A Current Look from Catalonia REVISTA D’ETNOLOGIA DE CATALUNYA Número 40

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Anthropology and ethnological heritage: a current look from Catalonia REVISTA D’ETNOLOGIA DE CATALUNYA Número 40. Juny de 2015 Edició / Publisher Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya Direcció General de Cultura Popular, Associacionisme i Acció Culturals Ministry of Culture of the Generalitat of Catalonia (Catalan government), Directorate General of Popular Culture, Associations and Cultural Action Editor / Editor Lluís Puig i Gordi Consell de redacció / Editorial Board Roger Costa Solé Rafel Folch Monclús Coordinació editorial / Publisher Coordination Cristina Farran Morenilla Verònica Guarch Llop Realització editorial i disseny gràfic / Publisher execution and Graphic design Entitat Autònoma del Diari Oficial i de Publicacions de la Generalitat de Catalunya Contacte / Contact Direcció General de Cultura Popular, Associacionisme i Acció Culturals Plaça Salvador Seguí, 1-9 08001, Barcelona Telèfon 93 316 27 20 Fax 93 567 10 02 [email protected] http://gencat.cat/cultura/cpt

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The opinions expressed in the works published are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views, either of the Magazine or of the Ministry of Culture.

Dipòsit legal / Legal deposit: B-46.605-2010 ISSN: 2014-6310 COMPILATION 3

Lluís Puig i Gordi Director General de Cultura Popular, Associacionisme i Acció Culturals. Departament de Cultura. Generalitat de Catalunya Director General of Popular Culture, Associations and Cultural Action Ministry of Culture of the Generalitat of Catalonia (Catalan government)

he Revista d’Etnologia including song, dance, law, material culture, and so on. de Catalunya (Catalo- Folklore, or to be more precise, folklore studies, is a field nian Journal of Eth- literally thousands of people in the Catalan Countries nology) was founded are dedicated to, in many cases as amateurs, in the study in 1992 as a scientific of a great variety of expression of popular culture. The publication of the Obra del Cançoner Popular de Catalunya (The Popular Ministry of Culture Catalan Songbook), from the years 1922-1936, exempli- of the Generalitat of fies this period perfectly. This task, which was sponsored Catalonia (Catalan by a private patron, began its archive of Catalan popular government), with the song by going back to compilations done at the end of goal of becoming an open forum in Catalan ethnology. the 19th century and in the early 20th century by various The term “ethnology” at that time included a diversity well-known folklore experts, though soon after it would of perspectives in the discipline in relation to Catalan involve hundreds of anonymous collaborators who went Tculture, each with a longstanding presence in Catalo- out into the streets and squares of the Catalan linguistic nia. On the one hand there was the most recent, that of area to personally document the songs sung by people modern academic anthropology, which had entered Spain everywhere. The result was a total of 25,000 cards cor- through Catalonia by means of Claudi Esteva Fabregat at responding to an equivalent number of popular songs. the end of the 1960s, and was institutionalized in 1972 The massive work done by folklore researchers also gave us with the creation of the Full Professorship of Cultural many testimonies in the form of compilations and essays, Anthropology at the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters creating a school that has come down to our day. In the of the University of Barcelona. There also was, at the meantime, there was the creation of the Ethnography and same time, the field generically understood by the term Folklore Archive at the University of Barcelona in 1915, “Popular Culture”, intimately tied to folklore studies. with particular mention to the journal Estudis i Materials This discipline has a long and important tradition since (Studies and Materials), the first such publication of an the second half of the 19th century in Catalonia and academic character to spread word of research in Catalan throughout its linguistic and cultural area of influence. culture. Unfortunately, only two issues ended up being At first it focussed on questions related to language, and published, from 1916 and 1918; however, its presence then set about including other cultural manifestations, confirms the vigour and quality of the open, modernizing 4 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

character that ethnographic research has historically had issue can be found in Catalan, the language of the coun- in Catalonia. try and the journal itself, as well as in English, while the articles in the specialized dossiers feature abstracts in Catalan and English. Technological changes and glo- Since 1992, then, the Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya has balization, however, have altered the conception of the been an invaluable voice for Catalan ethnological research. journal. From its original publication on paper it has gone Yet it does not only deal with Catalonia. The journal has to being a digital publication openly available online, from the start been open to a great diversity of subjects which has exponentially increased its public potential. from around the world. This is clearly seen in a diversity For this reason we have chosen to release this issue entirely of thematic dossiers, as well as in miscellaneous articles in English, with 15 previously-published articles along published by researchers from Catalonia, Spain and the with an original text on the Institute Ramon Muntaner, world over. Together with the thematic dossiers, research a private foundation patronized by the Generalitat of funded by the Ministry of Culture of the Generalitat of Catalonia, whose objective is the spread and support of Catalonia and that done in the context of the research research projects and the cultural promotion of Catalan- program of the Inventory of Ethnographic Heritage of language study centres, dedicated to the study of local Catalonia has always had space in the journal, with its ethnology, amongst other questions. The selection of presence growing in size and importance in parallel to the the articles has been made on the basis of criteria of Inventory’s consolidation as the leading research program representation, diversity and quality, as well as current in Catalan ethnology. interest, given that the oldest was published in 2006, when the journal had already been active for 14 years. Furthermore, from the very start the Revista d’Etnologia It is our hope that this issue might be useful for readers de Catalunya has sought to look at the world from the both in allowing for greater understanding of certain perspective of Catalan ethnology, with the world simul- aspects of Catalan society and in increasing knowledge taneously able to see what is happening in this field in of subject areas that world academic anthropology has Catalonia. For this reason the table of contents of each been particularly interested in. n

a Revista d’Etnologia de logia acadèmica, que havia entrat a l’Estat espanyol per Catalunya naixia el 1992 Catalunya de la mà de Claudi Esteva Fabregat a finals de com una publicació de la dècada de 1960 i que es va institucionalitzar el 1972 caràcter científic del Depar- amb la creació de la Càtedra d’Antropologia Cultural tament de Cultura de la de la Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres de la Universitat de Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona. Hi havia també, però, tot aquell món que amb l’objectiu d’esdevenir genèricament coneixem com el de la “Cultura Popular”, una tribuna oberta a l’etno- íntimament lligat amb els estudis de folklore. Es tracta logia catalana. La paraula aquesta d’una disciplina amb molta tradició des de la “etnologia” incloïa llavors segona meitat del segle xix a Catalunya i a tota la seva diverses mirades disciplinàries sobre la cultura catalana àrea lingüística i cultural, que primer va centrar la seva que comptaven amb una llarga trajectòria a Catalunya. atenció en la llengua per després anar encabint en el seu LD’una banda, la més recent, la de la moderna antropo- focus altres manifestacions de la cultura: la cançó, el ball, COMPILATION 5 el dret, la cultura material... El folklore o, més ben dit, els Generalitat de Catalunya i les realitzades en el marc del estudis sobre el folklore, han ocupat milers de persones a programa de recerca de l’Inventari del Patrimoni Etno- tots els Països Catalans, molts d’ells de manera amateur, lògic de Catalunya han tingut sempre un espai reservat, en la recerca de les manifestacions més diverses de la un espai i un protagonisme que han experimentat un cultura popular pròpia. L’Obra del Cançoner Popular de creixement paral·lel al de la seva consolidació com –aquest Catalunya (1922-1936) exemplifica a la perfecció aquesta darrer– el programa de recerca de referència sobre l’et- etapa. Aquesta empresa patrocinada per un mecenes pri- nologia catalana. vat va començar l’arxiu de cançó popular catalana amb reculls aplegats a finals del segle xix i principis del xx per També des del principi la Revista d’Etnologia de Cata- diversos folkloristes reconeguts, per tot seguit donar pas lunya ha tingut una clara voluntat de mirar el món des a centenars de col·laboradors anònims que es van llançar de l’etnologia catalana i, a la vegada, que el món pogués a carrers i places d’arreu de l’àrea lingüística catalana per ullar què s’estava fent en aquest camp a Catalunya. Per recollir de viva veu les cançons que cantava llavors la gent. això la taula de continguts de cada número estan en la Resultat: 25.000 cèdules sobre un nombre equivalent de llengua pròpia del país i de la revista, el català, i també cançons populars. La feina ingent dels folkloristes també en anglès, mentre que els articles dels dossiers compten va deixar nombrosíssims testimonis en forma de reculls i amb un resum bilingüe en català i en anglès. Els canvis d’assaigs, i van crear una escola els vestigis de la qual han tecnològics i la globalització, però, han afectat la concep- arribat fins als nostres dies. I entremig, la creació de l’Arxiu ció de la revista. De la seva edició en paper s’ha passat al d’Etnografia i Folklore dins de la Universitat de Barcelona format electrònic disponible en obert a la xarxa, fet que ha l’any 1915, del que cal destacar la seva revista Estudis i multiplicat exponencialment el seu públic potencial. Per Materials, la primera eina de difusió de caràcter científic aquest motiu hem optat per treure aquest número íntegra- de la recerca sobre la cultura catalana. Malauradament ment en llengua anglesa compost per 15 articles publicats només van veure la llum dos números, publicats el 1916 i amb anterioritat més un d’original sobre l’Institut Ramon el 1918, però el seu testimoni dóna compte tant del vigor i Muntaner, fundació privada patrocinada per la Gener- la qualitat com de la vocació oberta i modernitzadora que alitat de Catalunya, la finalitat de la qual és la difusió i el històricament ha tingut la recerca etnològica a Catalunya. suport als projectes d’investigació i de promoció cultural dels centres d’estudis de parla catalana, dedicats entre altres Des de 1992, doncs, la Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya afers a l’estudi de l’etnologia en l’àmbit local. La selec- és un altaveu imprescindible de la recerca etnològica ció dels articles ha seguit un criteri de representativitat, catalana. Però no només sobre Catalunya. La revista ha diversitat i qualitat, així com d’una certa actualitat, atès estat des del primer moment oberta a les temàtiques més que el més antic fou publicat el 2006, quan la revista ja diverses d’arreu del món, i així ha quedat reflectit tant els comptava amb catorze anys de vida. Esperem que aquest seus dossiers monogràfics com en alguns articles miscel· número serveixi al lector tant per copsar alguns aspectes lanis que hi han aparegut publicats, d’autors catalans, de la societat catalana com per augmentar el coneixement espanyols i d’arreu del món. Junt als dossiers temàtics, les de temes sobre els que l’antropologia acadèmica mundial investigacions becades pel Departament de Cultura de la ha prestat especial atenció. n 6 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 Table of contents No. 40 - JUNE 2015

47 Ethnographies on the limit. 107 The Gardens of Ethnographic versatility Industrialization: PRESENTATION and short-circuits before an Example of Symbolic contemporary violence Colonization of the Territory 3 Lluís Puig i Gordi FRANCISCO FERRÁNDIZ PERE CASAS TRABAL Director General of Popular Higher Science Research Council Museu del Ter Culture, Associations and (CSIC) JORDI GRANÉ CASELLAS Cultural Action Museu del Ter 61 The State and Exterminating Violence. In Search of a 114 New Families, New Identities: Formulation of the Elemental A Study on the Structure of Genocide CONTENTS Transformation of the Family JOAN FRIGOLÉ in Barcelona Universitat de Barcelona XAVIER ROIGÉ VENTURA 8 The Ebro Delta Cottages: Universitat de Barcelona One of the Oldest and Most 69 Water in Dry Catalonia. JOAN BESTARD CAMPS Unique Forms of Traditional Historical Water Usage and Universitat de Barcelona Housing in Catalonia Perspectives for Present-day M. CARME QUERALT Evaluation: Case Study of the Museu de les Terres de l’Ebre 119 The Horizontal City. Municipality of Torrebesses, Social Struggle and (Segrià, Western Catalonia), Collective Memory on the 18 Shantytowns in the City of in the Area of Vall Major Fringes of Barcelona Barcelona: Can Valero, IGNASI ALDOMÀ BUIXADÉ STEFANO PORTELLI La Perona and El Carmel Universitat de Lleida Institut Català d’Antropologia Institut Català d’Antropologia XAVI CAMINO VALLHONRAT 79 Traditional Chants 126 The Magmatic Characte of ÒSCAR CASASAYAS GARBÍ in Catalan Pyrenees. Ethnological Heritage FLORA MUÑOZ ROMERO Social Construction of Pyrenean Villages LLORENÇ PRATS PILAR DIAZ GINER Universitat de Barcelona MAX DÍAZ MOLINARO JAUME AYATS BARBERÀ Centre d’Art i Natura in Farrera MERCÈ TATJER MIR 133 Intangible Heritage: CRISTINA LARREA A challenge to the KILLINGER 86 Communities of Knowledge authorised heritage and Information. discourse? Techno-anthropology Work 29 Choirs of the Barceloneta: as a New Science of Design LAURAJANE SMITH from Claverian Choral Australian National University Societies to the Silent Choirs ARTUR SERRA HURTADO i2CAT Foundation JOSEP MARIA SOLÉ 143 Local and regional research SOLDEVILA centres: a community-based 94 ICH Inventories. research network Implementation of the 40 Islamic Rituals in Diaspora: UNESCO Convention M. CARME JIMÉNEZ Muslim Communities FERNÁNDEZ in Catalonia FERRAN ESTRADA BONELL Institut Ramon Muntaner Universitat de Barcelona MARTA ALONSO CABRÉ CAMILA DEL MÁRMOL KHALID GHALI BADA CARTAÑÁ ALBERTO LÓPEZ BARGADOS Universitat de Barcelona JORDI MORERAS PALENZUELA ARIADNA SOLÉ ARRARÀS 7 Sumari NÚM. 40 - JUNY 2015

47 Etnografies al límit. 107 Els jardins de la Versatilitat i curtcircuits industrialització. Un exemple PRESENTACIÓ de l’etnografia davant la de colonització simbòlica del violència contemporània territori 3 Lluís Puig i Gordi FRANCISCO FERRÁNDIZ JORDI GRANÉ Director General de Cultura Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Museu del Ter Popular, Associacionisme Científicas PERE CASAS i Acció Culturals Museu del Ter 61 Estat i violència exterminadora. A la recerca 114 Noves famílies, noves de la formulació d’una identitats. Una recerca sobre estructura elemental del CONTINGUT les transformacions de la genocidi família a Barcelona JOAN FRIGOLÉ XAVIER ROIGÉ VENTURA 8 Les barraques del delta de Universitat de Barcelona Universitat de Barcelona l’Ebre, un dels habitatges JOAN BESTARD CAMPS populars més antics i 69 L’aigua a la Catalunya seca. Universitat de Barcelona singulars de Catalunya El seu aprofitament històric i M. CARME QUERALT les perspectives de valoració 119 La ciutat horitzontal.Lluita Museu de les Terres de l’Ebre actual. Estudi del cas del social i memòria col·lectiva municipi de Torrebesses als marges de Barcelona (Segrià, Western Catalonia) 18 El barraquisme a la ciutat STEFANO PORTELLI de Barcelona. Can Valero, la en el context de la Vall Major Institut Català d’Antropologia Perona i el Carmel IGNASI ALDOMÀ BUIXADÉ Institut Català d’Antropologia Universitat de Lleida 126 El caràcter magmàtic del XAVI CAMINO VALLHONRAT patrimoni etnològic ÒSCAR CASASAYAS GARBÍ 79 Cants tradicionals a l’Alt LLORENÇ PRATS FLORA MUÑOZ ROMERO Pirineu. Construcció social Universitat de Barcelona PILAR DIAZ GINER dels pobles pirinencs MAX DÍAZ MOLINARO JAUME AYATS BARBERÀ Centre d’Art i Natura – Farrera 133 Patrimoni immaterial: un MERCÈ TATJER MIR repte per al discurs de CRISTINA LARREA patrimoni autoritzat? 86 Comunitats de coneixement KILLINGER LAURAJANE SMITH i informació. Tasques de la Universitat Nacional Australiana tecnoantropologia com a 29 Els cors de la Barceloneta: nova ciència del disseny de les societats corals 143 Els centres i instituts claverianes als cors muts ARTUR SERRA HURTADO Fundació i2CAT d’estudis locals i comarcals: JOSEP MARIA SOLÉ una xarxa de recerca des del SOLDEVILA territori 94 Inventaris de PCI. M. CARME JIMÉNEZ L’aplicació de la Convenció FERNÁNDEZ 40 Rituals islàmics en diàspora. de la UNESCO Les comunitats musulmanes Institut Ramon Muntaner a Catalunya FERRAN ESTRADA I BONELL Universitat de Barcelona MARTA ALONSO CABRÉ CAMILA DEL MÁRMOL KHALID GHALI CARTAÑÁ ALBERTO LÓPEZ BARGADOS Universitat de Barcelona JORDI MORERAS PALENZUELA ARIADNA SOLÉ ARRARÀS 8 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Museu de les Terres de l’Ebre They are one of the most ancient and M. Carme Queralt singular housings of Catalonia and Spain. She is an Anthropologist and specialist in museology. Technique It is one of the most important elements of Ethnology in the Terres Ebre Museum. Specialist in Catalan in the rich cultural heritage of the lower ethnologic and intangible heritage. Her work field has been the Ebre Ebro, a unique cultural inheritance, that River Area, especially its ethnologic heritage, and she has brought is necessary to protect and conserve. forward the contents of several Cultural Centres about territory Interpretation. She has also dedicated several books and scientific We have notices since the Middle articles on this subject. Ages, and it experimented an important increase during the XIXth century and the beginnings of the XXth, which is close related with the agricultural colonization of the Delta by rice fields. They were humble and simple constructions: a The Ebro Delta wooden structure with walls made of mud mixed with straw and, once it was dry, whitewashed; a vegetal covert of reed tied with twine, with only one gate, because Cottages: One of ventilation was performed through the cover. Nowadays it has loosen his original function of agricultural warehouse, stable, the Oldest and Most tavern or home of lighthouse keeper, shepherd, peasant, fisherman... to became second home, rural gite, information center and restaurant, and it even has his Unique Forms of own Interpretation Center.

Les barraques són un dels habitatges Traditional Housing més antics i singulars de Catalunya i d’Espanya. Es tracta d’un dels elements més importants del ric patrimoni cultural in Catalonia del baix Ebre, una herència única, que cal protegir i conservar. En tenim notícies des de l’edat mitjana, i va experimentar un increment important durant el segle xix i principis del xx, en paral·lel a la he Ebro Delta cot- The expression “Ebro Delta cottages” colonització agrícola del Delta lligada tages are one of refers to a wide range of popular and a l’extensió del cultiu de l’arròs. Eren the oldest, most traditional constructions with their construccions humils i senzilles: una unique types of tra- own particular typology. They have estructura de fusta amb parets fetes de ditional housing in been used as the temporary and per- fang barrejat amb palla i, un cop seca, emblanquinada; una coberta vegetal de Catalonia. They are manent homes of both fresh and salt- canyes lligades amb cordes, amb només without a doubt one of the most distin- water fishermen, as well as for hunters, una porta, ja que la ventilació es duia a guishedT architectural features of tradi- wardens, farmers and day labourers terme a través de la coberta. Actualment tional heritage along the Ebro River. As in the rice fields, shepherds, common ha perdut la seva funció original de a highly important cultural legacy that labourers, salt workers, ship pilots, sol- magatzem agrícola, estable, taverna o llar de faroners, pastors, pagesos is unique in Catalonia, it is essential diers and lighthouse keepers. In the pescadors... per esdevenir segones that they be protected and preserved. past they were used for a wide range residències, cases rurals, centres These homes have been documented of functions, such as for housing and d’informació o restaurants, i té fins i tot el since the Middle Ages, though it would taverns, and as shelters, warehouses, seu propi Centre d’Interpretació. seem that they especially proliferated stables, corrals and so on. The cottages from the end of the 19th century into used as housing were built in function Keywords: Huts, popular architecture, the early 20th century, coinciding with of specific lines of work, as they were architecture with vegetal cover, ethnological the emergence of rice production on constructed by landowners to house heritage, Ebro Delta the Ebro Delta. Nowadays they are their workers, or by individual families. Paraules clau: barraca, arquitectura used as the homes of farmers, though They were usually found in the midst of tradicional, arquitectura de coberta vegetal, patrimoni etnològic, Delta de l’Ebre they are also employed as information large parcels of land, either spread out centres, restaurants and holiday homes. and dispersed, or gathered together, COMPILATION 9 eventually coming to make up the Catalonia, with the historical cottages Delta cottages to the arrival of families town centres of new municipalities. of the Llobregat River Delta, which from Valencia whose task was to open have disappeared; and in the rest of up the uncultivated lands of the Ebro Their highly simple architectural struc- the country with the cottages found and convert them for agricultural use; ture does not vary to a great degree, in L’Horta and L’Albufera regions of this occurred from the late 19th cen- featuring a rectangular floor plan, a Valencia, in Oriola, Murcia and on tury to the early 20th century. They wooden frame and a peaked roof made the Segura River, as well as those at the have also been traced to the influence of thatch, itself set upon the vertical mouth of the Guadalquivir.2 They also of large crews of day labourers from walls or resting directly on the ground. are related to other cottages that can be Valencia who would travel each year Even so, cottages of this nature found found all over Europe, including those to carry out the then-harsh tasks of in every place of the world will always on the German and Hungarian sec- growing rice, especially in the times have something that sets them apart, tions of the Danube, on the Po in Italy, of planting, weed management and and in the case of the Ebro Delta cot- in the Camargue region in France, on the harvest. tage it is the presence of vertical sup- the Portuguese island of Madeira, or ports with a forked top, which are used others in Siberia. We do not know since when the Ebro to hold up the weight of the roofing, Delta cottages have been built, or what along with the use of what is called a For a number of decades various writ- they were like in the distant past, though solibert, a type of roofing that allows the ers and researchers, both local and for- there is no question that they go back front part of certain family cottages to eign, have related the origin of the Ebro at least to medieval times. By way of be left open.1

History of the Ebro Delta Cottages Like all constructions considered primitive from an architectural point of view, the traditional cottages were rather rudimentary and functional, and were in harmony with the natural environment and landscape they were found in, as they were made with material found in the Delta itself: wood, reeds, clay and brushwood.

