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Competition theory of racial groups enter a population, competition for limited resources ought to increase (all else ethnic/racial conflict and being equal). Economic contraction further protest intensifies competition over increasingly scarce resources, raising the potential that dominant SUSAN OLZAK groups will restrain or exclude less powerful Competition theory of race and ethnic con- competitors (Olzak 1992). This argument also flict specifies three mechanisms under which implies that marketplace competition will raise racial/ethnic conflict and protest occurs. The perceptions that unfair competition is occur- first reflects a familiar “racial threat” argument, ring (Bobo & Hutchings 1996), increasing the suggesting that the magnitude of response by chances that tensions will spill over into vio- dominant groups depends on the timing and lence. size of the incoming group and on the clarity Specification of economic competition pro- of ethnic distinctions made between newcomers cesses that spark ethnic conflict depend upon and residents (Blalock 1967). Thus, particularly the distribution of members of different eth- large and concentrated waves of newcomers nic and racial groups into productive niches perceived as ethnically or racially distinct are (Hannan 1979). Economic competition rises especially likely to receive a hostile response. to the extent that niche overlap occurs. This Furthermore, as migration and immigration of happens when new groups invade another’s distinct ethnic and racial populations surge, niche, which can be fueled by in-migration, the potential for protest or violence directed economic contraction, or upward mobility of against ethnically distinct newcomers becomes a disadvantaged group. Conflict arises when more likely (Koopmans & Olzak 2004). members resist the entry of members of an The literature has also identified other strate- ethnically distinct group into their niche. gies for containing ethnic/racial competition. A third mechanism by which competition For example, Lieberson (1982) and Massey and processes spark protest and conflict concerns Denton (1994) analyze residential and occu- the political/power domain. This line of argu- pational segregation as alternative strategies ment from competition theory emphasizes for constraining competition and maintaining that mobilization arises when newcomers pose racial dominance (see also Bonacich 1972). threats to the power balance and political control In this view, the magnitude of response – in by dominant groups. In this view, powerful the form of violence, repression, or residen- ethnic groups mobilize collective action in tial discrimination directed toward a racial response to a potential loss in political control minority – depends upon the pace of change (Olzak 1992; Tolnay & Beck 1995). Such and the relative size of the populations charac- power-threats may be instigated by a recent terizing these demographic shifts. arrival of a racially or ethnically distinct The second dimension of competition the- population (to a city, state, or country) that ory emphasizes forces of economic competition threatens the political balance, or by a sudden among ethnic and racial populations. Scholars shift in political opportunities afforded by who emphasize the economic aspects of com- new or expanded voting rights. In this view, petition theory of ethnic/racial conflict express politically threatened groups will mobilize these ideas in terms of the interplay between against such changes in an effort to restore the two types of boundaries: ethnic boundaries and status quo. Using this perspective, lynching productive niches (Barth 1969). As ethnic and and ethnic violence, anti-immigration protest, The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, Edited by David A. Snow, Donatella della Porta, Bert Klandermans, and Doug McAdam. © 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781405198431.wbespm043 2 competition theory of ethnic/racial conflict and protest disenfranchisement, racial gaps in arrests and salience of the mulatto–black boundary lines incarceration can all can be understood as a during this same period. Others have explored response to real or perceived threats activated how the dynamics of pan-ethnic boundaries by a minority population’s increased political may be related to competition processes (e.g., leverage. Kim & White 2010). While distinguishing the demographic, eco- Competition theories have also explored nomic, and political features of competition is the conditions under which ethnic and racial analytically useful, in practice they often occur protest occurs. For example, competition together and are mutually reinforcing. Thus, theory has been used to analyze anti-busing the economic and power-threat dimensions of protests (Olzak, Shanahan, & West 1994) and ethnic competition are likely to escalate when race riots (Olzak, Shanahan, & McEneaney the surges of immigrants or migrants are large 1996), which have often been characterized in proportion to the size of the native-born as protest. These studies draw on resource population. Furthermore, it appears that even mobilization arguments to suggest that small changes in levels of neighborhood homo- disadvantaged ethnic or racial populations will geneity have substantial impacts on perceptions mobilize when their access to resources rises of racial threat. Residential desegregation also substantially. Competition theory also pro- ignites racial violence, especially in situations vides an explanation for backlash movements where racial homogeneity was initially high that arise in the wake of social movements for (Olzak, Shanahan, & West 1994). expanded civil rights. In this view, dominant Of course, the impact of competition on groups whose power is threatened will mobilize protest and conflict is also shaped by human against disadvantaged groups. If successful, capital factors, such as training, skills, and such practices maintain existing apartheid education that newcomers bring with them. conditions, which heighten the salience of And the nature of citizenship status and vot- ethnic boundaries and further aggravate ethnic ing rights of a population will greatly influence tension. perceptions of political threats to a dominant Forces embedded in globalization have also ethnic population, creating a heightened sense been linked to ethnic competition and conflict. of political competition where political chal- As a result of the uneven exposure to global- lenges are more credible (Koopmans & Statham ization (including increase trade flows, foreign 2000). Finally, there are likely to be threshold direct investment, exposure to the Internet effects of increasing the size of the minor- and other information and social technolo- ity population, above which additions to a gies), competition among ethnic groups rises, minority population are no longer perceived as as does the salience of ethnic boundaries. Exist- threatening (Keen & Jacobs 2009). ing violations in the form of ethnic exclusion Forces of racial/ethnic competition have the from educational or political opportunities capacity to expand and contract group bound- likely encourages ethnic protest challenging aries that can effectively redefine race/ethnic state authorities (Olzak 2006; Wimmer, Ceder- identities. For example, Olzak and Shanahan man, & Min 2009; Olzak 2011). Whether real (2003) find that the rate of attacks on African- or perceived, ethnic inequalities in exposure Americans around the turn of the nineteenth to globalization ought to generate ethnic dis- century in US cities systematically rose when content, which in turn increases the likelihood major court decisions increasingly rested upon that violent insurgent movements will become the court’s ability to draw distinctions between organized along ethnic lines. white versus black identities. Gullickson (2010) has also documented how occupational dif- ferences (and racial threats from declining SEE ALSO: Ethnic movements; Globalization and differences) help to explain variation in the movements; Racist social movements; Riots. competition theory of ethnic/racial conflict and protest 3 REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS Lieberson, S. (1982) Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880. University of California Barth, F. (1969) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Sage, Press, Berkeley. Los Angeles. Massey, D., and Denton, N. (1994) American Blalock, H. (1967) Toward a Theory of Minority Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Groups Relations. Wiley, Berkeley. Underclass. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Bobo, L., and Hutchings, V. (1996) Percep- MA. tions of racial group competition: Extending Olzak, S. (1992) The Dynamics of Ethnic Competition Blumer’s theory of group position to a multiracial and Conflict. Stanford University Press, Stanford, social context. American Sociological Review 61, CA. 951–972. Olzak, S. (2006) The Global Dynamics of Racial and Bonacich, E. (1972) A theory of ethnic antagonism: Ethnic Mobilization. Stanford University Press, The split labor market. American Sociological Stanford, CA. Review 37, 547–559. Olzak. S. (2011) Does globalization breed ethnic Gullickson, A. (2010) Racial boundary formation discontent? Journal of Conflict Resolution 55(1), at the dawn of Jim Crow: The determinants and 3–32. effects of black/mulatto occupational differences Olzak, S., and Shanahan, S. (2003) Racial policy in the United States, 1880. American Journal of and racial conflict in the urban United
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