweden) Sir Brian Urquhart, Vice Chairman (United Kingdom) Professor Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Gyula Horn (Hungary) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Pipers väg 28, S-170 73 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict Threats to European Security SIPRI Research Report No. 5 Stephen Iwan Griffiths OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1993 Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Kuala Lumpur Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland Madrid and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © SIPRI 1993 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. -
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience. -
The Policy of Multicultural Education in Russia: Focus on Personal Priorities
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL & SCIENCE EDUCATION 2016, VOL. 11, NO. 18, 12613-12628 OPEN ACCESS THE POLICY OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN RUSSIA: FOCUS ON PERSONAL PRIORITIES a a Natalya Yuryevna Sinyagina , Tatiana Yuryevna Rayfschnayder , a Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, RUSSIA, ABSTRACT The article contains the results of the study of the current state of multicultural education in Russia. The history of studying the problem of multicultural education has been analyzed; an overview of scientific concepts and research of Russian scientists in the sphere of international relations, including those conducted under defended theses, and the description of technologies of multicultural education in Russia (review of experience, programs, curricula and their effectiveness) have been provided. The ways of the development of multicultural education in Russia have been described. Formulation of the problem of the development of multicultural education in the Russian Federation is currently associated with a progressive trend of the inter- ethnic and social differentiation, intolerance and intransigence, which are manifested both in individual behavior (adherence to prejudices, avoiding contacts with the "others", proneness to conflict) and in group actions (interpersonal aggression, discrimination on any grounds, ethnic conflicts, etc.). A negative attitude towards people with certain diseases, disabilities, HIV-infected people, etc., is another problem at the moment. This situation also -
Regionalism, Federalism and Nationalism in the German Empire Siegfried Weichlein
6 Regionalism, Federalism and Nationalism in the German Empire Siegfried Weichlein i{t•gions and regionalism had a great impact on developments in nineteenth ' ·t•ntury Germany. The century began with a genuine territorial revolution in Pebruary 1803 that ended the iridependent history of hundreds of regional states and brought their number down to 34. After several hundred years of rl'lative continuity this was a clear break with the past. Bringing the number t ,r German states down further to 27 and taking away much of their indepen dence with the unification of Germany in 1871 was then a comparatively small step. What had begun in the late eighteenth century- the dissoci ation of territory and political power- reached a certain climax in 1803. Early-modern small state particularism, nevertheless, had a Iasting impact on regionalism as well as nationalism. Deprived of their political power the old German states still fastered a sense of the 'federative nation' (föderative Nation). 1 Regional identity was therefore still a veritable cultural and political rorce which could support a call for federalism. Regions could be coextensive with a state, but also exist below the states and between them. A good example is the Palatinate. Since the late eighteenth century it belonged politically and administratively to Bavaria. Culturally and to a certain extent politically, however, representatives of the Palatinate kept their distance fram the capital Munich. In this the Palatinate did not stand alone. Many sub-state regionalisms explicitly or implicitly referred to their political borders before the French Revolution. Regions like Lower Franconia araund Würzburgor Westfalen araund Münster had been former bishoprics that had lost their political independence under Napoleon. -
Explaining the Decline of Ethnic Conflict: Was Gurr Right and for The
Explaining the Decline of Ethnic Conflict: Was Gurr Right and For the Right Reasons?∗ Lars-Erik Cedermany1, Kristian Skrede Gleditschz2, and Julian Wucherpfennigx3,1 1ETH Zurich,¨ Switzerland 2University of Essex, United Kingdom & Peace Research Institute Oslo, Norway 3University College London, United Kingdom August 22, 2014 Abstract In recent years, scholars have detected a decrease of political violence, although these claims have not remained unopposed. As a contribution to this debate, the current study revisits a somewhat older controversy that traces conflict trends after the end of the Cold War. Responding to the many ominous predictions of surging ethnic warfare, Gurr (2000a) presented evidence of a pacifying trend since the mid-1990s and predicted a further decline in ethnic conflict. We leverage more recent data on ethnic groups to evaluate if Gurr was right about the decline of ethnic conflict, and if he was right for the right reasons. Following his explanatory conjecture, we assess whether there has indeed been an increase in govern- ments’ accommodative policies toward ethnic groups and whether such changes drove the decline of ethnic civil war. All in all, we find strong evidence for an account of the pacifying trend that stresses the granting of group rights, regional autonomy and inclusion in power sharing, as well as general democratisation and peacekeeping. In response to pessimistic projections about emerging chaos and conflict around the world, recent studies detect a steady decrease in political violence. In a magisterial survey, Pinker (2011) argues that the current trend toward pacification should be seen as a part of a general “civilizing process” that has its origins in prehistoric times. -
Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis
WHY DO ETHNIC GROUPS ReBEL? New Data and Analysis By LaRS-ERIK CedeRMAN, ANDREAS WIMMER, and BRIAN MIN* ESPITE its fundamental role in legitimizing the modern state Dsystem, nationalism has rarely been linked to the outbreak of po- litical violence in the recent literature on ethnic conflict and civil war. To a large extent, this is because the state is absent from many conven- tional theories of ethnic conflict. Indeed, some studies analyze conflict between ethnic groups under conditions of state failure, thus making the absence of the state the very core of the causal argument. Others assume that the state is ethnically neutral and try to relate ethnodemo- graphic measures, such as fractionalization and polarization, to civil war. In contrast to these approaches, we analyze the state as an institu- tion that is captured to different degrees by representatives of particular ethnic communities, and thus we conceive of ethnic wars as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. While our work relates to a rich research tradition that links the causes of such conflicts to the mobilization of ethnic minorities, it also goes beyond this tradition by introducing a new data set that addresses some of the shortcomings of this tradition. Our analysis is based on the Ethnic Power Relations data set (EPR ), which covers all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to power around the world from 1946 through 2005. This data set improves significantly on the widely used Minorities at Risk data set, which restricts its sample to mobilized *Correspondence should be directed to Lars-Erik Cederman ([email protected]).