For this reason that they can be linked to a millenary tradition found around the world, featuring structurally simple constructions made with organic material and clay from the place of origin. This tradition goes back to the Neolithic period and has been preserved around the world until our day. In the Park of Reconstructions at the Burgundy Archeodrome, we find a reconstructed Neolithic house from the Danube some 4000 years old that has highly similar architectural characteristics to those of the cottages found on the Ebro Delta.

Further to this, the Delta cottages bear a close resemblance to other traditional organic constructions in Spain: in Farmer cottages on the Delta in the 1920s. COLLECTION OF THE ARXIU COMARCAL DEL BAIX EBRE. 10 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 example, we can cite a number of older placements did not vary in any signifi- rary housing: the same cottage could documents. One, from 1338, explains cant way, being altered only in func- be used by fishermen during the week, that in the Oliver salt flats (named after tion of morphological changes to the fortnight or however long the fishing an important family of merchants from Delta itself. In 1557 the Establiments season would last, and would then be Tortosa, who produced and sold this dels Peixadors (the Establishments of abandoned. They were usually five or highly important product in the Mid- Fishermen) refer to the cottages built six metres long and three to four wide, dle Ages), there was a large presence of by members of the Saint Peter’s Fish- their rectangular floor plans setting out workers during the time the salt was ermen’s Guild who would fish the a single interior space. The frame could gathered, and the salt workers lived pro- deep delta pools, making reference, be put up in a single day, and there visionally in permanent cottages on site for example, to where they could or would only be one door. The brush- which featured porches and large pan- could not be constructed.5 wood used to cover them, such as sea tries.3 In 1469 documents also make rush (Juncus maritimus) and beachgrass mention of cottages used to house the Fishermen’s Cottages (Ammophila arenaria), was gathered salt workers from the City of Tortosa. The type of cottage built and used by from nearby wetlands. These cottages tended to be concen- Ebro Delta fishermen and their geo- trated in small villages, and the city itself graphic location was determined by the The fishermen tended to cook in front was responsible for building them as abundant vegetation of the riverbank of the cottage, where they would also well as ensuring living conditions (that and the corresponding marshes (wood, eat and spend the day when they were is, by furnishing them and adding other reeds, wetland grass, brushwood), and not fishing. Inside they slept and left features) and repairing them if they were where it was possible to fish on the sea their few personal belongings, as well to become rundown.4 and from land as well, both in the river as their shared fishing nets and other itself and in pools and eddies. They equipment. With regards to the cottages of fisher- were not particularly different from Our cottage was at Raconet de men, from what we may draw from those built by farmers as shelters or as Fora, on the eastern side of the documentation, maps and nautical storehouses. The roof was set along the Salines Velles. At that time in the charts from the 13th and 14th centu- ground, though to make the frame they Trabucador there were many dunes ries, and later from the 18th, 19th and tended to reuse masts from old discovered with vegetation that were 20th centuries, the fishermen from the mantled boats as well as wood brought so high you could not see over to Gremi de Pescadors de Sant Pere (Saint into the coast by the tides; or else they the other side. The cottage was Peter’s Fishermen’s Guild) built the cot- would use pine and olive wood bought large: eight men slept inside and tages, which would face the sea and from shipwrights. each of them had his box of cloth- have their backs to the coastal winds; ing to change into when we went they were placed near habitual fishing These constructions were strong, but fishing …. We ate outside the cot- areas. Over the last three centuries these they were usually designed as tempo- tage if the weather was good. We slept on bunks we made ourselves, four on each side, and when necessary two at the back. Above the door there was an air hole covered in metallic mesh where the light of day filtered in. The beds were set a couple hand-widths above the ground, with a heavy frame over top of which the stuffed matting was laid, made of corn cob leaves.6

This shared equipment included fishing tackle for various techniques, including all kinds of nets, traps made from reeds or rope, longlines, cast nets, handnets and landing nets, seine nets, a variety Cottage used as a storehouse in the 1950s. COLLECTION OF THE MUSEU DE LES TERRES DE L’EBRE of fishing lines including jigging lines, COMPILATION 11 and trammel nets. Some of this gear, as fuel together. Those things for per- wooden sailboats, steamboats and all used from the late 19th century into sonal use, such as raincoats, sacks, other pilot boats in their manoeuvres the early 20th century, required the large knives, spoons, smoking pipes entering or leaving the mouth of the attention of the entire crew of workers, and shaving material, was brought Ebro. The role of these cottages, which in by each individually, and was comprised of anywhere from 16 to 20 took in the victims of shipwrecks when what they would call pellet. In the men who would go to the cottage once sea rescue was required, was highly same way each fisherman bought the day’s work had ended, except on important in the time there was still his own bread, wine and sweets, holidays then the fishermen went back a great amount of fishing activity as as well as coffee, chocolate, cane to their families in L’Ampolla, Amposta, well as sea and river commerce at the spirit, tobacco and rum, among La Cava (now Deltebre), Tortosa, Sant port of Tortosa. The question was so other things. It was quite common Carles de la Ràpita or Sant Jaume important that the Sociedad Española to see them trade whatever they had d’Enveja. Other kinds of fishing gear de Salvamento de Náufragos (Spanish extra for any of their other needs.8 were from a much older era.7 Sea Rescue Society), created by Span- ish law in 1887, set up one of its first The Town of the River Mouth With reference to the “Cottages in the rescue stations in the area. Cottages Town of the Gola” (the Ebro gola or in Women did not usually live in the fish- plural goles refers to pools at the river The Large Isolated Cottages ermen’s cottages. They stayed at home mouth), there is documentary evi- Built at the Ebro Goles with their children, or, if they worked dence of them from as early as the 13th At the Ebro Goles we also know of the in some fishing-related activity, they century. It was an important location existence of isolated cottages, which would go on assigned days to meeting on both the sea and on the river that were built in function of various points to pick up the catch, which was the Tortosa fishermen inhabited until activities related to farming or fish- sold on the street by travelling vendors. well into the 20th century. In 1902 the ing: assisted navigation; the military It included eels, twait shad, gilthead town was still inhabited, though by defence of the Port dels Alfacs from seabream, common dentex, flathead then it had begun to lose its strategic corsair attacks and from other “ene- mullet, bass, hake and sand steenbras. function: mies”; as well as the construction and In the municipality of Jesús i Maria use of the main engineering project on Those fishermen who had not obtained there is an island in the Ebro River the Delta, the Buda Lighthouse, made a spot in any of the fishing crews in the called Den Graciá which is more by the English manufacturer Porter. Ebro eddies through the lottery run than 5 kilometres long, with four by the Saint Peter’s Fishermen’s Guild farmhouses and a few cottages, In the 18th century the engineers of were allowed to fish at sea, using the while opposite the Buda lighthouse Charles III, who then designed the new small village of cottages that fishermen there is a group of 29 cottages and city of Sant Carles de la Ràpita, also laid and ship pilots had on the left bank a larger house, which in times of out a project, respecting the techniques of the river, in the area where dur- greater navigational activity were and using the traditional materials of ing the floods of 1937 a new mouth lived in by ship-owners from Tor- the region, to build large cottages as appeared along with the new island of tosa. This town had its own local the permanent residences of the sol- Sant Antoni. mayor and licensed tobacconist diers in the Gola de l’Ebre Detach- and post. During the day they were ment, whose mission was to defend the With the exception of the bunks occupied by a number of fishermen harbour. The project would never be where they slept, which belonged from the Saint Peter’s Guild.9 executed, though it is interesting to see to the Guild as well, everything else how numerous construction materials, was shared between them, such as named according to their popular use jugs, vats, pots, pans, lights, pails, In Poblat the Town of the Gola the on the Ebro Delta until our day, appear fishing tackle, metal nets, as well cottages were permanent; that is, if they in a document including a map and as their double-ended skiffs, row- became worn down they were repaired. report from the 18th century done for boats and pontoons. They were They were larger than the ones the fish- the construction of these cottages for the purchased by each crew of fisher- ermen built along the Delta eddies or military use mentioned, as annotated in men at the start of the season, with on the coast itself. The fishermen’s cot- the elevation and plan. The accompany- everyone pitching in, and the mate- tages were covered with thatch, while ing illustration shows one of these cot- rial was sold in auction at season’s the walls were plastered in the cottages tages. The wordsanguila (ridge beam), end. They purchased food, oil and of the ship pilots who aided small barraca (cottage), carena (main beam) 12 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 or puntals (stakes or vertical posts) are the Delta has given rise to other activi- L’Enveja recorded 900 inhabitants. In some of the terms used by the engineer ties besides fishing, including hunting, 1902, a little after the creation of the Juan Saliquet Negrete in November grazing and the harvesting of shellfish, new Sant Jaume d’Enveja parish, and 1779, in the document entitled Plano, salt and thistle plants (to make soap, only in that town itself, there were 763 Perfil y Elevación de uno de los Barracones glass and dye for the quality printed inhabitants, with 96 masonry build- propuestos para colocar el Destacamento cloth known as indianes), the gatherings and 136 cottages, while in Els de la Gola capaz de contener 55 hombres ing of liquorice (to make sweets and Muntells they also built cottages, cre- (Plan, Profile and Elevation of one of pharmaceutical products), as well as ating the town centre:13 the Cottages proposed to house the leeches for medical use, amongst other Maria Esteve Montià, from Els Gola Detachment with a capacity for products. 10 Muntells, was born on October 55 men). 21, 1883, in the neighbouring In the 17th century wheat and barley town of Sant Carles de la Ràpita Once into the 19th century, we find were grown on the Delta. Before the .… She was married in 1914 to workers cottages built at the Ebro Goles, irrigation channels were finished (the Salvador Saborit Fernández, a bull which were connected to the construc- Canal de la Dreta, or Right Chan- herder who had come to the Delta tion and later use of the Buda Light- nel, opened in 1860, and the Canal from Xilxes in Castelló. It was not house, erected with the idea of avoiding de l’Esquerra, the Left Channel, was easy to convince her parents ... The the repeated tragedies and shipwrecks inaugurated in 1912), they were the profession of her husband obliged suffered by boats navigating the area only two crops grown. The channels her to move to Els Muntells when near the mouth of the Ebro each winter. made it possible to open up a vast area the town was little more than a few They were also used for the lighthouse for agriculture dedicated to rice pad- houses, mostly cottages, aligned keepers. Historical documents tell of dies, a long and arduous process that along the road running parallel to how a fire on June 15, 1863, burnt was also quite costly, with all kinds of the Riet .… As Els Muntells did down the cottages made of brushwood legal, agricultural and sanitary impedi- not have its own religious services, used as housing and storerooms for the ments along the way: each year at Easter they would workers commissioned with the task of We had a really hard time...Not walk with their three children the raising the impressive iron tower of the because we lived in cottages, that fifteen kilometres to La Ràpita, to lighthouse. On November 1, 1864, the wasn’t it! We suffered because eve- her parents’ house, to fulfil their cottage of the three lighthouse keepers ryone suffered back then. We had Easter obligations (confession and who kept the olive oil lantern burning two cottages: one was to sleep in communion). was also said to be covered with reeds, and nothing more, while the other, and was found 20 yards to the south- with the door in the middle, had east of the lighthouse tower. The light- the kitchen and was where we spent Settlements of cottages also emerged in house tower was at that time the tallest the day. And then we kept our ani- the large rice farms, built by the farmers of its kind in the world (being seven mals in another cottage set apart themselves or by professional cottage metres higher than the second tallest, from these two; that is why there makers; entire families lived in them, in Florida), a major piece of modern were cottages with no smokestack. and their job was to clear out reeds, engineering placed right beside these Most people had one cottage and wetland grasses and other plants to primitive other, rather constructions. that was it. But those who did not make it possible to plant rice. There The Buda Lighthouse was a conical have a smokestack had terrible were also a large number of cottages tower some 51.5 metres high, topped problems with the smoke. Oh, I spread out over the Delta, built sepa- by a lantern using olive oil, which was remember it well! Those cottages rately, whether on farmlands owned by reached by a spiral staircase with 365 were unbearable.12 the dwellers or rented out, and placed steps that went up on the inside of a near the rice paddies, beside the roads tube serving as the centre axis of the or alongside the river, the main chan- tower itself. The lighthouse collapsed The settlement of cottages, inhabited nels and the irrigation ditches. over Christmas, 1961.11 along livestock paths by the families of shepherd or farmers, would come to Whether isolated or not, these cot- Farmer Cottages make up the oldest centres of popula- tages had their own features that set On the Ebro Delta these cottages have tion on the Delta. On the right side them apart from the fishermen’s cot- been the most humble of all. Since of the Delta, the 1864 census of the tages or those used for storerooms. ancient times, the natural wealth of historical parishes of Sant Jaume and Their peaked roofs were set on vertical COMPILATION 13 walls and the roofline never reached wooden crossbeams and reeds, with used to store onions, as Sebastià Juan the ground; the side walls could be the stable underneath and the sleeping Arbó described them in his 1932 novel covered with brushwood or not, but area above, in what was the mezzanine Terres de l’Ebre (Lands of the Ebro):15 the front and back walls were always floor. In the poorest of cottages or in On the right at the front there lined with clay mixed with straw to those that were not lived in year round, 14 was a space used as the kitchen be later whitewashed. Besides this, the inside layout could also include a and dining area... A dividing wall, many farmer cottages had one of the stable and corral. The animals and the built from reeds covered in clay most characteristic features of the Ebro boys would sleep in one room, while and later whitewashed, split the solibert Delta cottages, the , a type of in another there would be the fireplace cottage in two across its width; roof jutting out above the front wall and the bedroom of the parents and two small doors opened up, one of many cottages, beneath which the their daughters. The horse and mare on each side on this wall, leading to residents would spend their time when would be given the best location in the the two rooms taking up the entire the weather was good. cottage, since they were the hardest to end area of the cottage. On the left replace in case something happened was where they slept on a wooden Characteristics of the Farmer to them. bed, while on the other side there Cottages was the small corral for the donkey, Amongst the farmers on the Ebro The ground tended to be made of while in a corner the newer tools Delta the cottage was the most com- rough earth that was hard and unvar- were left. Apart from this area all mon form of housing, whether they ied. Cooking was done on the ground others were plastered with better foguerill were permanent or not. Many families over a small stove called a (with quality clay and then whitewashed, spent the summer in rice production, three legs), and the smoke filtered out so that the entire cottage had a clean from mid May to the end of October, through the organic roof. The only and orderly appearance. while they spent the winter working opening was the door, whether it was in the dense bushlands planted with on the front or on the side, made of carob and olive trees found around wood or a simple curtain. If there During the second half of the 20th inland towns near the Delta where was a window it would be very small century, living conditions improved many of them were originally from. and could not be opened, letting in all over Spain. New transportation On the Delta they lived above all off a small quantity of light. The home’s methods (motorcycles, cars, lorries the land and from livestock, though furniture and details would always be and vans) cut down on distances, and sheer subsistence also meant that they scanty, with a table, a few chairs, beds new construction materials (including would fish (for eels, gilthead seabream, with mats or thin mattresses, boxes bricks, cement, roof tiles and uralite- twait shad, bass and carp), hunt (for the clothes were kept in, along with fibre cement) gave everyone the pos- waterfowl, frogs and moles) and gather shelves, wooden spoons, plates, pots, sibility of building more resistant and (looking for snails, shellfish, other crus- tins, a porró (the traditional Catalan long-lasting housing. This led to the taceans and wild mushrooms). wine-drinking vessel) and a few jugs gradual abandonment of the cottages, (used to keep water or conserve meat or else their substitution by better-built The farmer cottages were usually eight in), along with wash basins to make houses, shacks and storerooms. Some metres long and three to four metres soap in or to do the washing itself. owners sought to repair their cottages wide. The floor plan would be rectan- using new materials, substituting the gular and the layout rather simple, with Everyday life in the summer was spent brushwood used on the rooftops with two adjoining spaces, the kitchen and outside of the cottage, which was usu- fibre cement, to give an example, the sleeping area. The beds were set in ally lined with flowers and plants to though in general the cottages were a single large space or else in a space help keep the animals away from the forgotten and began to disappear from divided into smaller rooms without base of the outside walls. There would the Delta landscape. doors; if the cottage did not have a mez- usually be an oven, a masonry or iron zanine floor this area was also used as stove called a rameret, a light canopy Construction Process a pantry. Some of the cottages used overhead and a large wooden basin. The tools and material used by the for temporary housing had a stable At times other cottages would be built cottage maker and his assistants were inside the residence itself, so that they nearby to be used as storerooms and very simple. In most construction pro- did not have to build another just for could be made into pantries, or else cesses they used their hands and, in the animals. Between the ground and used as stables or corrals. Furthermore, preparing the clay used to line the walls, the roof another floor was built with there could be a shared cottage or one their feet. There was only one tool that 14 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 was unique to the trade, the cottage out the front and the rear, which could The thatch, which was generally com- maker needle, used to sew together the be rounded. The horizontal structure posed of rice stalks, fine rushes Juncus( bunches of brushwood covering the was nailed in over top of the set of sp.), bulrush (Typha sp.) and wetland rooftop. The tools used could be lim- vertical stays (called l’estacada, the grasses (Phragmites sp.), was sewn on ited to just this cottage maker needle, stakes), with the ridge beam defining in bunches as well. This was the most a small axe, whitener, lime, rope cord, the peak above, called the anguilera delicate operation, since the slope of a brush for whitewashing and a zinc (or anguileta) and the main structural the ribs and the proper overlapping of pail. The most commonly used tools beam below it, at the highest part of the rows was what made the cottage were the builder’s hands and feet. There the cottage. Finally the angled part of waterproof and durable. was no set criteria on how to choose the the structure was nailed in, including location of the cottage and lay it out, the ribs of the roof, which extended Finally, the walls were lined with clay, or to determine its size and inside plan, past the frame towards the ground, to filling holes and cracks, using mud the nature of the door, the presence of make the overhang. Sometimes the that was made into a paste by stomp- the roof jutting off the front or not, of cottage was strengthened even more ing on it; it was then mixed with hay the inclusion of a window or the num- by tying the central stakes and the ribs to make it denser. Once dry, it was ber of rooms, to offer a few examples. together with what were called crevetes, whitewashed with lime and whitener, Each builder (whether a shepherd, a referring to a type of brace. a process that was repeated every two fisherman, a hunter or a farmer) would to three months. The rooms inside adapt it to any required uses. The entire structure was then covered the cottage were also set apart by reed with gathered reeds, bunched and walls that were plastered in the same In erecting the cottage, first of all the sewn together and then sewn onto the way. wood was brought together, along various vertical stays using the nee- with the thatch and reeds; the braided dle. The first reeds were set along the The name of each feature of the cot- rope was made and then the cottage ground and the final ones finished off tage structure has been passed on orally was framed. Afterwards the floor was at the top near the ridge beam defin- for generations, making it possible to levelled and hardened. The side walls ing the peak. The reed bunches were encounter a great number of local vari- were set out by driving posts into the sewn onto the ribs in evenly spaced ations (such as the term for a wooden ground (called istantirons), logs gen- pairs, leaving spaces between them. board, istantiró or santiró):16 erally made of olive wood, to which The organic roofing material was also My grandmother, who lived as a three higher vertical posts, each with sewn onto the reeds and the ribs with renter in the village, thought we a forked top, were added: one in the the cottage-making needle (a metre- could have our own place there centre (the centre post) and the other long iron needle that was slightly on our own land ... and the cot- two on the respective ends (what were curved), row by row, beginning with tages were built. I was nine years pendelocs pendalocs called or ), setting the overhang and finishing at the peak. old, it was 1923. My father bought everything the cottage maker told him to acquire up at the Ros herd- ing area where they sold firewood, since when they did the pruning or cut down olive trees they made olive wood boards (santirons) that would last a lifetime. Some ten boards are used for a cottage that was six or seven metres long. They are used as lateral braces that hold up the ribs used to make the cottage roof. So Mr Ros came down with a cartload of these boards, and he also brought firewood with him to sell to whoever wanted some, since down here you could not find that Farmer cottages affected by the 1937 flood. Courtesy Maria Aguiló. kind of material. COLLECTION OF THE MUSEU DE LES TERRES DE L’EBRE. COMPILATION 15

hay … They had come to this place a few years earlier, where they found a home in that abandoned shack, fixing it up here and there and setting up the tavern: four glasses and two bottles of firewater.

The day labourers’ cottages, from the late 19th to the mid-20th century, gave nighttime shelter to the men who went in crews to work in the rice paddies, especially doing the planting, weeding and harvesting. The storage cottages were used as domestic pantries or were where agricultural tools and equipment or else fishing gear and nets were kept. Those used as shelters and to leave carts and other Construction of a cottage as a holiday home, 2005. Courtesy David Monllau. COLLECTION OF THE MUSEU DE LES TERRES DE L’EBRE. material did not have front wall and were rather small, since their only use was to leave some equipment and pro- Other Cottages corrals, stables, for cold storage, as rab- vide shelter in times of bad weather. Besides the cottages used traditionally bit pens, for onion storage, for shared All these cottages had thatch roofs. In as housing for farmers, shepherds or use, and so on. the cottages used as corrals and stables, fishermen, on the Ebro Delta there or for raising rabbits, the farmers also were other types of cottages directly The tavern cottages and other large raised hens, quails, ducks and geese. related to everyday life and agricultural ones used for day labourers were bigger They tended to have a closed off exte- activities. These constructions were than those used for housing, though rior space with water coming directly built following one of the two basic their structure and layout was quite from the rice paddy. The cottages used cottage typologies we have seen: either similar. It was typical in the taverns as stables were where livestock was the wooden frame of the thatch roof to serve wine, while on Sundays and kept (including horses, cows, sheep, had an overhang that went down to the holidays they would serve other kinds goats or pigs) and they usually had ground; or the roof was supported by of hard liquor and meals. This is how their walls lines with wooden planks the side walls of the home. There are Arbó described it in his previously cited to protect them from the animals, very few examples of these kinds of 1932 novel, Terres de l’Ebre (Lands of who would kick against them or even typically small cottages left. Once their the Ebro): eat them. utilitarian function was abandoned they were no longer built, or else, being When supper ended the men Recent Cottages on the Delta even more rudimentary constructions gathered in the tavern, set up in There are hardly any truly authentic than most others, the organic material a building that was half stand-half cottages left from amongst those of a used to make them would not survived cottage, where a man from Valencia certain age and built in line with tra- the test of time. lived with his entire family. Guests ditional parameters and for traditional came in dirty, with the same cloth- uses. Those that do remain have been We can classify these cottages into three ing they had worn while working. preserved by their owners more or less main groups, according to their use They sat around one of the four how their ancestors or they themselves and size: tavern cottages and large cot- rough tables near the door, on their had made them. Some of them, once tages used to put up men working as little stools, downing one glass of in the hands of public institutions, day labourers for the night; warehouse wine after another, discussing the were rebuilt and are today preserved to and storeroom cottages, cottages for weather and the land, and getting give testimony to the past. Nowadays, shelter, and those used to leave horse old. At the end of the tavern, sepa- however, the majority of traditionally- carts and tools; and cottages meant for rated by a curtain of burlap sacks ... built cottages in the Delta have been animals and other products, used as the children lay sleeping on a bed of conceived and set out for newer, more 16 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 contemporary uses; that is, they have and promote the values of historical town festival parades, for the names been directly built for educational, and ethnological heritage, technical of businesses, on pins, plates and recreational, museum, heritage and knowhow, architectural merit and other tourist souvenirs, as well as on tourist purposes. cultural interest. The traditional cot- t-shirts. From the 1990s on, thanks tages of the rice farmers have become to mostly private but also public In the 1980s, individuals and institu- one of the symbols of the Delta, an initiative, new cottages began to be tions in the area (including the Ebro identifying feature acknowledged built, using traditional materials and Apprenticeship Camp (Sant Carles by the general population. In this methods, though updating the condi- de la Ràpita), the Museu Comarcal way the cottages have become one tions of their interiors. A number of del Montsià, now part of the Museu of the most popular symbols of the individual hobbyists from Amposta, de les Terres de l’Ebre (Amposta) and Delta and are reproduced on many Sant Jaume d’Enveja and Deltebre the Ebro Delta Nature Park (Del- items and for a multitude of events, have resuscitated the former trade of tebre) sought to research, preserve being used as the theme for floats in cottage maker.17

Amongst cottages built for educational and heritage purposes there is the cottage at the Museu del Montsià (Amposta, 1984), the former cottage of the Ebro Apprenticeship Camp (Sant Carles de la Ràpita, 1986-2002) and the one used as an observatory by the ecomuseum of the Ebro Delta Nature Park (Deltebre, 1988). Amongst those now used as restaurants, country stores, information centres or galleries, there are the L’Estany restaurant (Amposta, 1993), the cottage of the Moviment Escolta Guies Sant Jordi de Catalunya (the Saint George of Catalonia boy scouts and girl guides, at El Poblenou del Delta, 2001) or the information centre and country store in the recreational area of the Casa de Fusta (Amposta, 2004).

The majority of cottages still left on the Delta are used as holiday homes or farmhouses, and were built in the late 1990s. Still today the idea is to revive, with a family-oriented focus in mind, one of the most characteristic features of the former way of life on the Delta. It goes without saying that the construction of these new cottages is now adapted to the demands of com- fort, hygiene and full functionality this type of home requires, to the degree that available construction material and the techniques used to build them might allow. This means, for example, Cottages used to protect fishermen from inclement weather, 1933. Courtesy Maria that they have kitchens and bathrooms Cornelles. COLLECTION OF THE MUSEU DE LES TERRES DE L’EBRE. with wall tiles, a proper smokestack COMPILATION 17 and various fully functional windows, unique and ancient form of traditional attention to and promotes popular amongst other features. architecture, perfectly adapted as it is to and traditional culture amongst town the Delta environment. The main goal residents, along with other inhab- The Ebro Delta Cottages of the centre is to evaluate, conserve itants of the Ebro Region and the Information Centre and promote one of the many features visiting public, whether coming as In June 2005 the Ebro Delta Cottages of the historical, ethnological and cul- tourists, students or for some other Information Centre was opened at tural heritage of the municipality, giv- purpose. Those coming from out- Sant Jaume d’Enveja, in the heart of ing a new meaning to those aspects of side the Delta find the Ebro Delta the Delta. An initiative of the City of the town that make it unique, with a Cottages Information Centre to be a Sant Jaume d’Enveja, it was carried out special focus on those most directly place where it is possible to visit and with the collaboration of the Museu related to the presence of humans on learn more about the history of some de les Terres de l’Ebre and the Ebro the Ebro Delta. of the oldest forms of traditional life Delta Nature Park. The permanent on the Ebro Delta. n exhibition allows visitors to enjoy a his- From a more general point of view, torical and cultural visit explaining this the Information Centre also draws

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Juan Arbó, Sebastián (1978, primera edición Queralt Tomás, M. Carme (2006) “Les bar- en catalán 1932) Tierras del Ebro. Barcelona: raques del delta de l’Ebre. Un dels habitatges Article originally published in Plaza & Janés populars més antics i singulars de Catalunya”, Revista de Etnologia de Catalunya, núm. 28, Catalan in Revista Montesó Gallego, Ramon (2004) Recupera- pp. 96-108 d’Etnologia de Catalunya ció d’una barraca, habitatge dels avantpassats (no.28.year 2006) under the del delta de l’Ebre. Tortosa: Col·legi d’Aparella- Queralt Tomás, M. Carme (2008) “Les bar- title Les barraques del delta dors i Arquitectes Tècnics de les Terres de l’Ebre raques del delta de l’Ebre”, Caramella. Revista de música i cultura popular, núm. 18, pp. 6-9 de l’Ebre, un dels habitatges Queralt Tomás, M. Carme (1992) “Las bar- populars i més antics  racas del Delta del Ebro. Un modelo de hábitat Martí Comes, Ramon (1989) El Delta de de Catalunya tradicional”, Narria. Estudios de artes y costum- l’Ebre. Barcelona: Edicions de Nou Art Thor bres populares, núm. 57-58, pp. 10-15

NOTES

1 Sanchis Guarner, and later Max Thede and W. 7 Some of them are mentioned in medieval and 13 Miralles, Monsignor Fernando, op. cit. and Giese, studied this feature and published on it modern books and documents, for example Ayet, Monsignor Vicent. “María Esteve Montiá, in 1933 and 1951 respectively. in Despuig, Cristòfol. Col·loquis de la insigne abuela centenaria” in Delta. La Veu del Poble. ciutat de Tortosa. Edited by Eulàlia Durán. Bar- Sant Jaume d’Enveja: Ajuntament de Sant 2 Queralt Tomàs, Maria Carme. “Las barracas celona: Curial, 1981. 1557 (1st Edition). Jaume d’Enveja, 1983. del Delta del Ebro. Un modelo de hábitat tradicional” in Narria, 57, pp. 57-58. Madrid: Museo 8 Personal recollections gathered in 1934 by 14 Salvadó Arrufat, Joan. De la falç a la de Artes y Tradiciones Populares, Universidad Joan Moreira in Del folklore tortosí: costums, recol·lectora. Vida i cultiu tradicional al delta Autónoma de Madrid, 1992. ballets, pregàries, parèmies, jocs i cançons de l’Ebre. Amposta: Ajuntament d’Amposta, del camp i de la ciutat de Tortosa. Tortosa: 1991. 3 Pitarch López, Josep. Les salines del delta de Cooperativa Gràfica Dertosense, 1979 (2nd l’Ebre a l’Edat Mitjana. Barcelona: Columna edition). 15 Juan Arbó, Sebastià. Terres de l’Ebre. Barce- Tresmall, 1998. lona: Catalònia, 1932. 9 Miralles, Monsignor Fernando. Guía del obis- 4 Arxiu Comarcal del Baix Ebre. Arxiu Municipal pado de Tortosa. Tortosa, 1902. 16 Oral memory of Joan Franch, farmer and shep- de Tortosa, Salines-81; f. 4v ss. herd from Deltebre, recorded by Ramon Martí 10 Archivo General Militar de Madrid. Servicio Comes in El Delta de l’Ebre. Barcelona: Edi- 5 Foguet Marsal, José. Cofradías-Gremios Histórico Militar. Ejército de Tierra. Instituto cions de Nou Art Thor, 1989. especialmente fluviales de la ribera del Ebro. de Historia y Cultura Militar. SH. T-18/8. Madrid: Impremta de Juan Pueyo, 1923. 17 Montesó Gallego, Ramon. Recuperació d’una 11 Millan Roca, Lluís. Naufragis a la Mar de l’Ebre. barraca, habitatge dels avantpassats del delta 6 Oral account by Francesc Navarro, as recorded Sant Carles de la Ràpita: Ajuntament de Sant de l’Ebre. Tortosa: College of Architects and by Lluís Millan Roca in “Francesc Navarro San- Carles de la Ràpita, 1991. Technical Architects of the Terres de l’Ebre, tos ens parla de la pesca amb nanses i de la 2004. barraca de pescadors”, Ràpita. Sant Carles 12 Josep Oliver, farmer. Oral memory recorded by de la Ràpita: Ajuntament de Sant Carles de la the author in Sant Jaume d’Enveja. Audio library Ràpita, March 1993. of the Museu de les Terres de l’Ebre, 2005. 18 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 Shantytowns in the City of Barcelona: Can Valero, La Perona and El Carmel Ethnohistory Research Group on Shantytowns1 CATALAN INSTITUTE OF ANTHROPOLOGY

Presentation of the Study names and memories, is evidence that and in collaboration with the Institut their footprint has been undervalued in Català d’Antropologia (ICA). he social history of explaining the city’s history. the phenomenon The object of study of this research is of shantytowns in For this reason, in late 2004 a research shantytowns understood as a process Barcelona through- team of historians, anthropologists and of informal appropriation of land to out the 20th cen- geographers from the Universitat de build substandard housing (without tury represents an Barcelona was formed, and we began prior planning for the land, lacking essential legacy for understanding the the study entitled “Shantytowns in infrastructure, built with wood, mud, process of building the city. However, the City of Barcelona. Ethnohistori- brick and/or recycled materials) as a T cal Study of Three Cases: Can Valero, spontaneous response to a lack of acces- the fragmentary and scattered infor- 2 mation that exists about the phenom- La Perona and El Carmel” within the sible housing in urban areas. Starting enon and the recent disappearance of framework of the Ethnological Her- from this premise, the research team major shantytowns in the city, of their itage Inventory of Catalonia (IPEC) proposed:

Xavi Camino Vallhonrat Max Díaz Molinaro He has a PhD in Urban Anthropology from the Rovira i Virgili He has a Master in Digital Documentation from the University, Tarragona. He has focused his research on the study Pompeu Fabra University, and a BA in History from of sport in public space, and on processes of social exclusion in the University of Barcelona. His professional career the city of Barcelona. He is currently the head of the Social Sci- has focused on the study of shanty-town neighbour- ences area at ELISAVA, Barcelona School of Design and Engi- hoods in Barcelona during the 20th century, while he neering (UPF), and works in the Office for the Plan of Non-Regulated Settlements, has also studied archives and documentary processes. He works in City of Barcelona. the library system of the University of Barcelona, and occasionally collaborates with MUHBA - Museu d’Història de Barcelona (Museum of Òscar Casasayas Garbí the History of Barcelona). With a BA in History from the University of Barcelona, he has researched shanty-town conditions in the city of Barcelona in Mercè Tatjer Mir the 20th century. He is currently a social sciences teacher in She has degrees in modern and contemporary His- Barcelona’s official secondary education system. tory (1971) and PhD in Geography (1987) by the University of Barcelona. Nowadays she is Profes- sor Emeritus of Didactics of the Social Sciences in Flora Muñoz Romero this University. Expert in geography and urban his- Master in Sociology of the Territory by the ICSTE of Lisbon, tory, she has collaborated and collaborates at present with differ- she has degrees in Sociology by the Autonomous University ent groups of planning and research as well as with public, civic and of Barcelona and in History by the University of Barcelona. pedagogic institutions and in numerous programs of research of the She combines her professional activity in business and ar- cultural and industrial heritage. chitecture with the historical research of urban processes, including the building of the shanty-town areas of Barcelona in the first half of the 20th century or the history of the porter’s lodges of the city. Cristina Larrea Killinger She is Professor of Social Anthropology at the Uni- Pilar Diaz Giner versity of Barcelona. In the last years she has collaborated with the La Habana University (Cuba), the She has degrees in Anthropology by the University of Barce- Federal University of Bahia (Brazil) and the Federal lona, Technical Certificate in Social Work from the UNED and University (Brazil). She has also worked with other Postgraduate studies in Mediation by Pere Tarrés University. institutions of research in Mexico, Brazil and Colombia. Nowadays, She has been member of the team of research about shanty- she is member of the Food Observatory of the University of Bar- town areas in the city of Barcelona. Nowadays she works as celona. She is interested in the study of the relationship between Social Worker in a Center of Social Services of the Town Council of Barcelona. health, development and environment. COMPILATION 19

• Creating a database inventory of the different processes by which the to how public opinion about shanty- the documentation found in the three shantytowns were configured towns was constructed and what were archives on the shantytown phe- and disappeared, the three case stud- the municipal policies on intervention nomenon in Barcelona in the 20th ies could not serve, for the moment, and the role of the church.4 century. to explain the global phenomenon of • Analyzing the shantytown phenom- shantytowns in Barcelona in the 20th During this first phase, conversations enon in the city throughout the 20th century. In this regard, we hope that with archivists, historians, social work- century. our findings serve to motivate new ers, clergy and so on put us in contact • Reconstructing the social history of studies reconstructing the uniqueness with shanty dwellers and other special- three shantytowns: La Perona, Can of other shantytowns that allow for a ists from which a network of interview- Valero and El Carmel. cross-disciplinary study to address the ees was built. At the same time, survey- • Creating an oral collection of inter- phenomenon globally. ing the different housing estates the views with shantytown inhabitants. shanty dwellers had been relocated to, The ethnographic study of a disap- visiting different neighborhood organi- Three historically and geographically peared phenomenon, as is the case zations and disseminating information well-differentiated shantytowns were here, precludes the use of one of leaflets about the research brought new chosen for the ethnographic study anthropology’s fundamental methods: interviewees into the network. of the shantytown phenomenon. La participant observation. To address Perona was chosen because it was one this shortcoming, documentary and Although the archival search was ongo- of the last shantytowns to disappear bibliographic research that helped us ing throughout the study, the second from the city in 1989 and because of to contextualize and complete the use phase was based mainly on obtaining the characteristics of the process of of oral history in reconstructing the oral information based on the lived relocating its inhabitants. Can Valero three disappeared shantytowns was experience of those who were there. was chosen because of its size; its slum indispensable. For this reason, our main tool was in- dwelling population was the largest and depth interviews (92) and, to a lesser most extensive of the city during the The first phase of the search for litera- extent, focus groups (6). Two guides period of the Franco dictatorship up to ture and compilation of primary and were produced, the one for shanty its eradication in the 1970s. Finally, El secondary documentation that was dwellers differing from the one for Carmel was interesting because a large undertaken in 26 public and private persons linked to the phenomenon, number of its inhabitants succeeded archives3 enabled us to contextualize but these were flexible and adapted to in being relocated within the same the phenomenon, learn about the the unique experience of each inter- neighborhood through local strug- existence and location of different viewee. This flexibility in the use of gle and neighborhood associations. shantytowns and understand how in-depth interviews allowed for a better We are aware that while searching the they were eradicated and how those channel of communication, charac- archives enabled us to contextualize affected were relocated in addition terized by the use of more eloquent statements and greater trust between researcher and interviewee. On more Barcelona’s Shantytowns, existing El barraquisme a Barcelona, existent des than one occasion a single interviewee from the beginning of the 20th century de principis dels segle xx fins a llur virtual was interviewed a number of times to until their virtual eradication in time for eradicació a l’època dels Jocs Olímpics delve more deeply into a specific topic the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games, de Barcelona de 1992, fou un fenomen relevant to the research. Usually a single urbà que va jugar un important paper were an urban phenomenon that played person was interviewed, but in some an important role in the city’s social en el desenvolupament social i urbà de and urban development. By means of la ciutat. Mitjançant la metodologia de cases two people participated. A total Ethnohistorical research methodology la recerca etnohistòrica utilitzant arxius, of 63 interviews were conducted with using archives, field research, oral treball de camp, història oral i bases shanty dwellers and 29 with persons history and databases, researchers have de dades, els investigadors van poder been able to reconstruct the social life reconstruir la vida social en tres nuclis de barraques i analitzar-ne la importància en Keywords: Shantytowns, Public housing, in three shanty towns and analyse the Neighbourhood associations, Social la història de Barcelona. Aquest article és importance of these districts in the history exclusion, Urban segregation of Barcelona. This is a summary of the un resum de la monografia Barraquisme. Paraules clau: barraquisme, habitatge dissertation titled Barraquisme. La ciutat La ciutat (im)possible. (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2011). públic, associacions veïnals, exclusió social, (im)possible. Generalitat de Catalunya. segregació urbana Barcelona, 2011. 20 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 linked to the phenomenon (27 on La Brief History of the Can Valero number of topographic maps from the Perona, 31 on Can Valero and 34 on Neighborhood of Montjuïc period (Roca, 2002: 327). El Carmel). Montjuïc, a hill in Barcelona, became a prominent place in the origin of the In the 1900s, a host of small rustic Below are three summaries corre- city’s shantytowns. Its proximity to holdings used to grow fruits and veg- sponding to the reconstruction of the city center and isolation due to its etables had cropped up on the north the three shantytowns studied based orography facilitated the setting up of side of the hill. Their tenants were on the oral, documentary and biblio- a quarantine camp made up of 4,000 residents of the city and surrounding graphic sources compiled. Although shanties in 1821 during a yellow fever area who spent Sundays there and built in the future we plan to continue ana- epidemic (Carreras i Candi, 1916). small shacks to take shelter in and store lyzing the phenomenon to derive new The exploitation of Montjuïc’s quarries tools (Fabre; Huertas Clavería, 1976). findings, we will finish this paper by reached its peak from 1870 on, and providing some of the most impor- many of the stonecutters who worked The construction of the grounds for tant conclusions drawn from this first there built shacks in the vicinity to be the second Barcelona International study. near their work, as can be seen in a Exposition in 1929 required hun-

Aerial view of Montjuïc showing the extent of shanty building in the stretch between the Olympic Stadium and the castle in the late 1960s. ARXIU NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA, TAF HELICÒPTERS SA COLLECTION. COMPILATION 21

A group of shanties in the district of Magòria (Montjuïc) in the 1920s. ARXIU NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA, BRANGULÍ COLLECTION (PHOTOGRAPHERS). dreds of workers, many of whom, of Barcelona). A huge wall was built the west and the Passeig de Miramar coming from neighboring provinces to conceal and isolate the remaining to the east. and within Catalonia, found a city shanties on top of the hill for the same where popular housing was scarce reason. From the 1940s, newcomers to the and rental prices were beyond their shanty settlements would privately pur- means. A great number of them, fol- Valero Lecha i Plana, an innkeeper chase the parcels and small shacks from lowing widespread practice on the hill, from inland Catalonia, opened a snack the old garden owners, who because of built their homes near their workplace, bar behind the stadium in 1929, and the overcrowding of the shanties began and as such a large number of shanties over time it gave its name to the set- letting go of their holdings. Others, in appeared scattered along its north face, tlement of shanties that grew up on the gardeners’ absence, would occupy some of them concentrated in neigh- the hill after the second great wave the land. Over the 1940s and 1950s borhoods like La Cadena, La Font de la of immigration that began after the there were frequent scams in the sale Mamella, L’Animeta, La Magòria and Spanish Civil War. Montjuïc would of land on the hill, and the sales and El Polvorí, among other, more sparsely once again be a destination for those transfers never had any formal legality. concentrated areas. It was in this dec- workers who, confronted with the lack Once the land was acquired, the shack ade that Montjuïc’s shantytown grew of popular housing in the city, opted had to be built without the authorities to become the largest slum area in the for shanty dwelling in areas where liv- noticing, since a census of the shanties city, going from 1,055 shanties in 1922 ing in these constructions was already was taken beginning in the 1950s and (Pons; Martino, 1929) to approxi- a reality. new buildings or expansions were pro- mately 3,500 in 1928,5 shortly before hibited, making it necessary to build the shacks that harmed the image of Can Valero would become the name of them at night. the 1929 Barcelona International a slum area that together with Els Tres On the land we bought there was a Exposition were eradicated and their Pins comprised the two large districts summer lean-to shed that had been inhabitants relocated to four groups of on the north slope of the hill, which used for the garden. We used this Cases Barates (literally, “cheap houses” were bounded by Montjuïc Castle to structure to build the brick shanty. –affordable housing estates) provided the south, the Passeig de l’Exposició to First we made a roof from leather- by the Patronato Municipal de la Hab- the north (along which the large wall board and we gradually built the itación de Barcelona (Housing Board isolating the area ran), the cemetery to 22 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

brick walls from the inside to keep residents of Valero Petit and Les Ban- in Las Banderas, a smaller settlement “the fuzz” from finding out we were deres had to live next to the garbage within the broader Can Valero district, building a shack. We bought the dump that Foment d’Obres i Con- with financial support from the above materials from the Can Valero bar, struccions S.A. (FOCSA) had set up to construction company. which gave them to us on credit. fill the quarries that had ceased to oper- [...] Later we removed the external ate. The stench and risk of explosion The presence of catechists from Marian shed structure and were left with a from gases released by decomposition congregations in the settlement in the two-room shack of about 40 meters. were part of life in Can Valero.6 early 1960s would introduce variety After adding facing and whitewash- into the paternal nature of social wel- ing we had to dirty up the walls so it Can Valero’s population in 1960 was fare and gave way to the creation of a looked old. (Interview from 12 April quite stable, with an average of 15 years night school and later a youth center, 2007. Code: [EN(RR)(CV) B.A.]) residing in the neighborhood and a which created the newsletter La Voz de broad age structure of between 30 la Montaña (1967-1969). The arrival The settlement of shacks was totally and 50 years, both men and women. of a Caritas social worker in late 1967 lacking in basic urban infrastructure This shows the limited integration of opened a new space for community since the City of Barcelona had never its population, which remained in the development in the district and laid made any sort of urban planning invest- settlement over generations without the foundation for organizing a local ment. There was no sewage system or gradually moving to apartments in movement that emerged in response to running water; there was power at the the city. In spite of this, 75% of the the process of eradication started by the entrance to the enclosure, which was men were fully integrated into the city’s city council: the Asociación de Padres where the few owner families who had a work force, with jobs in construction, de Familia La Esperanza (La Esperanza meter lived. The most common system industry and at the port. Among the Family Association, 1967-1972). Resi- for obtaining electricity was hooking women, 7.6% worked outside the dents raised public interest in the relo- up to the mains and sharing the cost of home, in cleaning, trade and industry. cation through a very vigorous press consumption among neighbors, which campaign,7 which led to the residents weakened the power supply. There were One of the biggest problems was over- being able to humanize the process of only seven public taps for a population crowding, because of both the con- being relocated from Montjuïc, and that by 1957 had reached 29,958 peo- centration of shanties and the small one apartment was offered per family ple inhabiting 6,090 shanties in the size of the dwellings, on average 25 instead of per shack, as was the practice neighborhoods on the hill (Duocastella, square meters. Family space inside of the City of Barcelona, since in many 1957). Supplying water became one of the shack was 5.5 square meters per cases more than one family or the dif- the main daily occupations of some Can inhabitant and there were an average ferent generations of a family lived in a Valero families. Others who were more of 1.9 people per bed. In addition, single shanty. Likewise, work was done fortunate had wells on their land: each shanty housed 1.2 families, which to ensure that all families obtained the conditioned the subsequent relocation first payment to acquire the apartments We had two wells, one for washing process (Echenique, 1965). and to prevent the transfer of shacks and the other providing water for for apartments among the poorest resi- sale, because on the way from the The church was the only institution act- dents. The new leaders of future neigh- Font de la Mamella to Casa Valero ing on the social level in the slums. In borhood associations in the rehousing there was nowhere else to get water. Can Valero, a Carmelite priest, Father areas emerged from this first experience As such, a lot of people came to José Miguel, took charge of provid- in neighborhood organization. buy water from us. We sold it at 10 ing the neighborhood with minimal cents for a twenty-liter demijohn. welfare structures (previously nonex- The factors that sparked the eradica- The water was very good, and many istent) in the 1950s. Funding from his tion process were Franco’s statements people had to make many trips to congregation and the collaboration of on this on a visit to Montjuïc Castle in carry all the water they needed. It individuals and charitable foundations 1963, the construction of the Amuse- was a very busy shack. (Interview like the Miró Trepat construction comment Park of Montjuïc (opened in from 25 September 2007. Code: pany made it possible to create a small 1966) and the project to install the [EN (RR)(CV) J.B and J.H]) school and set up a dispensary, which TVE studios on the hill, which were over time would become a clinic. In urban planning interests for which There was no trash collection within the early 1960s, the Teresian nuns of the shantytown was a nuisance. The the district, despite the paradox that the Infant Jesus of Prague built a school relocation of families from 1965 to COMPILATION 23

1972 was to subsidized housing estates streets and put in water. We already who lived in the shacks in the promoted by the Obra Sindical del had electricity before that. (Inter- Barceloneta, so he went there. He Hogar through the Unidades Veci- view from 9 October 2007. Code: was there one week and decided nales de Absorción (Neighborhood [EN(RR)(PE)A.F.L. and J.G.T.]) he didn’t want to spend winter on Absorption Units, UVAS)8 (Pomar, the beach, and then they learned Cinco Rosas and Sant Cosme) and, for The shacks were built on public land that there was a place called La the last 375 families, to the La Mina and land affected by the rail service Verneda where they were selling housing estate (Domenech; Juncosa, (RENFE) alongside the edges of the gardens. Between the three friends 1973). The owner families, as the heirs tracks. It seems that the land was kept they bought a large plot of land and to Casa Valero, came to agreements open in anticipation of expansion. divided it into three parts. Each of about the expropriations and gradually However, this did not prevent some them paid three hundred pesetas disappeared from the neighborhood. RENFE workers from appropriating because the RENFE workers had the land for their own use and turning these gardens. (Interview from 15 Brief History of the La Perona it into gardens and some newly arrived October 2007. Code: [EN(RR)(PE) Neighborhood families from using it to build their J.-B.S.-M.-R.]) According to the archival documenta- homes. Given this phenomenon, the tion consulted,9 there is evidence of a idea spread that it was a good place to From the late 1940s through the 1950s new shantytown in District X, on Ronda build a house and many RENFE work- the number of shanties in La Perona de Sant Martí de Provençals, beginning ers, knowing this, took advantage of increased as the district became a place around 1945. Despite variance in its ter- the demand for land to sell the gardens of refuge for immigrants from differ- ritorial expansion on account of popu- to whoever wanted to settle there. This ent regions of Spain, especially Anda- lation changes, we can see that during was the case for J.’s father, who learned lucía. One of the people interviewed the period of maximum expansion it of the sale of plots of land in La Verneda explained that his family sold the bar occupied the stretch of Ronda de Sant after only one week in Barcelona and they had in their town (Granada) to Martí between the district of La Verneda moved there. come to Barcelona because “it was the and the train tracks and from the Pont immigration era and we all came to d’Espronceda to the Riera d’Horta. My father came in 1947 because Barcelona because we thought it was my mother told him life was dif- the land of milk and honey.” (Interview In 1947, the wife of the president of ficult in the town and to go to Bar- from 15 October 2007. Code: [EN(RR) Argentina, María Eva Duarte de Perón, celona. My dad had some friends (PE) J.-B.S.-M.-R.]) travelled to Barcelona and visited the shantytown area of Ronda de Sant Martí. As a result of this visit, the idea spread among the shanty dwellers that Eva Peron, La Perona, wanted to build homes for the poor on this land, and for this reason the district adopted the name La Perona.

La Perona was a very rich lady who really looked after the poor. This woman gave money to the neighborhood so that we poor people living there would have water and electricity and to fix the streets because they were made of mud. But what she gave and what it ended up used for, well, it was all lost and none of it happened. Later there were more trustworthy Aerial view of the district of La Perona in the 1980s, of the stretch between the Pont d’Espronceda and the Pont del Treball. In the lower right you can see the group of shacks people who wanted to fix things up that made up the school for adults. Patronat Municipal de l’Habitatge, Barcelona. and that was when they fixed the AUTHOR: MARIANO VELASCO. 24 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Most shantytown residents were thus The drama for most of these people However, the situation of economic cri- newcomers for whom renting an began when a municipal pickaxe sis led to greater social competition that apartment was out of reach and who was taken to the El Somorrostro wound up translating into greater ine- worked in factories, in the construc- neighborhood in the Barceloneta. quality and criminality, which, added to tion industry, in domestic service or Within twenty-four hours the area the growing number of gypsies arriving by setting up a small shop or workshop had been demolished, and a few in the neighborhood generated several 10 there in the shantytown. This is why days later a contingent of sailors episodes of social conflict. we often understand the building of from our squadron disembarked shantytowns as a transitional situation there to participate in the Navy According to data collected in social in anticipation of obtaining a better Week shows. (Pons, 1967). worker P. López’ study (1990) of La home. In most cases, however, this situ- Perona district, in the early 1970s 69% of inhabitants were gypsies of various ation was prolonged, and when people The 1970s was a period of economic origins,11 and in the late 1970s this began having children the social back- crisis that struck the poorest among increased to 95% of inhabitants. One ground of the neighborhood changed Barcelona’s population forcefully. The gypsy who was already living in La so that by the mid-1960s we can see effects of this were seen in the most underprivileged districts, and in the Perona in the early period recalled that that most inhabitants had been born in when most of the non-gypsy families the neighborhood (San Roman, 1986). case of La Perona, it coincided with the move of a large number of gypsy left the neighborhood began to dete- riorate and to be discriminated against. Over time these hopes would become families from other areas of the city, whom for social and urban planning Defending himself against accusations reality for many shanty dwellers who made against the gypsies, he said: moved to other districts by their own reasons the administration had decided to relocate to the neighborhood (San The gypsies paid for the stolen cars means, to new blocks built by the Obra Roman, 1986). Overcrowding and in the neighborhood. If there was Sindical del Hogar and a number of growth in the number of shanties rose a car stolen and you were a gypsy cooperatives and companies such as to 653 in 1971 according to A. Rispa and walked in front of it, you paid Construcciones Españolas (Carrasco; (1993). In view of this situation, the for the theft of the car. (Interview Garriga, 2000: 84). By 1966 it is esti- city’s intervention consisted in extend- from 12 November 2007. Code: mated that there were approximately ing water services to the neighborhood [EN(RR)(PE)C.H.]) 200 shanties and 3,000 shanty dwell- and paving some areas while simulta- ers in La Perona (Rispa, 1993). For its neously relocating some shanty dwell- In 1981 the First Catalan Conference part, the parish church of Sant Martí ing families to apartments in La Mina took care of the most underprivileged, on Barcelona’s Gypsy Population was and Pomar from 1968 to 1974. Fol- held, and T. San Román, together with providing them with food and clothing lowing these interventions there was a as it had for decades. the research team he coordinated, pre- significant drop in the production of sented the Report on the Population of subsidized housing until this activity the La Perona District.12 From this The period from 1966 to 1967 was was taken up again in 1981 (Patronat a turning point in the history of La moment on, the Patronat Munici- Municipal de l’Habitatge, 2003). pal de l’Habitatge, which had been Perona. The shacks abandoned by fam- in charge of care services and control ilies who moved to apartments were At the same time, in the early 1970s, of shanty building since 1979, began reoccupied by other families with fewer with the new social intervention model to develop a relocation plan within resources, most of whom were gypsies. adopted by Caritas based on commu- the framework of the Plan to Eradi- Motivation for greater transformation nity development, social worker Sis- cate Slums with three strategies: first, began with a demonstration of naval ter Pilar López settled in the district. apartments from the secondary market exercises attended by Franco, which Community works were begun with would be allocated; second, two new led to the urgent and forced eviction of her involvement, like the creation of a single-family housing areas would be some shantytowns like El Somorrostro, kindergarten, school and dispensary. built; and third, the needs of those Can Tunis and Montjuïc. Some of the Later, in the late 1970s, other educa- shanty dwellers who wished to return evicted shanty dwellers were moved to tional projects promoted by the city to their place of origin by their own unoccupied shacks in the districts of La council were added, such as the estab- means would be met. At the same time, Perona, El Camp de la Bota and Sant lishment of a school for adults and professional integration projects would Roc in Badalona. children’s and youth centers. be developed to adapt shanty dwellers COMPILATION 25 to the new social conditions. The sec- second great wave of immigration to military installations for shelter. The ond proposal planned was impossible Catalonia. At first glance, the shacks area around the bomb shelters gradu- because of protest from the residents in El Carmel were not part of a unified ally filled with shacks despite a number of the La Pedrosa housing estate and group. There were five different groups of expulsion attempts by the police. A the district of La Verneda. Because of and some small pockets of homes in resident of Los Cañones described the these protests the administration chose certain streets of El Carmel where one eviction that took place around 1955: to abandon the second proposal and sometimes found a fragile boundary At midnight it was pouring rain. opted to relocate shanty dwellers to between shanty and self-build home. They knocked on doors, especially apartments on the secondary market The five groups were Francesc Alegre, at the bomb shelters, because there El Santo and to offer compensation to families Ramon Casellas ( ), Marià were these two facing the sea and that chose to return to their cities of Labèrnia (Los Cañones), the shanties then more above them. The police origin. In February 1985 104 apart- of Hospital de Sant Pau and the shanties came, Mr. “Scarface,” whose name ments had been allocated, 35 gypsy of Carrer de Marsans i Rof and Carrer I don’t know, but his face was families had received assistance for de Font-Rúbia. From an administrative scarred. A wonderful person: may finding an apartment, and 90 fami- point of view, the shanties were part of he never have been born. They put lies had accepted money in exchange the district of Can Baró, but as those us in their truck and took us to one for leaving their shanties (Carrasco; who were there explain, their immedi- of those pavilions on Montjuïc. Garriga, 200: 83-102). The abuse of ate ties were to El Carmel. (Interview from 9 May 2007. Code: this last option meant that many of [EN(RR)(CA)M.G.M.]) these families found themselves on the We studied the first three groups street again without resources, seeking –Francesc Alegre, Ramon Casellas and new empty spaces to move into. The Marià Labèrnia– as a matter of unity in The Francesc Alegre and Raimon La Perona neighborhood disappeared terms of the local struggle and because Casellas areas grew up around 1946- once and for all in 1989, when the last of geographical location (Turó de la 1947. All three shantytowns were shanty, occupied by the Company of Rovira). From interviews we know fully established in the early 1950s, the Daughters of Charity of Saint Vin- that the first shantytown began atop and their population came mainly cent de Paul, was demolished. Turó de la Rovira in the air-raid shelters from Andalucía and Extremadura. found at the end of Carrer de Marià According to reports published by Brief History of the El Carmel Labèrnia. The first families arrived the Servicio de Erradicación del Bar- Neighborhood around 1944 and used the abandoned raquismo (Shantytown Eradication El Carmel is part of Horta-Guinardó, the 7th municipal district of Barcelona, and it is characterized by steep slopes resulting from a rugged geographical location. The neighborhood was formed in the early 20th century when the first houses with gardens were built and the first roads began to connect the area with the city. The area’s social composition and the use of its space would change over the century from the waves of immigration; in general terms, the neighborhood would cease to be a recreational area for the city’s more or less well-off classes and would become characterized by the concentration of a population of humble origins in a confined space lacking basic services in certain areas. Detail of the shacks of Los Cañones, so called because the anti-aircraft guns used during the Spanish Civil War were located in this space. In the background the shanties of The existence of shanties is recorded Francesc Alegre can be seen under the highest apartment building. in the early 1940s, coinciding with the PATRONAT MUNICIPAL DE L’HABITATGE, BARCELONA. 26 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Service) of the City of Barcelona, in Historians Lluís Bou and Eva Gimeno, one hand, many inhabitants tried to 1956 the existence of around 570 referring to the shanties in El Carmel in reproduce part of their life in their inhabited shacks was recognized, for the late 1960s, believed that: “Beyond place of origin –the physiognomy of just under 3,000 inhabitants (Fabre; the grim reality of the numbers (even the neighborhood was an example– Huertas Clavería, 1976). if they did not balance) and for many and on the other hand they were new, years, shantytowns formed part of the unrecognized citizens who worked in A great number of the first settlers landscape of El Carmel, which helped factories, in the construction industry, arrived in Barcelona with the idea of promote the urban legend that iden- cleaning private homes or by setting starting a new life; while most had fled tified it as an inhospitable and dan- up a small shop or workshop there in poverty, their prospects in Barcelona gerous neighborhood –where it was the shantytown. Their children, in the would not be much more hopeful. hard enough for taxis to make the drive best of cases, went to nearby schools Despite the uncertainty represented by up– adjectives accepted outright by if the family income permitted; if living in a shack with the idea that their a large part of Barcelona’s citizenry not, they entered the labor market stay there was temporary, the district that lived on the fringes and bowed prematurely. took on a life of its own as explained their head before the existing social by one resident: reality in El Carmel. Gone were the Above we described the isolation suf- descriptions of the past of the neigh- fered by the El Carmel neighborhood, Well, it was a town. You come borhood as ‘picturesque and pleasant.’ both from a geographic perspective from one town and then you find Inhospitable, probably it was, given the and from the lack of investment in another town, set up in a differ- limited accessibility; but with regard to infrastructure on the part of the City ent way, [...] disorganized, with dangerous, that should be called into of Barcelona. In 1969 a group of an uphill climb, that doesn’t have question since it was more dangerous residents that included some shanty water; well, OK, the town we were for those who were forced to live under dwellers decided to create the Centro in didn’t have water either. [...] But very harsh conditions (without water, Social del Carmelo (Social Center of El that’s what you found, a load of electricity, a sewage system, garbage Carmel). In 1972 it would disappear shacks, the side of the hill full of collection and so on) in shacks located to make way for the creation of the little white houses, with leather- in steep places where children could Asociación de Vecinos del Carmelo board, a bunch of stones stuck on get hurt easily” (Bou; Gimeno, 2007). (El Carmel Residents’ Association). the roofs. Everyone was an immi- A protest movement for improve- grant. (Interview from 24 May The social reality of the shantytowns ments to the neighborhood originated 2007. Code: [EN(RR)(CA) F.G.S.]) was heterogeneous and peculiar. On from this association: potable running water, the creation of schools and day care centers, a health care center, urban planning improvements, public transportation and more. In the case in question, the shantytown committee of the association would work to provide the shanty areas with basic infrastructure and to promote the construction of subsidized housing in the same neighborhood. One prominent member described it thus: I would say that the El Carmel Resi- dents’ Association was an example to follow for many associations. It carried a specific weight because there were a lot of people who gave their all in exchange for nothing, who spent many hours alongside us, and then we proposed doing Scene of daily life in the district of La Perona. things and achieved them. Why? Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, Solidaridad Nacional collection. COMPILATION 27

Well, because when we went to talk Alegre shantytown. In 1984 the keys when the shantytowns became true to the administration, we didn’t go were given out to 161 apartments in neighborhoods within the urban area alone. We were people who had the Raimon Casellas housing estate, and not cracks or lawless cities as they informed ourselves about what it a historical milestone since they had had been called in some cases. They was that had to be done, and what succeeded in being relocated within the were, in short, spaces with social life, it was that had to be said, so we same neighborhood. Finally, in 1990 closely bound and related to the rest weren’t lost –we had architects, we the last 87 families from the Francesc of the city. People who worked in had master builders, we had doc- Alegre shantytown moved into the Can the city lived there, and they organ- tors, we had nurses, we had every- Carreras housing estate.13 This entire ized to improved living conditions thing. When we went to talk to the process was successful thanks to pres- in their neighborhoods. They were, health care system, we had people sure from the neighborhood move- however, neighborhoods that grew who knew what the health care sys- ment and the subsequent collaboration up spontaneously outside of urban tem was. When we went to talk to between the residents’ association, the planning and which, in principle, the urban planning department, Patronat Municipal de l’Habitatge and except for some cases, were never we had people who knew what the City of Barcelona. recognized as part of this city –and the urban planning department perhaps this is why they disappeared. was. (Interview from 8 November Conclusions This negation was made patent with 2006. Transcription code: [TR(CA) The reconstruction of the three shan- the lack of municipal action regard- P.G.D.01]) tytowns from bibliographic and doc- ing infrastructure and services, a total umentary research and oral sources neglect until the 1970s when the new allowed us to confirm that the configu- political mood sought to provide the Shortly before the death of dictator ration of shantytowns always responds remaining districts with minimal liv- Francisco Franco, most of the shanty- to a vital necessity for the more disad- ing conditions. Only the social action towns had running water and electric- vantaged social classes facing the prob- of the church, from the initial charity ity, and a garbage collection service had lems of work and housing in urban to the community development of also been created. The next step was contexts. Indeed, the increase in slums the 1960s, mitigated the marginali- to find an optimal space for building in Barcelona was brought about by zation to which these areas had been subsidized housing, but once again waves of immigration, but the main condemned by the city. negotiations were tedious. This led the cause of the shantytowns was deter- association to exert strong pressure on mined by a lack of rational housing Eradicating the shantytowns was nearly the city council, and a meeting was policy. always more an impulse responding arranged with mayor Josep Maria de to urban planning needs and projects Porcioles i Colomer, who promised to Shantytowns were and are established that appeared than a policy focused explore the possibility of relocating res- above all in the empty spaces within on resolving a social problem. Most idents within the neighborhood and to the urban fabric, on small plots of slum inhabitants were relocated to start the paperwork for those residents land awaiting their turn to be trans- planned estates, often outside city who wished to obtain an apartment in formed, in the vacant lots and aban- limits, and their names (La Perona, El the Canyelles housing estate (Camal- doned spaces of interurban areas and Somorrostro, Can Valero, El Camp longa; Custòdia; Fonollà, 1985). very often at the limits and boundaries de la Bota) were replaced with other between two cities. All of them, in one names proposed by institutions (Parc With plans in place to eradicate the way or another, are like boundaries to de Sant Martí, Platja de la Barcelon- shacks and resettle residents, the the structured city. eta, Avinguda de l’Estadi, Fòrum de choice was to either obtain economic les Cultures). compensation and personally under- In the first two decades of the 20th take finding an apartment or to take century, settlements grew and became On the other hand, the life stories col- advantage of the plans for relocation to established along the waterfront and lected show us a wide diversity in ways public housing. Most shanty dwellers on Montjuïc, where shanty building of experiencing and understanding life went for the second option. Briefly and had been a practice tied to work as in in the shantytowns. For many people, following the chronological order of the case of stonecutters and fisher- shanty dwelling was a choice forced on rehousing, in 1977 123 families were men. The postwar immigration gave them by a lack of resources; for others, relocated to the Canyelles housing the phenomenon new dimensions, it was a temporary way of saving to be estate, most of them from the Francesc placing it at its peak in the 1950s able to obtain an apartment; still others 28 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 sought to build a neighborhood from these differences are made more evi- By way of conclusion we would add the shanties and fought for its recogni- dent when periods of greater poverty that shantytowns are not the only tion. All of this diversity also helps us to generate greater social competition and response in the face of a social prob- see that within the shantytowns, as in inequality is exacerbated, as occurred lem like the lack of affordable hous- the rest of the city, there is a structure in the 1970s and 1980s and led to the ing. The disappearance of shantytowns wherein different social and cultural shantytowns’ exclusion from the rest does not always represent a solution to categories can be distinguished. And of the city. the problem. n

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bou, Ll. M.; Gimeno, E. (2007) El Carme- Duocastella, R. (comp.) (1957) Los Suburbi- Pons, Agustí (1967) “50 familias expulsadas lo ignorado: Historia de un barrio imposible. os. Semana del Suburbio. Barcelona. de sus barracones... para ser alojadas en bar- Ajuntament de Barcelona: Agència de promoció racas”. El Noticiero Universal, 19 de desembre. del Carmel i entorns, cop. Col·lecció Construir Doménech, R.; Juncosa, R. (1973) “Una Barcelona. experiencia de trabajo social comunitario en Pons, F.; Martino, J.M. (1929) Los Aduares un barrio de barracas de Muntjuïc”. Revista de de Barcelona. Editorial La Ibèrica: Barcelona. Camallonga, J.; Moreno, M. C.; Fonollà, Treball Social, núm. 51, juliol. F. (1985) “El Carmel estrena habitatges”. Ha- Rispa Roca, Agustí (1993) (inèdit-mecanos- bitatge, núm. 1, gener. Patronat Municipal de Echenique, M. (inèdit) (1965) El barraquismo crit). Breve historia del barraquismo en Barce- l’Habitatge, Barcelona. en Montjuïc. Tesi doctoral. Escola Superior d’Ar- lona y su evolución desde 1980 hasta su total quitectura, Barcelona. erradicación. A l’Arxiu Municipal del Districte Carrasco, S.; Garriga, C. (2000) Els gitanos de Sant Martí. de Barcelona. Una aproximació sociològica. Fabré, J.; Huertas Claveria, J.M. (1976) Tots Àrea de Serveis Socials. Diputació de Barce- els Barris de Barcelona. Edicions 62: Barce- Roca i Blanch, E. (2002) Montjuïc, la munta- lona. lona. nya de la ciutat. FOCSA: Barcelona.

Carreras Candi, F. (1916) Geografia General Lòpez, Pilar (1990) (inèdit-mecanoscrit) 15 San Román, T. (compilació) (1986) Entre la de Catalunya, La ciutat de Barcelona. Barce- años en La Perona: 1974-1989. Una experi- marginación y el racismo. Reflexiones sobre la lona. encia de Trabajo Social con gitanos. A l’Arxiu vida de los gitanos. Alianza Editorial: Madrid. Municipal del Districte de Sant Martí.

NOTES

1 Coordinators: Mercè Tatjer and Cristina Larrea. 4 The documentary research enabled us to cre- 10 A tracking of the neighborhood conflicts can Researchers: Xavi Camino, Flora Muñoz, Oscar ate a database inventory with more than 300 be found at the Arxiu Municipal del Districte de Casasayas, Max Díaz, Pili Díaz, Eva Cerveto. entries. Sant Martí in the folder of press clippings La Perona: eradicació de les barraques i lluites 2 This final report was presented to the Eth- 5 For the 1928 estimate: “Comunicación sobre veïnals (1979-1991). nological Heritage Inventory of Catalonia in el acta de construcción de las Casas Baratas December 2007. Its annexes contain a listing de Eduardo Aunós.” Patronato Municipal de la 11 Spanish (both newcomers and several-genera- of interviews conducted (document), digital Habitación. Barcelona, June 1928, p. 17. tion-established) and Hungarian origin. (López, interviews (DVD), summaries of digital inter- 1990) 6 “La única luz que ilumina las barracas son las views (document), unrecorded interviews llamas del vertedero.” Telexprés (27 February 12 May be consulted at the Arxiu Municipal del (document), the interview guide for shanty 1967). Districte de Sant Martí. dwellers (DVD/document), the interview guide for people involved (DVD/document), the list of 7 To follow the neighborhood association’s press 13 “Memòria del Patronat Municipal de interviewees (DVD/document), the ACCESS campaign and the negotiations with the City of l’Habitatge.” No signature. Arxiu del PMH. documentary database (DVD), the IPEC regis- Barcelona and the Ministry of Housing, consult For the subject at hand, you can consult ter of voice recordings (DVD), the IPEC register the Diario de Barcelona, the Noticiero Univer- the reports for 1979-1990, in particular the of photographic recordings (DVD), collections sal and the Correo Catalan from 1967 to 1968, sections “L’eradicació del barraquisme” and of photographs (DVD) and the transcriptions as well as the 22 issues of La Voz de la Montaña “L’adjudicació de vivendes.” (DVD/document). at the Arxiu de Cáritas. 3 Among the archives consulted, mention should 8 Unidades Vecinales de Absorción Social, a pro- Article originally published in be made of a few for how important the docu- ject by the Obra Sindical del Hogar (OSH) to mentation we were able to obtain from them relocate shantytowns. Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia was: Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona, de Catalunya (no. 33. year 2008) 9 Much of the information relevant to the La Arxiu Municipal Administratiu de Barcelona under the title El barraquisme a and Secció Prearxivatge, Arxiu Nacional de Perona shantytown can be found at the Arxiu Catalunya, Patronat Municipal de l’Habitatge, Municipal del Districte de Sant Martí, the Arxiu la ciutat de Barcelona. Arxiu Municipal del Districte de Sant Martí, Arxiu Històric del Poble Nou, the Arxiu Municipal Can Valero, La Perona i el

Administratiu de Barcelona and the Arxiu del  Municipal de Sants-Montjuïc, Arxiu Municipal Carmel. del Districte d’Horta-Guinardó and Arxiu de Patronat Municipal de l’Habitatge. Cáritas. COMPILATION 29

Josep Maria Solé Soldevila He is currently working on his doctorate in Contemporary Catalan History at the University of Barcelona. He has worked on various projects, with special mention going to his role as a researcher in the project Human Cost of the Civil War, whose goal is to develop a census of victims of the Spanish Civil War in Catalonia, and in the oral history study Libertarian Syndicalism in Living Voices, which examines this movement during the years of the Spanish democratic transition. He also did the study Choirs of the Barceloneta: from their Mid-19th-Century Origins to the Present. Choirs of the Barceloneta: from Claverian Choral Societies to the Silent Choirs

In the middle of the 19th century the The Origins of the Catalan were seen as an opportunity but almost Catalan Countries underwent profound Choir Movement always viewed with a degree of fear. transformations brought about by the process of industrialisation. Thanks to n the middle of the 19th One of the people who actively partic- its strategic location, the Barceloneta century the Catalan Coun- ipated in the richly changing cultural maritime neighbourhood (Barcelona) 1 would become one of the districts tries underwent profound and associational panorama being most affected by these changes, its transformations brought forged in Barcelona in those years physical face radically altered as it about by the process of was Josep Anselm Clavé. The son of was transformed into one of the most industrialisation. The first a family of merchants from the nearby important focal points of Catalan steam powered machine was installed Ribera neighbourhood, from a very industry. Every spring, at the Pentecost, in Barcelona in 1833 (quite appropri- young age he participated in political this neighbourhood was the Choir I Festival celebration, a celebration ately the Bonaplata textile mill was initiatives connected to republican- that came from the humorous choral popularly known as “El Vapor” (The ism, while showing particular inter- societies that they were created tin the Steamer)), and in 1848 the first railway est in music. As a result of his social origins of the Catalan choral movement. line was inaugurated between Barce- commitment and his participation lona and Mataró. Thanks to its strategic in various urban revolts at the begin- 2 A meitats del segle xix als Països location, the Barceloneta maritime ning of the 1840s, he was arrested Catalans es van donar profundes neighbourhood would become one and detained in the Ciutadella mili- transformacions ocasionades of the districts most affected by these tary citadel. It was precisely during per l’impuls dels processos changes, its physical face radically his detainment that Clavé thought of d’industrialització. Gràcies a la seva altered as it was transformed into one temporarily leaving strictly political localització estratègica, el barri marítim de la Barceloneta (Barcelona) es of the most important focal points of action in order to create an organiza- convertiria en una de les zones més Catalan industry. Faced with this newly tion dedicated to worker resistance, afectades per aquests canvis socials, developing scenario, a variety of social with the idea of gathering together i la seva estructura física es veié agents on the ground would shift in the financial resources to create a Mutual radicalment alterada transformant-se en same way the territory itself had, adapt- Support Fund through recitals to be un dels punts focals més importants de ing themselves to changes that at times held in cafes and taverns. la indústria catalana. Cada primavera, durant la celebració de la Pentecosta, es du a terme en aquest barri la Festa dels Cors, una celebració que té els seus Keywords: Choral movement, humorous choral societies, folk music, popular celebration, popular neighbourhood, working class, The Barceloneta (Barcelona) orígens en els orfeons i les agrupacions corals humorístiques que van aparèixer Paraules clau: moviment coral, societats corals humorístiques, música popular, festa popular, en els inicis del moviment coral català. celebració veïnal, classes populars, La Barceloneta. 30 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

his discourse were clearly class-based. He argues that they worked as inter- mediaries between “the more general propositions of the industrial order and those who recognized themselves in an incipient proletarian identity.”5 In this way, more than one hundred and fifty years later, the question set forth in the middle of the 1970s by historian Eva Serra as to whether Clavé “was really a liberator or in fact an accomplice, perhaps naive or unaware, of a form of entertainment that was pacifying and essentially conformist”,6 continues to arouse debate.7

Choral Societies in the Barceloneta These first choral societies, made up exclusively of men and created by Josep Anselm Clavé and his disciples, would multiply to such an extent that they chose to set up a coordinating body, the Euterpense Association (A1860), and publish a journal, El Metrónomo (1863). Clavé began collaborating with the weekly paper with a series of articles where while explaining the origins of the movement, he would also defend his role as a pioneer in the creation of choral societies throughout Spain in debate with the Tolosa broth- 8 Photograph from the early 20th century of Barceloneta’s Pomells de Joventut ers, claiming that once the Sociedad Federation, on an outing. Coral La Fraternidad (The Fraternity SOURCE: ARCHIVE OF THE COORDINATOR OF BARCELONETA CHORAL GROUPS. Choral Society) had been set up, “its members gave themselves up fully to Yet La Aurora, the name of that resist- would be the moral education of the the study of the choral pieces La fiesta ance organization made manifest as a working classes through the creation of en la aldea (Festival in the Town) La small orchestra and led by Clavé from choral societies.3 Nevertheless, there is flor de mayo (The May Flower) andEl 1847 to 1850, would end up being no agreement on who would be objec- tiempo de Terpsìcore [sic] (The Time of too small for the task he had in mind. tively benefitted by his activity. While Terpsichore) which I composed quite After contact with Narcís Monturiol, for Ricard Vinyes “the Claverian action intentionally; and on the 14th of the utopian Icarian movement and left a sharp imprint on the culture of August, 1850 and the 7th of December emerging cultural initiatives that in the lower classes, spreading and popu- of the same year, their noteworthy mer- one way or another were close to him, larising different ethical-social values its were made public, verifying them and using as his model the choral socie- in alternative to those of the dominant respectively on San Miguel Street in the ties of Saint-Simon, Clavé founded La classes,”4 and becoming “relevant in Barceloneta and on Cambios Viejos Fraternidad (The Fraternity) in 1850. the shaping of the communist tradi- Street of this same city.”9 Just two years Grounding his work on the experience tion”, Albert García Balañà in contrast later, La Fraternidad, accompanied this and human capital forged in his years understands that in spite of not sharing time by a new choral society called La with La Aurora, Clavé began to give his goals with the bourgeoisie, it cannot Aurora in clear homage to Clavé, in shape to his new project, whose goal nevertheless be said that his practice or what was its third performance, par- COMPILATION 31 ticipated during “the early hours of On Easter Sunday, the group of singers it was not until 1863 that a choir was the following 11th of April, holiday would parade down the streets and officially set up in the neighbourhood. of Easter … songs sung in the early perform at previously-selected homes, The official organ of the Euterpense dawn of that day that were known in beneath the balconies where the sing- Association described its beginnings in Catalonia by the name of caramelles10 ers’ fiancées might live. Once the show this way: “ … the young workers who and that both societies performed in had ended, the singers would push a made it up all belonged to the Casino various neighbourhoods of the Barce- long staff up to the balconies with a Artesano, in whose headquarters they loneta.”11 With these precedents, and basket hung on the end which was duly have a day academy headed up by the in spite of the fact that we do not know filled with foodstuffs, especially eggs. intelligent maestro of various Euter- the personal identity or where mem- With the food gathered during the pense Societies, Mr. Bach Sentena,”15 bers of the Fraternity Choral Society singing an outing was arranged, quite who was one of Clavé’s closest collabo- had their club, it would be difficult to typically to Montserrat.13 It should be rators. Only three years earlier Antoni explain such choral activity in the port pointed out, with regards to the idea Font had pushed ahead the creation of neighbourhood without there being of asking for food from spectators on the Casino Artesano, “the first neigh- a close relationship between one or the balconies, that the caramelles are bourhood entity in the Barceloneta,”16 a few members of the choir and the considered the oldest Catalan example founded with the idea of improving Barceloneta. of ritual festive extortion, a trait that conditions in the community. On over time would spread out to other September 29 of that same 1863, tak- While the holiday programming of festive practices.14 Even though in the ing advantage of the neighbourhood the choral societies of the Barcelon- case of the Barceloneta the customary festival, the choral society had its pub- eta was spread out throughout the routes did not leave the neighbour- lic presentation under the direction of year, with variations in intensity and hood streets, thus limiting the festive Manuel Vilardell. They presented a aims, the two most important times territory, on special occasions it did go dance and also announced the begin- in the calendar year were precisely the beyond them. ning of classes in a number of subjects, Easter season and Pentecost. The first including choral singing. The banner, of them is held on the first Sunday of For Pentecost the celebration that which was almost as important as the the first full moon of Spring, being still today is most robust involves the singers themselves, would be made nothing more than the sacralisation choral societies going into the street in by the workshop of Joan Medina, an of the pagan holiday welcoming good costume, parading in orderly fashion embroiderer specialised in this kind of weather, and, with it, the rebirth of to live music (that has changed over hanging flag. nature. As we have just seen, it was time), with large reproductions of their traditional to sing caramelles during work tools attached to their backs. The A year after it was founded, the choir Easter, which was a holiday that was Pentecost festival began on Saturday of the Barceloneta participated in the above all preserved amongst towns- morning, with various choirs walking Gran Festival d’Euterpe (Great Euterpe people in the mountains, even though through the streets by way of good-bye Festival), also known as the Festival of it had put down roots in the towns of celebration, visiting the clubhouses of Two Thousand Voices participating the Barcelona plain and in the Barce- the various choral societies. After the under the organization of the Euter- loneta, where maritime motifs where parade, the members of the different pense Association. The purpose of added. The singing of caramelles had groups would leave the neighbourhood the event was to further knowledge (and still has) the characteristic of for an outing that had been planned of the activity of the Claverian choral being a moving performance; to follow over the entire year. Two days later, on societies. The thirty-four men from the criteria set out by the anthropolo- Pentecost, the choirs would return to the Barceloneta choir performed Els gist Manuel Delgado in Carrer, festa the neighbourhood and, in the mid- pescadors (The Fishermen) and Una i revolta (Street, Festival and Revolt) dle of the afternoon, would parade orgía (An Orgy) on June 5, without in characterizing different festive uses again, returning once more to the winning any of the many prizes being of public space, it had a cosmic trajec- headquarters of the different societies, granted. Els pescadors, a Catalan fisher- tory, that is, it was a festive activity that with the food they had brought back men’s song featuring both maritime moved along a more or less established with them from their trip hanging off and amorous imagery composed by route and did so in orderly fashion, their clothes. Clavé in 1861, has been one of the “dramatically reproducing the ideal most performed pieces by the Barce- terms of distribution of positions in In spite of this early presence of the loneta choral societies ever since, and the very heart of the social structure.”12 Claverian choirs in the Barceloneta, rightly so. Eight years after Great Festi- 32 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 val, in 1872 the Fifth Great Festival of ties in the Barceloneta. There are more as discussion material. While at first Euterpe was held in El Torín, the long of them, and as a consequence, their the only beneficiaries of programmed disappeared bullring of the Barcelon- public presence expands as well. As activity were society members, they eta. On that occasion, the choir that for their activity, the main function were allowed to invite family members was in fact representing the maritime continued to be recreational, and and the odd friend, so that their behav- neighbourhood was another choral was centred on the organization of iour as well had to be watched over by society that had been quite active dur- dances, concerts and parties, just as the member who had invited them. ing the final years of the 19th century: Clavé had envisioned. These activities La Perla de la Barceloneta. were held at the social club of each of In spite of having been created under the respective choirs, which normally the auspices of Clavé’s model, these The Choral Societies after was a tavern or café. Yet despite being new choral societies began to forget Clavé spaces that were not always the most him. In fact the first choral societies After the death of Josep Anselm Clavé adequate for the activities proposed, that were called humoristic and began in 1874, the Euterpense Association they were regulated by sufficiently to set out their own identity, which in fell into crisis due to ongoing debates as strict norms with the goal of creat- the long term would determine one of to the direction the movement should ing a positive ambience in promoting the distinguishing traits of the choral take. The size it had taken on and the fraternal bonds between the different societies in the Barceloneta, emerged arguments over various aspects of its members. In order to accomplish this just before the end of the century, social role made it impossible to keep goal, members had to behave in a way under the watchful eye of the Claver- the movement together. The following that would not be a morally offensive, ian choirs. Even so, the mark of Clavé years seemed like there were never- and with this goal in mind political was seen not only on an organizational theless positive for the choral socie- and social subjects were also prohibited level, but also in the spirit of coop-

A choral society of the Barceloneta has their photograph taken during a trip to the countryside. SOURCE: ARCHIVE OF THE COORDINATOR OF BARCELONETA CHORAL GROUPS. COMPILATION 33 eration between society members and carried out as in previous years. Here to the development of its ideological with the least favoured in society. In this we opt instead to focus on activities principles, the Claverian choirs began regard we can cite various examples: a more closely tied to the new political the period of the Republic without the performance done on April 29, 1873, situation. internal tensions of previous decades, in recognition of the men and women allowing them to “recover lost ground of Puigcerdà who were resisting the The overall discourse of the choir when it came to presence on the street, Carlist offensive, with the participa- movement and not only those fol- in citizen-initiated or official public tion of La Fraternidad, amongst other lowing Clavé had always emphasized events, and with an influence on the societies;17 the concert organized at the apolitical positions, as in their Rules social and cultural life of the coun- Casino Artesano of the Barceloneta on and Statutes there was always a phrase try.” 23 July 22, 1882, to collect money for the prohibiting “serious activity in political families affected by a furnace explosion and social matters.”22 In turn, while it Although a degree of stability set in on Amàlia Street;18 the Christmas festi- is also true that the choirs can be seen after an initial period of uncertainty, val in benefit of unemployed workers involved in matters that went clearly events in favour of the Republic were on December 21, 1884, held at the beyond the strictly musical or cultural held non-stop. In the first year, the Bon Retiro theatre with the presence domain, it cannot be denied that they Administration Commission for a of La Nova Australia, turning into had always emphasized mutual support commemorative plaque in support a humoristic mass choir of over five and assistance quite beyond political or of the proclamation of the Catalan hundred singers;19 a day in solidarity party-based positions. Perhaps what Republic organized a series of events with the victims of the shipwreck of the should be said about the Catalan cho- on Montjuïc, where we find the “Reina Regente”, held on April 7, 1895 ral movement is that in spite of being presence of Els Pescadors. They per- in the Palau de les Belles Arts (Palace made up of organizations active above formed with the Dalia Barcelonina of Fine Arts), with the participation of all in the field of music, it was never and the Artística Gracienca, as well as the Casino Choir20; or another event in able or willing to shut itself off from the Orfeó de Llevant, which, under support of the poorest residents of the its context, seeking instead to intervene the direction of the maestro Alier, Gràcia neighbourhood, with the pres- in social reality in favour of what was closed the event performing Cant ence of the Casino Choir once more, held to be just, without that stopping de la senyera (Song of the Catalan held on August 15, 1902, in the tent them from continuing to carry out Flag), Sota de l’olm (Beneath the raised at the corner of Passeig de Gràcia their principal task, which was musi- Elm), L’Hereu Riera (The Heir Riera), and Aragó Street.21 cal. Yet when on April 14, 1931, the Bai, bai, bai and Nostra Dansa (Our Second Republic was proclaimed, the Dance).24 In the years that followed The Choral Movement discourse and practices of the choral the proclamation of the Republic as Participant in the societies shifted, as would happen in was commemorated, “that change Transformational Project of the any case with society as a whole. of regime in the Spanish state that Spanish Second Republic fills the people with joy after having Existing data allows us to state that in The first show of explicit support for worn the strangling harness around no case did a change of government or the new political system was found in its neck”,25 bringing “to complete regime have a substantial affect on the an editorial published in La Aurora, satisfaction the entire organization activity of the choral life of the Barcelo- the official paper of the Federation of of the Claverian choirs, inasmuch neta until the Fascist uprising. Having Clavé Choirs, just after the Republic as they had seen fulfilled one of their said this, we can observe that the most was proclaimed. In that time of par- main ideas, that of liberty.”26 important political events did end up ticular social effervescence the dis- having an influence on its practices. course developed by the Federation Despite this new state of things, politi- In the case of the proclamation of the took a look back in time in search of cal and social conficts persisted. One Second Republic the influence does the guiding principles of its founder, was related to the difficulty of approv- indeed stands out. It is for this reason recalling his social status while affirm- ing the Statute of Catalonia. One of that, in our analysis of the behaviour ing itself as a working class organiza- the best-known manifestations in of the Barceloneta choir movement tion, which meant it was objectively favour of its approval without modifi- during this brief period, we have cho- interested in the consolidation of cation took place on Sunday, April 24, sen to leave aside references to the the new legal and political structure. 1932, with the main player being the traditional calendar of festivities and Besides this new political and social Autonomous Centre of Commercial holidays, which would continue to be context, which was clearly favourable and Industrial Clerks (Centre Auton- 34 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 omista de Dependents del Comerç Free Catalonia! /and our granddad going instead to the Fossar de les Mor- i la Indústria, CADCI), which had Macià!” (Però el poble no t’oblida, / I eres (Cemetery of the Mulberry Trees) called the event. Many associations recordan-te cridarà: / ¡Visca Catalunya where, together with La Violeta de from around Catalonia gave it their Lliure / i el nostre avi Macià!”28 Clavé they performed Els Segadors (The support and were present in the dem- Harvesters) and L’Emigrant, a piece onstration with their Catalan flags. The Catalan national day, September “that the crowd warmly applauded.”30 In representation of the Barceloneta 11, would also give rise to interest on there was the Petit Mar i Platja Cho- the part of the choral societies that has This bond between various Barceloneta ral Society, the Centre Cooperatiu not been appreciated until now. The choral societies and political Catalan de Pescadors Choral Group and the Commission given the task of organ- nationalism did not end there. The fact Orfeó Llevant society.27 izing the events of the day was made that the president of Les Gavines, Josep up of representatives from different Tomàs i Piera,31 belonged to Esquerra The death of the President of the organizations, with the task of draw- Republicana de Catalunya (the Repub- Generalitat (Catalan government) ing up a program that would revolve lican Left of Catalonia) allows us to Francesc Macià on December 25, around the monument to Rafael de observe a few unusual scenes. The first 1933, also awakened in the choral Casanova. It is quite surprising to see took place on February 27, 1934, when sphere the need to render him hom- the amount of choral societies that the Mayor of Barcelona was paid a visit age. This was the aim of the brochure went to the monument during the by the society’s board.32 Two years later, published by the Humorística La day, usually for the purpose of leaving on March 19, 1936, they were to visit Perla Choral Society of the Barce- a floral wreath, while others chose to the Generalitat, the Catalan govern- loneta, which featured the portrait sing. The Barceloneta was once again mental palace. That time the entire of Macià and included the words present with the participation of Les choir went and was received by Presi- of a song composed by G. Verneda Gavines and the Orfeó Llevant, who dent Lluís Companys, with the children (Tino) and the maestro M. Moret, performed the Hymn to Catalonia by performing Els Segadors. Afterwards, the entitled La mort de l’avi (Death of the Sabater and the Cant del Poble (Song president of the society and professors Grandfather). The final verses of the of the People) by Amadeu Vives.29 Estivill and August closed the event by song are an indication of their love Two years later, the same two choirs offering Companys a bouquet of red for the president and their nation: would participate once again on the carnations.33 “Still the people do not forget you/ same occasion. That time, however, the and remembering will cry / Long live Orfeó de Llevant changed locations, Besides these more explicitly political activities, the choral societies continued to participate in those of a more social nature. Here we might include the festival organized by the Municipal Assistance Committee of District I, “made up of all political factions”,34 in benefit of the district’s poor. Held in the tent ceded by the Ateneu Pi i Mar- gall and raised in Francesc Magrinyà Square in the Barceloneta, it featured the participation of the Barceloneta choral societies La Perla, Orfeó Llevant and Les Gavines, amongst others. There was also the event organized by the children’s mutual members section (Els Petits Mutualistes) of the Federation of the Catalan Societies of Mutual Support held in the Palau Nacional (National Palace) “in honour of their youngest associates.”35 Another participant was On their return from their Pentecost outing, members of choral societies parade with foodstuffs hanging off their clothes. the children’s association Agrupació 36 SOURCE: ARCHIVE OF THE COORDINATOR OF BARCELONETA CHORAL GROUPS. Infantil Gavines i Gavots of the Bar- COMPILATION 35 celoneta, under the direction of Josep case with the humoristic choral socie- the expressions most strongly per- Taxes. Finally we might refer to the ties, amongst others. In the month of taining to the overall body of popular event organized on June 21, 1936, in the January, the Franco authorities closed classes and to the different nations Gràcia neighbourhood, with the aim of down the Federation of Clavé Choirs making up the Spanish state. The other increasing support for a fund to provide and Choral Groups, and with this factor, the process of industrial devel- lifetime pensions to the elderly in the closure the united initiative of Clavé, opment, had even earlier been caus- community.37 The event, which was long desired and so diligently worked ing “a progressive homogenization or fully programmed, included a “session for, was cut short, meaning the sud- uniformity of models of consumption of danceable music with mass appeal”38 den end of the two hundred choral ... models of behaviour within the fam- as performed by Les Gavines children’s societies that had belonged to it. This ily unit in different places and media, dance troupe, and which was broadcast shut-down responded to official rul- and relationships between individuals: by Radio Barcelona. ing 6.001, which stated that the civil workplace behaviour, use of leisure, governor of the province of Barcelona appreciation and spread of access to With the beginning of the Civil War orders that “the reorganization of said school education”,46 all of which had after the military coup, it was the Les organization is suspended as long as begun to cause these cultural patterns Gavines choral society that made the the purging is yet to be completed.”41 to shift. greatest effort in defending the pro- It took until November 3, 1950 for the ject of the popular front. An exam- Spanish state to legalize the Federation The recovery of the Claverian move- ple would be its participation in a of Clavé Choirs once again, and then ment in the Barceloneta during the benefit festival in support of a fund only under the control of the Syndi- first years of the Franco government for the Central Committee of Anti- cated Organization of Education and thus was directly conditioned by the Fascist Militias that was organized on Leisure. Before this, however, some political regime itself, as the choirs Sunday, September 20, 1936, by the choirs had restarted their activity, with participated in initiatives organized Gràcia E. C. sports club, and held at the limitations of the period present, with the idea of instrumentalizing the Guinardó football stadium. The such as with the Censorship Decree them for political benefit. These events activities, which lasted throughout the of March 27, 1939, which took out focussed on expressions of Catalan day, began at 10 o’clock in the morning of circulation the works of writers and popular culture that appeared to be with “concerts of Folklore and popular translators who had been condemned more easily assimilated, while “strate- music”39 by the Federation of Folklore to die or had gone into exile. One of the gically leaving aside their Republican Organizations of Catalonia with the pieces affected by the censorship was and revolutionary origin so as to put collaboration of other institutions. On (to give an example) the biography of greater emphasis on aspects related the same day, the Sarrià Worker’s Cen- Josep Anselm Clavé, written by Josep to workers’ syndicates and songs like tre organized a festival in support of Lleopart.42 Glory to Spain.”47 In this way they the Anti-Fascist Militias.40 Les Gavines were restricted to participation in participated in this same festival, shar- In any case, the revival of this com- the caramelles competitions organ- ing the stage with other groups. The plex web of societies would take place ized by the Syndicated Organization period of the Republic thus ended in slowly, for as historian Pierre Vilar has of Education and Leisure48 or the City the same way as it had began, with the observed, “if profound crises cause of Barcelona on Holy Saturday, or to Catalan choral movement giving its social unrest, prolonged crises wear out collaborating on the occasion of the support to the Republic, now at war all kinds of energies.”43 Furthermore, centenary of the first choir festival in with Fascism. as the anthropologists Joan Prat and 1850, in events planned by City Hall Jesús Contreras have pointed out,44 and organized by an Official Com- Building a New Choral the rupture brought on by the Fascist mission comprised of individuals rep- Movement between Fascist uprising was one of the two factors resenting the network of associations Instrumentalization and leading to the decadence of what we in the neighbourhood, together with Independence call the traditional and/or popular, since others belonging to the Falange. The The fascist victory in 1939 meant the “instauration by force of a politi- Els Pescadors choral society, which the end of the Catalan choral socie- cal-administrative apparatus, which had reorganized itself just a year ties, whether grouped together in the amongst other things automatically earlier, participated with the perfor- recently founded Federation of Clavé meant the suppression of institutions mance of Cant a la Vinya (Song to the Choirs and Choral Groups or acting representing the Catalan nationality”,45 Vineyards) and Les flors de maig (The on independently of it, as was the had the twin goal of eliminating both May Flowers).49 36 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

In the 1980s, the Humoristic Choir All i Oli has their photograph taken in front of their centre, with the group banner proudly displayed. SOURCE: ARCHIVE OF THE COORDINATOR OF BARCELONETA CHORAL GROUPS.

This straightjacketing of the Federa- Franco and of the Government of the choral societies also diminished. As tion of Clavé Choirs would change Nation”51 made them change their they were accustomed to seeing all over time, as it became more clearly minds and postpone the trip. They aspects of life from a critically mock- aligned with the dominant National held that it was better to stay in Barce- ing perspective, it took them longer to Catholicism of the time. An indication lona to deal with “any order that could be revived, and the process was more of this historically unique shift can be come to us related to rendering hom- difficult than for the choirs rooted in seen with the strengthening of ties to age to the General.”52 The order did the Claverian tradition. Those that did the Church. The activities related to indeed come, and on the night of May try to stay active had to put up with the Catholic Church that most stand 21 they responded “with the greatest the intromissions of a regime that had out were the Gatherings at Montser- of success ... gathering five thousand chosen to take control over any grass- rat, which became annual events that choir members together in the histori- roots initiative in order to stretch out the Claverian choral societies could cal Plaza de San Jaime to perform Glory its own lifespan. The Els Tranquils cho- not miss. to Spain.”53 The second incident took ral society ended up being the subject place in June, 1966. The reception of an investigation whose final report Even so, the most explicit collabora- took place at the entrance to Barce- from September 17, 1949, stated that tion of the Claverian choral socie- lona on the Diagonal, at the Pedralbes “it is a choir, which although at this ties with the fascist regime was their Palace. After a long wait in the sun, the time has a board of directors that is not participation in a few events meant dictator finally arrived and the choir, known to be politically active, meets in to welcome the head of state and of ready for their moment, performed a place known as Bar “MANEL” that the government Francisco Franco. On L’Empordà. When they finished, the does not have a very fine reputation May 13, 1960, they had planned to general clasped his hands together in in the moral sense and in the political send out an expedition from the Fed- appreciation as the singers’ waved their sense, having clients from amongst eration of Clavé Choirs to Portugal, traditional Catalan hats in the air.54 the people of the port and fishermen, though “circumstances of national the majority being undesirable types interest,”50 that is, the arrival of “His During the years of the Franco dic- who do not agree with the Regime, Excellency the Head of State General tatorship the presence of humoristic so that the Choir in question is not COMPILATION 37 particularly trustworthy and perhaps The Revival of the Choral table leaders of the civil and cultural in the future will be the pretext for the Movement in the Barceloneta uprising in Catalonia since the end of organization of any kind of activity, On November 20, 1975 Spanish the 19th century”, being recognized given the type of people associating head of state Francisco Franco died. as “a fundamental expression of mass there.”55 So that in spite of not being After a short period of convulsion, identity upon which the cultural life able to accuse the members of Els the regime began a timid reformation of the country was organized.”56 As is Tranquils of anything in particular, process while the working class move- well known, amongst the main factors the report raises a shadow of suspicion ments took to the streets together to in this awakening were the neighbour- over them, their usual meeting place call for freedom(s). The joyful burst of hood associations, having not only and those sharing it with them for the the masses, calling out for what they worked for the improvement of daily simple fact of being “people from the had long desired, spread throughout reality in close proximity in difficult port and fishermen” (we might wonder the country; in the Barceloneta neigh- times, but who at that time, with the what was to be expected from a bar bourhood as well the choral societies, death of Franco, had taken a degree of in the Barceloneta), who without any under the direction of new individuals political initiative by calling the first proof were mostly considered to be and social agents, took it upon them- demonstration for political amnesty.57 “undesirable types who do not agree selves to rebuild the infrastructure of They also involved themselves in the with the Regime”. This is a clear sign associations they had previously been revival of the historical network of of the persecution and vulnerability part of. The previous network had been Catalan associations independent of its citizens, and helps to explain the made up of centres (known as ateneus from political power when it came to prudence with which the humoristic in Catalan) and clubs for the general setting holidays. In the case of the Bar- choral societies sought to revive their population, workers, Republicans and celoneta Neighbourhood Association, activities. Catalanists who “had become the veri- one of the main tasks undertaken was

At the end of the 1970s, the Lozano family, members of the Humoristic Choral Society Els Afortunats, dressed up to parade through the neighbourhood. SOURCE: POPULAR PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION OF THE BARCELONETA. 38 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 to revive the choral societies, an effort features of these organizations, namely ably upon these and other changes of that focussed on the creation of two their humorous choral pieces, had been recent years. This is because the cho- choirs meant to join those that had driven into silence after forty years of ral movement in the Barceloneta has been revived even under the Franco dictatorship; such songs had disap- a mass, working class following that regime. These new choirs were the peared from festive events, and were no is not the case with many of the fes- Coral Gavina, the first mixed gender longer considered essential features of tive events in Catalonia. It is precisely choir in the Barceloneta in over a hun- them. If anyone wanted their humor- because it is alive and that residents dred years, and the Rosa dels Vents, a istic choral society to sing something, claim it as their own that the Choir children’s choir which would immedi- they would have to look back into the Festival enlivens emotions and arouses ately have sixty participating members. past to revive practices that had been debate amongst those who, being so dampened by sheer force. deeply involved, might fear that any If this was what community members changes will end up killing it off, in organized in the neighbourhood asso- Apart from this activity, once the festiv- spite of apparently being so widely ciation were up to, those outside of that ity had been reawakened, little by little successful. n association would prove to be equally some of the traditions were modified as active. Little by little, the number of well, being adapted to the interests of humorous choral societies grew as well, new participants and social demands. reviving Pentecost as their main fes- Thus in 1993, for example, a group of tive event with the new name of the women took the initiative to do away Choir Festival. In any case, some of with their decidedly secondary role so what we might call the fundamental as to become active participants in the characteristics of the humorous cho- festivities, creating the first of many ral societies were still changing. What female choral societies, La Sirena. That had once been one of the identifying said, not everyone has looked favour-

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NOTES

1 Països Catalans, a term describing the Catalan- 17 Carbonell i Guberna, Jaume Josep Anselm 42 Lleonart, Josep Josep Anselm Clavé. Barce- speaking territories of Catalonia, Valencia, the Clavé i el naixement del cant coral a Catalunya lona: Editorial Barcino, 1937. Balearic Islands, Andorra and the southern (1850-1874). Capellades: Edicions Galerada, 43 Vilar, Pierre Introducció a la història de Catalu- French region of Roussillon (Translator’s note). 2000, p. 573. nya. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1995, p. 13. 2 Vinyes, Ricard La presència ignorada. La 18 La Vanguardia, July 24, 1882, p. 3. 44 Prat, Joan and Contreras, Jesús Les festes cultura comunista a Catalunya (1840-1931). 19 La Vanguardia, December 21, 1884, p. 5. populars. Barcelona: La Llar del Llibre, 1984. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1989, p. 89. 20 La Vanguardia, April 7, 1895, p. 7. 45 Ibid., pp. 135-138. 3 Idem. 21 La Vanguardia, August 14, 1902, pp. 2-3. 46 Idem. 4 Albert García Balañà, “Ordre industrial i transformació cultural a la Catalunya de mit- 22 Statutes of the Agrupació Choral Humorística 47 Joan Soler i Amigó, director, Tradicionari: enci- jans segle XIX: a propòsit de Joseph Anselm El Ganxo. clopèdia de la cultura popular de Catalunya, Clavé i l’associacionisme coral”, in Recerques Barcelona Enciclopèdia Catalana and Gener- 23 Carbonell i Guberna, Jaume La societat coral (1996), no. 33, p. 122. alitat de Catalunya, 2005-2008, v. 7, p. 62. Euterpe fundada per Clavé. El Prat de Llobre- 5 Eva Serra i Puig, “Un programa de cultura gat: Rúbrica Editorial, 2007, p. 46. 48 The Caramelles Contest that had begun during popular”, in Serra d’Or, December 1974, p. 75. the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and was 24 La Vanguardia, December 13, 1932, p. 10. maintained during the Second Republic was 6 Two of the most interesting and contrasting cut short during the Civil War, to be picked interpretations of the meaning of the choral 25 La Aurora, March 1933, Year XLVI, no. 3, pp. up again by the Syndicated Organization of societies conceived by Clavé are found in 3-4. Education and Leisure in 1943. Garcia Balañà, op. cit., and Vinyes, op. cit. 26 Idem. 49 La Vanguardia, August 25, 1950, p. 10. 7 Under the auspices of the City of Barcelona, 27 La Vanguardia, April 26, 1932, p. 6. which did not look favourably on the transfor- 50 La Aurora, July 1960, p. 3. mational project of Clavé, Joan and Pere Tolosa 28 Popular Archive of the Barceloneta, box 012. 51 Idem. founded the Orfeó Català (1853), with a more 29 La Vanguardia, September 10, 1932, p. 5. conservative social proposal that was closer 52 Idem. to the mindset of the authorities. 30 La Vanguardia, September 12, 1934, pp. 4-5. 53 Idem. 8 El Metrónomo, no. 8, March 1, 1863, p.2. 31 Josep Tomàs i Piera (Barcelona 1900 – Gua- dalajara, Mexico, 1976). Trained as a lawyer, 54 La Vanguardia, June 23, 1966, p. 7. 9 Caramelles is the term given to the choral sing- he joined Acció Catalana, a political party 55 Archive of the Civil Government of Barcelona, ing of popular religious songs during Easter, emerging out of the Lliga Regionalista on the Registry no. 6542. with the choirs often going door to door (Trans- initiative of its young intellectuals, who were dis- lator’s note). appointed with the party of Francesc Cambó. 56 Solé i Sabaté, Josep Maria and Villarroya, Joan 10 The inclusion of the steam-powered engine in Tomàs i Piera participated in the local section of Cronologia de la repressió de la llengua i la industrial processes led to the prohibition of the Barceloneta, which was officially presented cultura catalanes (1936-1975), Barcelona: factories inside the city walls due to the dangers in March 1923 with the name Joventut Nacion- Curial Edicions Catalanes, 1993, p. 26. alista de la Barceloneta. Finally, he would end they could bring with them. The Barceloneta, 57 On Saturday, February 1, 1976, the Assembly up as a member of the Republican Left of Cata- which was outside the walls, thus became one of Catalonia, the unified Anti-Franco political lonia (ERC), a party he would be elected to the of the areas chosen to place factories with the institution in Catalonia, used the legal cover- Spanish Congress for in 1933 and 1936. He new technology, given that it was near the city age and hard-won prestige of the Federation of would be Minister of Work, Health and Social and the port. Besides this, the train line from Neighbourhood Associations of Barcelona to Prevision and Vice-President of the Congress Mataró crossed just above the maritime neigh- call a demonstration in the centre of Barcelona, in the government of Largo Caballero in Sep- bourhood. with the support of thousands of people. tember, 1936. 11 Idem. 32 La Aurora, July 1934, Year XLVII, no. 7. 12 Research Group in Ethnography of Public Spaces, Catalan Institute of Anthropology, 33 La Vanguardia, March 20, 1936, p. 6. Manuel Delgado, coordinator, Carrer, festa i 34 La Vanguardia, September 28, 1934, p. 6. revolta. Els usos simbòlics de l’espai públic a Barcelona (1951-2000). Barcelona: Gener- 35 La Vanguardia, September 29, 1934, p. 7. alitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, 36 Gavines and Gavots could be the name given to 2003, p. 54. Article originally published in the children’s section of Les Gavines, although 13 Amades, Joan Costumari català. Barcelona: at times it is also called the Children’s Section Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia Edicions Salvat, 1984, pp. 879-880. of Les Gavines. de Catalunya (no. 34 year 2009) 14 Delgado, Manuel La festa a Catalunya avui. 37 La Vanguardia, June 7, 1936, p. 9. & (no. 37 year 2010) under the Capellades: Editorial Barcanova, SA, 1992, 38 La Vanguardia, June 21, 1936, p. 11. title Els cors a la Barceloneta pp. 39-40. and Els cors de la Barceloneta. 39 La Vanguardia, September 18, 1936, p. 6. 15 El Metrónomo, no. 28, July 19, 1863, p. 4. De les societats corals 40 La Vanguardia, September 20, 1936, p. 6. 16 Quim Larrea, coordinator, Celebració del ¼ claverianes als cors muts : de mil·lenni de la Barceloneta (1753-2003), 41 Solé i Sabaté, Josep Maria and Villarroya, Joan reconstrucció de la intervenció Port Authority of Barcelona with the support of  Cronologia de la repressió de la llengua i la social de la pràctica coral. Foment Ciutat Vella, Barcelona, 2004, p. 43. cultura catalanes (1936-1975). Barcelona: Curial Edicions Catalanes, 1993, p. 84. 40 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

This article analyses Islamic rituals in Catalonia (Spain), such as Ramadan’s Islamic Rituals in fasting or the Feast of the Sacrifice (Id al-Adha). In a context of diaspora, these rituals tend to be redefined and recontextualised, as collective ritual Diaspora: Muslim expressions that reflect how Muslims try to find its place in European societies. According to Baumann (1992), we want to stress the connective component Communities included in these rituals to embrace people and issues that do not nominally belong to the group. Inside plural societies, the expression of rituals is part of the search in Catalonia for public recognition.

Aquest article analitza els rituals islàmics Introduction1 many of which are still linked to recent a Catalunya, tals com el dejuni del mes In the already abundant academic lit- immigration. Unlike external aspects sagrat del Ramadà o la Festa del Sacrifici erature on Muslim communities in that supposedly identify these popu- (Id al-Adha). En un context de diàspora, Europe, the study of Islamic ritual- lations, rituality is considered some- aquests rituals tendeixen a ser redefinits i recontextualitzats com rituals i expressions ity has been quite modest compared thing experienced within scarcely vis- col·lectives que reflecteixen els intents to other subjects that have gradually ible community settings. Moreover, if dels musulmans de trobar el seu lloc en been examined in recent years (such we conceptualise this rituality starting les societats europees. Segons Baumann as the institutionalisation of Islam, the with the assumption that one of the (1992), volem accentuar el component de issue of leadership within these groups keystones of modernisation is the rise connexió inclòs en aquests rituals per tal de vincular abraçar gent i esdeveniments and their expressions of identity). The of individualism and a resulting deritu- que no pertanyen nominalment al grup importance given to some topics shows alisation, understood as a desire to give musulmà. En el marc de les societats how European societies continue to up ceremonies of collective consecra- plurals, l’expressió dels rituals és una part think about their Muslim populations, tion, we end up accepting as a lesser de l’intent de cercar el reconeixement públic

Marta Alonso Cabré Jordi Moreras Palenzuela She has degrees in Art History and Social He’s a Professor in the of Anthropology at the Anthropology from the University of Barcelona, Rovira i Virgili University, Tarragona. He is the and has a DEA (Diploma in Advanced Studies) in author of Musulmanes en Barcelona: espacios y Social Anthropology. She is currently working on her dinámicas comunitarias (Muslims in Barcelona: doctorate in Social Anthropology at the UB, with the Spaces and Community Dynamics, 1999), Els PhD thesis entitled Help Your Own Whether They’re Right or Not: the imams de Catalunya (The Imams of Catalonia, 2008), Una Diya in Contemporary Mauritania. mesquita al barri (A Mosque in the Neighbourhood, 2009) and Espais de mort i diversitat religiosa: la presència de l’islam als cementiris i tanatoris catalans (Spaces of Death and Religious Khalid Ghali Bada Diversity: The Presence of Islam in Catalan Cemeteries and He has degrees in Psychology, Social Anthropology, Funeral Homes, 2014), written with Ariadna Solé. Audiovisual Communication, and Advertising and Public Relations. He is currently a psychologist at Ariadna Solé Arraràs the Vall d’Hebron Hospital in Barcelona and a social She has degrees in History and in Social and worker for the City of Barcelona. He researches in Cultural Anthropology from the University transcultural psychiatry and anthropology, and has participated as a of Barcelona, and a postgraduate degree in researcher in various projects related to Islam in Catalonia. Citizenship and Immigration: Management of Cultural Diversity, from the Pompeu Fabra Alberto López Bargados University. She is currently working on her PhD in Social An anthropologist, he is Professor of Social Anthropology at the UB, with a doctoral thesis entitled Anthropology at the University of Barcelona. He Rituals funeraris transnacionals entre Senegal i Catalunya has written various books on the Sahara (Arenas (Transnational Funerary Rituals between Senegal and coloniales (Colonial Sands), 2003; Culturas del litoral Catalonia). (Coastal Cultures), with Jesús Martínez Milán, 2010). In Catalonia he has participated in various research projects on Keywords: Muslims, Islamic rituals, diaspora Islamic rituals and on the presence of anti-Muslim behaviour and discourses in Catalonia. Paraules clau: Musulmans, rituals islàmics, diàspora COMPILATION 41 evil the transformation of rituals into (dis)integration proposed within Cata- Moments of communal recreation that 4 a private and intimate affair, confined lan society with regard to these groups. take place during this period, which within particular groups. Separating the subjects of belief and reli- stress relational and family-linked gious practice in terms of method by aspects, become particularly impor- This study takes a different approach: viewing their relationship as very far tant in Diaspora contexts. This is the first, we understand that rituals con- from mechanical, as one would like, we chance to express social co-existence tinue to have many of the classic fea- understand that analysing festive ritual- and to share with the cultural group of tures that have been highlighted in the ity allows us to grasp some of the dynam- reference their daily determination and abundant literature on the anthropol- ics that characterise Muslims groups in spaces instituted as their own ordered ogy of ritual, but since they were further Catalonia today. Through ritual, we around a religious principle, differenti- developed in a Diaspora,2 they tend to may observe a community characterised ated from times and spaces that belong be redefined and recontextualised. The by an endemic insecurity of resources, to Western society. interpretation that must be made of social invisibility that makes recognising these ritual expressions goes beyond it difficult, organisational fragility and Compared to the Gregorian calendar the reproduction of what belonged a lack of doctrinal leadership, as well as used in Western Europe, Ramadan is to an original situation (meaning the doctrinal dispersion that accentuates an exceptional time that develops in way they are celebrated where Islam its external dependence. Moreover, in a context also understood as excep- is clearly in the majority) and under- a context of growing social reactivity to tional. That is why it appears to us as a stands ritual as a mirror reflecting a outward expressions of Islamic religios- singular moment in which to observe diverse group that has already been ity in both individual and group set- how different forms of understanding gradually adapting to European soci- tings, rituals become highly assertive what it is to be a Muslim are expressed eties for several decades. According declarations of identity, meaning a kind in a non-Muslim context. It is a time to this argument, we then stress the of “business card” announcing a group’s when it can be observed how social, connective component included in desire to continue celebrating its cohe- cultural and religious references of these rituals to embrace people and sive practices while also starting to open origin are recovered (partially, ideally, areas that do not nominally belong to the connective dimension to involve by reifying them and contextualising the group. Thus, we apply Baumann’s other spheres and people beyond their them). Therefore, it is a good time to arguments (1992) that in plural soci- community’s limes. analyse how the limits of the com- eties, the expression of rituals is part munal bond are defined and rede- of the search for public recognition. Ramadan as an Ephemeral fined, both on the local and global Research has shown us examples of Metaphor of Community scale (with the entire Muslim Umma), how Islamic group rituals such as the The ninth month of the Muslim Hijri as well as with regard to the distance breaking of the fast during the month Calendar, Ramadan is considered the and/or proximity established vis-à-vis of Ramadan or the Feast of the Sacrifice “holy month”, the best one for express- Western society. (Id al-Adha) increasingly relate to parts ing religious devotion, since it was of the Catalan population, which are the month when the entire text of the Given its exceptional and cyclical invited by the local Muslim communi- Qur’an was revealed to the Prophet nature, Ramadan is a time of socialisa- ties to participate in them. The rituals Muhammad. This is why it occupies tion and initiation for the young (who extend their festive nature beyond the a central place in the Islamic festive perform their first fasts by imitating boundaries that define the group to calendar, partially because it ends with adults), but it is also a time of atone- involve other actors in the specific local one of the two most important festi- ment for adults, who seek to expiate context, seeking recognition for them. vals, Id al-Fitr, or the breaking of the their spiritual sins and social offences. fast. The practice of mandatory fast- In both senses, Ramadan is a time for The study of rituality goes beyond quan- ing related to this period is probably sublimating religious practices into tifying a specific community’s degree of the Islamic religious observance that a host of supplementary practices religious observance.3 We have noticed is most famous to non-Muslims. accompanying the orthodox require- community affluence when celebrating ment to fast), i’tikaf (or seclusion in the festive rituality without going into spec- Various studies indicate that the per- mosque during the month, especially ulation about their level of religiosity or centage of observance of the fast during in the last ten days) and expanding about whether or not keeping up these Ramadan is high, which is explained by the fast to begin one week before the ritualities fit with the parameters of the the highly social and communal aspect start of Ramadan and to stop one week narrow and demanding path towards it takes on during this festive period. after it ends. An individual’s enthusi- 42 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 asm for observing these supplementary fast is understood as recommended, mourning and empathy for the mar- and recommended practices (musta- but not mandatory. tyr with tears and sobbing. Next, the habb, not mandatory but deserving of faithful eat together. The repetition of reward, or ajr) may sometimes indicate In addition, the Shia evoke the mar- music, gestures and themes is constant a pious character.5 tyrdom of Hussein. The colour black is during the celebration. worn by most participating in the Shia Beyond its doctrinal and co-exist- ritual and weeping and self-flagellation Due to its spectacular nature, the cel- ence-related dimensions, the cele- are common. The faithful embody a ebration of Ashura is often depicted bration of Ramadan in Catalonia in procession in which they sing litanies graphically by international media recent years has also been taking on a and may beat themselves rhythmi- outlets. In Catalonia, Ashura has been relational component connected to the cally on the chest with one hand and celebrated since 2004, organised by the gradual external dimension adopted then the other. When the march ends, Al-Qaim Cultural Association located by this set of ritualities. The group it leads to a prayer accompanied by in the neighbourhood of Santa Cate- celebration of iftar, or daily breaks in speeches referring to martyrdom, read rina in Barcelona. The mourning and fasting organised by local communi- by members of the community. While self-flagellation carried out during the ties, where policymakers, civil society listening to these speeches, some in procession that brings together mem- representatives and all other citizens are the audience often externalise their bers of the small Shia community in invited, has become publicly known to the point of becoming something common. These new liturgies –interpreted by the political class and many citizens in multicultural and not religious terms– are beginning to be identified as evidence of willingness of these groups to open up to Catalan society.

Ashura, the Annual Ritual of the Shia Community Ashura is the most important ritual for Shia Muslims. It takes place on the 10th day of Muharram, the first month in the Muslim calendar, and commemorates the death of Hussein in Karbala in 680 AD. The son of Ali and grandson of Muhammad, Hus- sein was the initiator of Shia Islam and therefore of the great rift between Sunni and Shia Muslims. Despite the doctrinal differences that separate them, Ashura expresses the greatest discrepancy existing between Shia and Sunnis in ritualistic terms. It seems that the date of Ashura is historically of Jewish origin, when it was a day of fasting and expiation, a custom adopted by Islam. Some Sunnis commemorate the 10th day of Muharram with voluntary fasting during the day followed by a family meal in order to recall Noah’s abandonment of the Ark, as well as Moses’ salvation thanks to God’s inter- Announcement of the Feast of the Sacrifice in the Tariq ibn Ziad Mosque (Barcelona, 2007). vention against the Egyptians. This MARTA ALONSO COMPILATION 43 the city (mostly of Pakistani origin) Id al-Adha, or Sacrifice Faced the same (except in the possible case of have been a subject of controversy with Deritualisation collective sacrifice, normally of a camel among neighbours, who have forced Inevitably associated with the month or cow, or when the person offering the Barcelona City Council to agree with of pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj), Muslim sacrifice recognises his or her incompe- the community on the conditions for tradition says that believers all over the tence or inability to carry out the sac- the celebration. world must conduct their own replica rifice). Moreover, sociability is part of of sacrifice as part of the hajj, which the process of sharing the meat of the Nevertheless, the unique nature of this pilgrims perform on the 10th day in Id, a true driver of a festive atmosphere event continues to establish a strong Mina, where each immolates a sheep that in the contexts of the Diaspora in contrast in the public space, not so to commemorate the founding sacri- Europe becomes an invaluable oppor- much because of its meaning, but fice of Ibrahim/Abraham. A central act tunity to (re)create an Islamic identity because of the threefold combination in the symbolic Muslim universe, the that is both abstract and emotive, mean- of ritualistic gesturing, collective weep- ecumenical nature of this ritual in the ing detached from the respective roots ing and self-flagellation. Voluntary Islamic countries is evidence that may of each immigrant community. bleeding as a testament of mourning to be noted wherever a Muslim family or Hussein’s martyrdom disappears from community is located. The diversity of In Europe, however, the performance the ceremony as a condition imposed names given to this festival (Id al-Adha, of ritual Muslim sacrifice must over- by Barcelona City Council to avoid Id al-Kabir, Tabaski, Qurbani, or simply come the challenges of fitting a minor- the worldwide reproduction of images the Feast of the Sacrifice) underscores ity ritual practice with its own dynam- that have a strong impact on West- its extension and generalisation. ics and inertia into a social structure ern consciousness, which is increas- where the religious field presents con- ingly hostile to any form of voluntary During this celebration, sacrifice and stants highly different from those prac- bloodshed. This criticism of ostenta- commensality appear linked, which ticed by observers of the ritual, or at tious violence, whether self-inflicted allows us to understand the importance least are perceived as such by the other or practiced upon other objects, also of the Id festival within the heart of the members of European societies. This seems to be present in the reactions Umma. It is a personal act of faith par is not simply a problem of accommo- provoked by the Feast of the Sacrifice, excellence, since the person both offering dation by which Muslim immigrants as we will see below. and performing sacrifice is preferably and their descendants, possessing their

Id al-Fitr (Trinitat Vella Pavillion), 20 September 2009. JORDI MORERAS 44 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 own, exuberant religiosity, would have day of the month of Rabi’ al-Awwal is the to the break from business at the week- to adapt their particular way of under- date generally admitted for celebrating end. In summary, the celebrations turn standing and practicing religion to the Mawlid an-Nabi. Islam also celebrates into a series of recitations, speeches and basic principles of individualised reli- the birth of other venerated figures of songs of praise for the Prophet, which gious experience centred on the popu- Islamic mysticism, which generate sig- take place in an event that takes on a lar beliefs of modern or post-modern nificant expressions of a popular Islam clearly festive dimension and where Europe, but a problem in conceptu- that is often questioned by proponents food is shared among those attending. alising the place that “religion” should of doctrinal orthodoxy. Like Mawlid occupy in the social fabric. an-Nabi, their celebration leads to true In communal considerations of this pilgrimages (musem) that bring many celebration, it is interesting to observe Thus, initiatives to “domesticate” the people around the tomb of the vener- how popular devotion is maintained as performance of this ritual by intro- ated saint, where different activities are a principle of popular devotion trans- ducing hygiene-related concerns, to organised like dhikr (chanting sessions), ferred to the family sphere, despite supervise that the sacrifice is carried readings from the Qur’an, group meals the influence of orthodox criticism, out “in controlled sanitary conditions”, and donations to charity. expressed in Catalonia through two are significant. In recent years, various literalist doctrinal trends, Tabligh and public Catalan institutions (Barcelona However, this example of popular Salafiyya. Provincial Council and the Govern- devotion is harshly criticised by more ment of Catalonia) have made different orthodox groups. From the Wahabbi Conclusions: the Production of recommendations for the sacrifice to perspective, which denies the mysti- Rituals in Diaspora be performed according to the restric- cal and esoteric dimension of Islam, Throughout our research, we have been tions set by health laws. Therefore, the Mawlid an-Nabi is rejected as an able to verify the validity of ritual prac- sacrifice ends up becoming a practice unacceptable innovation because it is tices within Muslim communities in conducted in closed premises, like a interpreted as a kind of cult around the Catalonia, questioning the assumption slaughterhouse (where much more Prophet. More orthodox variations of taken from the most conventional theo- activity is observed than on other days), Islam openly express their rejection ries of modernisation suggesting that the within the sector of production and of this holiday, which is significant in secularising influence of Western society emerging market for halal products. itself, given its popular nature, which would entail the gradual abandonment Two effects result from this practice: involves parts of the Muslim com- of these rituals, practices that the first on one hand, the mercantile aspect munity accustomed to relating with a generation of Muslims that came to this is strengthened because each family heterodox and marginal religiosity, as society wanted to maintain as a means acquires a sacrificed sheep (a situa- in the case of women. of remembering and strengthening tion that ends up inflating the price, their bond with their country of ori- which increases each year); on the other We have centred the study of this holi- gin. We have been able to see that the hand, delegating the act of slaughter day on two groups (Senegalese and various rituals that mark the holiday to someone who is not the head of Pakistani) that celebrated Muham- calendar of the Muslims of Catalonia the family actively drains the ritual of mad’s birth with devotion. Among the involve not just the first generations, meaning or at the very least gives it new Senegalese, especially those belonging but all that come after. Young Catalan meaning by eliminating the sacrificer’s to the Tijaniyya brotherhood, Mawlid Muslims actively participate in these emulation of the Prophet Abraham is known as Gàmmu, a name taken rituals, which they interpret as a way to only to strengthen the aspects of eat- from an old pre-Islamic celebration stand before society and express a dual ing together. that took place shortly before the start identity rather than solely referring to of the rainy season. The Pakistanis call the society of their parents’ origin, which Mawlid an-Nabi: Between it Milad (an Urdu derivation of the they often do not identify as their own. Popular Devotion and Arabic term) and, as in the previous We have also noted the different types Orthodox Revulsion case, it was celebrated publicly in a of reactions in Catalan society regarding The celebration of the birth of the space provided by the local authorities a series of Islamic rituals that are begin- Prophet Muhammad is known by dif- of Lleida and Barcelona, respectively. ning to become rather well known in ferent names in the Muslim world. The In both cases, the calendar was changed the public sphere. word mawlid (mawlud or moulud) des- and the holiday was postponed a few ignates a birthday, by antonomasia that days later than when it is held in its Due to what these expressions imply of the Prophet Muhammad. The 12th countries of origin in order to adapt it (as testaments to the validity of one of COMPILATION 45

Ashura (Passeig Lluís Companys, Barcelona), 19 January 2008. KHALID GHALI the main universal religious traditions their main aims is to guarantee the This would be one of the main inter- in Catalonia), but also to what they reproduction of the group, establish- nal dynamics influencing the develop- represent (as an element that may help ing mechanisms of continuity in the ment of an effective religious sociali- to guide and structure a heterogeneous time shared, strengthening socialisation practice. The second dynamic group formed by people of different sation and transmitting them to is external in origin and is related to national and cultural origin), the active future generations at the same time. the “absence of legitimacy” that this participation of representatives of the However, the main challenge that socialisation suffers in the eyes of political class and civil society in these these practices must face come from European society, which continues ritualised celebrations is prominent in processes of religious individualisa- to question families’ willingness to its own right, full of new meanings and tion, which promote the recreation pass their cultural and religious values an intense symbolism (which is prob- of the religious heritage that indi- on to their children, since this is con- ably not always perceived by the pub- viduals received from their families, sidered evidence of a lack of desire to lic authorities). Finally, we appreciate according to their criteria and life integrate. Faced with a social context that rituals bring order, but they also experiences. that is hardly understanding about awaken internal discrepancies. Despite this religious transmission (which the “religious vitality” demonstrated by And yet young generations’ responses logically contrasts with Muslim soci- the Muslim communities of Catalonia to this family-based socialisation (in eties of origin), it becomes a private in observing these festivities, we cannot addition to the one brought by the family choice with no correlation to speak of a homogenisation of mean- mosque), which is not shared in terms the immediate social context (Dialmy, ings related to these ritual practices, of content or orientation, involves the 2007). and even less of unanimous observance search for alternative spaces and read- that becomes the only way to enter the ings regarding some religious princi- Within this environment, the family community. ples that should link them more to as a social institution is seen as con- the European society that raised them ditioned by its inability to pass on Considering the regenerative pow- than to the society of their parents’ content that helps to define socially ers of communal bonds in ritualities origin, which they sometimes view acceptable membership, which leads it instituted by human groups, one of as strange. to focus its efforts on developing senses 46 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

of belonging that are only community- “emptying ritual substance” that Euro- NOTES: oriented. pean societies seem to impose upon 1 This paper is a summary of the study “Diasporas Muslim communities, an idea exposed and rituals: the festive calendar of the Muslims Community-based initiatives to ensure by Mohamed H. Benkheira (1998) of Catalonia”, conducted as part of the Inventory of the Ethnological Heritage of Catalonia in (or complement) this socialisation are according to which such an imposi- 2007-2009, for which the CIDOB Foundation limited by two conditions. The first tion suggests that “integration takes was hired. is the absence of economic or sym- place not through politics (meaning 2 More than a condition or a contingency result- bolic resources or of social and politi- through the place taken by individu- ing from the territorial displacement inherent cal influence to transform the lack of als in the polis), but through the very in every migratory experience, the Diaspora is a construction built from the context where social legitimacy of this practice, setting substance of those individuals”, so that groups that have immigrated may think about up initiatives and spaces to carry out the process to incorporate Muslims in their condition (strangers in this society and religious transmission in a dignified Europe is implicitly understood as der- strangers in the society of origin), their continuity (in the form of identities that overcome the way and according to the willingness itualisation. The assumption behind condition of perpetual transit, meaning post- to maintain the communal bond. The these arguments is the idea that Mus- migratory identities), as well as their relation to second shows that transplanting and lim groups will integrate into secular their origin (certainly idealised and temporarily rediscovered once or twice per year, whenever reproducing Islamic ritual practices Europe better if they abandon the possible), but about which they also have opin- have led to wear and erosion regarding (public) observance of their religion. ions, which can occasionally take a bitter turn their form and content. In her study in This is a premise that permeates a large (Brah, 1996; Saint-Blancat, 1997). Islamic rituals of birth, circumcision, part of political interests (as well as of 3 Different sociological studies on Muslims in Europe have concluded that maintaining marriage and death among Muslim academia, it must be said) in relation certain religious observances could help groups in the Netherlands, Nathal to the evolution of these groups. to establish a scale of the evolution of their Dessing (2001) argues that celebrating social insertion. It has been asserted that maintaining certain observances (especially these ritual practices in a social con- In brief, the study of these rituals not those with social connotations, such as the text that continues to actively ques- only shows their regenerative ability use of the hijab by women or the frequency of tion them means a loss of competence to mobilise groups, produce religious mosque visits) is detrimental to the assimilation of these populations, and vice versa (see for ritual actors as well as a reduction enthusiasm and recreate identities: Tribalat, 1995). Benkheira (1998) questions in ritual redundancy. In other words, Islamic rituals in Catalonia are mecha- the implicit “emptying of ritual substance” that the rituals are becoming simplified, nisms established by these groups for European societies impose on Muslim communities. gradually losing part of their content, the purpose of making a relational con- 4 The fact that these celebrations prompt discus- and increasingly showing less diver- nection with Catalan society, express- sion within Catalan society is demonstrated by sity, at least with regard to what was ing their own singularity along with the various views covered in the press that we appropriate in countries of origin, their willingness to form part of it. n have aimed to collect and analyse during our fieldwork. perhaps due to the very reification to which they are subjected once they are 5 This enthusiasm is expressed by a sick person’s desire to continue fasting, for example (despite updated within a context suspicious of the orthodox recommendations against it and any ritual effusiveness. In fact, Dess- the problems this creates for the attending ing’s argument is related to this idea of religious staff), or by boys and girls observing their first fast (which can also worry education professionals).

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Centre for Human and Social Sciences (CCHS) This article seeks to contribute to Francisco Ferrándiz Higher Science Research Council (CSIC) the debate on the challenges the MADRID_SPAIN anthropology of violence poses to Professor Francisco Ferrándiz is a full status research scientist at the Institute of Language, Literature and Anthropology (Instituto de Lengua, contemporary anthropology. Due Literatura y Antropologia, ILLA), Centre for Human and Social Sciences to its special thematic, theoretical (Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, CCHS), part of the Higher and methodological difficulties, the Science Research Council (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones anthropology of violence can be Científicas, CSIC). His fields of interest include cultural studies, popular considered a frontier territory in the religiosity, visual anthropology, medical anthropology, anthropology of discipline, where agreed ways of going the body and the anthropology of violence. His latest book (Anthropos, 2014) is “El pasado bajo tierra: Exhumaciones contemporáneas de la about ethnography are being constantly Guerra Civil” (The Past Below Ground: Contemporary Exhumations questioned. The theoretical frameworks from the Spanish Civil War). available turn out in many cases to be insufficient, the research strategies established must be subjected to substantial adjustments, the rhetoric used to express our analysis needs to be particularly self-reflexive, and the Ethnographies knowledge generated must be returned to society in more effective ways, ranging from the usual channels of publication and distribution to other, more flexible, on the limit ‘rapid response’ formats. Overall discussion of the general characteristics of the anthropology of violence is Ethnographic versatility followed by an example: the research the author has been carrying out since and short-circuits before 2003 into exhumations of Civil War mass 1 graves in contemporary Spain. contemporary violence

Aquest article pretén contribuir al debat n this text I shall defend ogy and location, of the anthropolo- sobre els reptes que l’antropologia de ethnography as a weapon gist’s positition. That is, faced with the la violència planteja a l’antropologia loaded for the future, a transformation of research scenarios, contemporània. P er les seves especials dificultats temàtiques, teòriques i tool for research and analy- the constant and parallel innovation metodològiques, l’antropologia de la sis with a fruitful past and of the theoretical and methodological violència pot considerar- se un territori undeniable future possibili- frameworks we are used to becomes fronterer de la disciplina, en el qual es ties, with great potential for the criti- essential, including the ways we posen a prova contínuament els modes cal analysis of the changing circum- imagine ethnographic scenarios, and consensuats de fer etnografia. Els marcs I teòrics disponibles ens resulten en stances of social and cultural reality, strategies and documentation of the molts casos insuficients, les estratègies adapting to them with flexibility and return on knowledge. Ethnography d’investigació establertes han rigour. A fundamental challenge for has enough resources, flexibility, and d’exposar-se a ajusts molt substancials, our discipline, as Gupta and Ferguson rigour to go along with these changes, les retòriques amb què expressem (1997) sustain, is the gradual reflexive not only maintaining its “family feel” l’anàlisi han de ser especialment and critical adjustment of traditional but likewise enriching and broadening autoreflexives, i la devolució a la societat del coneixement generat s’ha methods and subjects of anthropologi- its social relevance. de fer més versàtil, des dels canals cal study to a more and more complex habituals de publicació i difusió fins a reality that is global and interrelated, I will also defend the position that altres formats més àgils de «resposta while being equally demanding (it the anthropology of violence and ràpida». Després d’una discussió must be said) of members of its own the anthropology of social suffering general sobre les característiques discipline and their analysts. Such an generals de l’antropologia de la violència de les últimes dècades, es adaptation, for these same writers, Keywords: Violence, exhumations, common posa com a exemple la investigació requires a re-evaluation of the more or graves, ethnography of the conflict, Spanish que l’autor està duent a terme des del less formalized “hierarchy of purity” of civil war 2003 a les exhumacions de les fosses habitual field sites, a re-evaluation that Paraules clau: Violència, exhumacions, comunes de la Guerra Civil, a l’Espanya could be an opportunity to “reinvent fosses comunes, etnografia del conflicte, Guerra Civil Espanyola contemporània. the field”, both in terms of methodol- 48 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 have raised their profile significantly ing us to re-evaluate other more clas- defend the persistence of modified or in recent years. They are complex sic scenarios, setting out new types of restricted modes of on-the-ground horizons of the field that, precisely problems, confronting us with social fieldwork as a basic “sign” of the disci- for the specificity and for the nature agents in sometimes extraordinary and pline, we now find highly articulated and variety of the theoretical and extreme situations, questioning our defences of “the anthropology at a methodological challenges they raise rhetoric and our ethical commitments distance”, taking it as a legitimate way for us, are in a position to become and encouraging new modes of inter- of placing the analytical lens over situ- “frontier territories” of contemporary disciplinarity. Along with this, we find ations of extreme violence where it is anthropology. Perhaps because we are ourselves questioning the terms and impossible or highly unadvisable to be speaking of “limit ethnographies”, the general conditions of debates concern- present on the ground, utilizing the study of violence and conflicts opens ing our methods, styles and repertoires comparative method and professional up new scenarios for research, requir- of knowledge production. Just as some skill to articulate “anthropological ver- sions” of situations we can merely get a glimpse at through the mass media (Robben, 2008). In this article, which is indebted to the important and now classic contribution of Nordstrom and Robben (1995), I will employ examples of my most recent fieldwork to make an evaluation of how some problems set out by the anthropology of violence and of social suffering might be useful in reflecting, from a more general framework, on the nature, limits and challenges of our work.

General Considerations on Ethnography Let us begin with some general considerations on ethnography. Velasco and Díaz de Rada consider it a general methodological process that character- izes social anthropology, whose main “methodological situation” is fieldwork (1997). Hammersley and Atkinson, in contrast, understand ethnography as a “method or set of methods” of a fundamentally qualitative nature, where the ethnographer participates in the daily life of the people being studied. In their opinion, it would even be possible to speak of ethnography as “the most basic mode of social research”, since it is the most similar to life routine (1994). For Marcus and Fischer it is “a research process in which the anthropologist observes, records, and engages in the daily life of another culture...and Discrepancies over the visibility of scientific knowledge are relevant in the delimitation then writes accounts of this culture, of ethnographic representation. A benevolent image, like the homage to a victim of the Civil War, is representative of the process of recovering historical memory. emphasizing descriptive detail” (1986). GETTY IMAGES Pujadas points to two basic meanings COMPILATION 49 of the term: as a product, generally in the studied field; this presence quite in (Hannerz, 1998). Or, as Eriksen written although on other occasions logically carries with it a set of signifi- titled his introductory book on the found in a visual registry; and, in con- cant methodological consequences. An subject, it is a question of negotiat- trast, as a process, based on fieldwork important characteristic of ethnology ing the tension between “small places” (2004). For Pujadas, ethnography is is that the researcher cannot control one side of the so-called anthropological what is happening in the situation in FIELDWORK PUSHING triangle, constituted on the other two the field chosen for the correspond- TO THE LIMIT WILL vertexes by contextualization and coming study, so that his or her presence parison. Bryman for his part notes that ends up being fleeting. Another point PREDISPOSE THE the concept of ethnography has some- in common amongst the mentioned ANTHROPOLOGIST TO times come to be assimilated by the thinkers is how they do not consider BECOME PARTICULARLY text, which is the final product of the ethnography to be a closed research entire research process (2001). From model, preferring to see it as “hetero- CAUTIOUS the perspective of qualitative sociology, geneous” like the objects of study it is Willis and Trondman suggest we might applied to. For this reason, its prac- and “large issues” (1995). In summary, conceive ethnography as a “family of tice puts the researcher in a position I would like to emphasize that eth- methods involving direct and sustained to utilize highly diverse techniques, nography requires specific, in-depth social contact with agents and of richly adjusting and modulating the con- training, and it is always emerging; it writing up the encounter, respecting, text of the study (Velasco and Díaz de can be understood as a process where Rada, 1997; Bernard, 1998). In this feedback dynamics are set up between FIELDWORK, THE way it is an eclectic and reflexive prac- theory and practice, reality and text, DIFFERENTIATING tice that obliges the researcher to live research design and changing situa- out the research project within a kind tions, field scenarios and the applica- FEATURE OF of “methodological schizophrenia”, tion of research techniques, between ETHNOGRAPHY, or in a state of “explicit awareness”, the researcher’s position and that of BECOMES EVEN MORE to use Spradley’s term (1980), or in informants, between the researchers SIGNIFICANT IN THE some type of “widened perception” and the readers of their texts, and so on. (Peacock, 1989, cited by Velasco and STUDY OF VIOLENCE Díaz de Rada, 1997). If we accept that Researching Conflicts, the main instrument of research is the Violence and Social Suffering recording and representing at least researcher, this latter should ideally be I will now set out a series of problems partly in its own terms the irreduc- able to live daily life like any one of related more specifically to the ethno- ibility of human experience.” In their his or her informants, taking up the graphic research of conflicts, violence opening “Manifesto” for the journal social practices analyzed in his or her and social suffering. Anthropologists Ethnography, these writers propose the routine, and even in his or her own who have dedicated recent decades to following characteristics: the impor- body (Esteban, 2004; Wacquant, these subjects seek metaphors and key tance of theory as a precursor, medium, 2004). This experience should then words to characterize an evasive field, and outcome of ethnographic study be connected to the questions guiding rife with dilemmas and trap doors, and writing; the centrality of “culture” the research, the roles played in the which sometimes can end up push- in the research process; and the neces- field and the techniques employed at ing the theoretical and methodological sity for a critical focus in the research every given moment. Further to this, repertoires to the limit. In the intro- and writing of ethnography (2000). immersion in the field, especially when duction to the compilation of basic long-term, requires the ethnographer texts by Scheper-Hughes and Bour- Although we have already seen that to develop and cultivate a type of spe- geois, Violence in War and Peace: An there are certain research scenarios that, cific attitude towards reality, something Anthology (2004), the authors bring at least in some phases and for deter- Atkinson (1990) and Willis (2000) together some of the most commonly- mined problems, make research in the call ethnographic imagination, accord- used terms in Anglo-Saxon anthro- field difficult and require strategies ing to which it is necessary to keep up pology so as to get to the foundation for “research at a distance” (Robben, a dual focus, permanently commu- of such highly precarious territories: 2008), all these writers agree that the nicating a global perspective on the symbolic violence (Bourdieu), culture “distinguishing mark” of ethnography subjects and problems studies, and of terror, space of death (Taussig), states involves the presence of the researcher the restricted, daily contexts we work of emergency (Benjamin), banality of 50 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Nowadays one of the great challenges for the anthropology of violence is to seek out the mechanisms of the imaginary networks of political terror in times of globalization. GETTY IMAGES evil (Arendt), peace-time crimes, invis- deciphering of cell phone SIM cards the precision of our work, designing ible genocides (Scheper-Hughes), vio- (Subscriber Identity Module cards), plans able to anticipate dangers and lence continuum (Scheper-Hughes which as micro-electronic terminals difficulties, modulate investigative and Bourgois, 2004), and, to close of the Al-Qaeda network, triggered distances and analysis, take on ethical with one of the most successful, grey the March 11, 2004, bomb attacks in dilemmas and conceive of strategies zone (Levi). At the opening lecture of Madrid. Earlier Nordstrom and Rob- in the anticipation and deactivation the VII Congress of the Federation ben had titled their book on research of existing obstacles. of Anthropology Associations of the in situations of “violence and survival” Spanish State (FAAEE), celebrated as Fieldwork under Fire (1995). With We have already observed in an earlier in Barcelona, which dealt with the more or less success, and with the risk text that the recent rise of research on imaginary networks of political terror of contributing to this rather shrill violence, conflicts and their conse- in times of globalization, Roger Bartra inflation of metaphors for practical quences (sometimes brought together challenged anthropologists to open and conceptual orientation through under the non-specific umbrella term up the “black boxes” containing the quick-sand ridden landscapes, I would social suffering) responds, according structures of production, mediation like to use the images of a “minefield”, to quite a few writers, to a previous and conflict resolution: “The black of “ethnographies on the limit”, in deficit in the discipline caused by more boxes of the 9/11 airplanes hold keys to characterizing research on these sub- or less explicit connivance with the understanding the imaginary networks jects, furthermore applying them to a agents of such violence, straight jacket- of political power –and terror.” (2003). growing proportion of contemporary ing the discipline from a theoretical- ethnographic projects. This concep- methodological perspective that led In a subsequent article on the anthro- tion of the ethnographic field as a to “selective blindness” or “imperial pology of violence, Carles Feixa and I tricky minefield, pushed to the limit nostalgia” vis-à-vis supposed “savages prolonged this technological metaphor of its energy, theories and methods, in extinction” (Ferrándiz and Feixa, condensing concrete, global experi- leads us as researchers of social reality 2004; Starn, 1992; Nagengast, 1994; ences by proposing the culturalist to become extremely cautious, raising Rosaldo, 1991). Writers like Starn COMPILATION 51

(1992), Scheper-Hughes and Bour- for decades the fundamental political and cultural transformation linked to gois (2001) and Green (1995) have stage of our fieldwork, without their the impulses of globalization. been highly critical of the obscuran- being adequately incorporated into tist practices they perceive in part of corresponding interpretation and anal- We are not only dealing with the classic and contemporary anthropol- ysis (1995). As Nagengast observes, appearance of new research scenarios, ogy, as developed in sites of conflict in in general terms and until relatively but also of the transformation of more relation to the forms of violence that recently, anthropology had never been classic areas in the discipline, in parallel were not classifiable astribal or ritual, in the first line of studies on collective with the expansion and progression of and where their presence was clear in violence, terrorism and violence in our methodological and conceptual studied societies. Starn for example, state-related contexts (1994), in spite instruments for confronting violence. in his well-known article “Missing of all the data and debates we might be the Revolution: Anthropologists and able to offer given our preference for The recognition and analysis the ways the War in Peru”, criticized the dis- field researchers and the comparative of violence are produced and trans- interest anthropologists specializing method (Sluka, 1992). formed into the new “sounding boxes”, in the Andes had shown with regards into the “fluxes of globalization” is to the (no doubt clandestine, though Short-circuiting Classical also important for the anthropology hardly invisible) expansion of such an Anthropology of violence and conflict. In all cases important guerrilla group as Sendero If it is possible to speak of a short-circuit- we find ourselves in complex, multi- Luminoso (Shining Path), during their ing of classical anthropology, in recent faceted contexts, moving from the fieldwork in the 1970s. According to decades a shift has been made towards most intimate spaces of human expe- Starn, the theoretical and methodo- a situation of particular interest regard- rience to the most global processes, logical baggage of the time, together ing this previously ignored violence. where conflicts and violence are not with a nostalgic vision of the Quechua The same increment in the visibility fixed modes of social action but rather communities as the residue of a Pre- of violence (as we consume it through practices undergoing a “continual pro- Hispanic past with no ties to existing the mass media), together with new cess of mutation”. It is not so much Peruvian society, made it inconceiv- theoretical developments allowing us that they have changed their nature able to speak of a clandestine political to set apart, distinguish, contextualize with globalization. Instead, existing organization with massive and dra- and relate different types of violence tension in this historical moment, as matic consequences like those then with greater precision, are fundamen- found amidst the acts, uses, represen- being prepared –thus making it non- tal features in its current popularity tations and analyses of violence, has existent as an object of study (1992). as a research subject. Here we come transformed each one of these spaces of Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois (2004) across what could be collateral dam- suggest that part of this “avoidance” age of note: the overproduction, and could also be related to fears that as a consequence the possible “excess GROWING SOCIAL, analysis of indigenous modes of vio- representativity” of violent aspects of CULTURAL AND lence could exacerbate stereotypes of human societies, linked furthermore to POLITICAL COMPLEXITY “primitivism”, or “savagism”, which the demands of an “academic market” MEAN THAT CONFLICTS in turn could encourage or justify that is more and more competitive and violent reactions. Even so, they also inclined (especially in the Anglo-Saxon AND VIOLENCE ARE IN point to something crucial in the world) to a certain “spectacularization” AN “ONGOING PROCESS restructuring of the discipline: it has of academic production. In the more OF MUTATION” been colonial and imperialist violence traditional fields of study of anthro- itself, similar to current forms of post- pology of violence, amongst which colonial violence and exploitation, there are those Nagengast has called social action, thus affecting the overall that has historically produced many tribal (pre-state or sub-state) scenarios context where violent acts are executed, of our “subjects of study” since the of violence, where the interest lies in interpreted and analyzed. As Bernard- discipline’s beginning (just as Taussig the analysis of violence of a “practical, Henri Lévy observes with regards to pointed out in 1987). Some writers, physical and visible” type (1994), in 9/11, “the stock of possible barbari- like Green, insist on remembering recent decades many other research ties, which we had thought to have that violence on a state level, or even areas have been added, intensified, and run dry, increased with a never-before- situations that could be catalogued balanced out that respond to corre- seen variation. As always, as happens as ethnocide or genocide, have been sponding social, political, economic every time we believe it to be turned 52 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 off or asleep, when no one expects it, or become more or less stridently mental and highly complex aspects it goes and wakes up with maximum adhered to in discussion of migratory of human survival, and has a huge fury and, above all, with maximum flows. It could just as well oblige cor- role in the constitution of the percep- inventiveness: other theatres, new front responding local authorities charged tions of those involved. For these writ- lines, and new, more fearful adversar- with the task of guaranteeing a pure ers, the complexity of the situation ies, the reason why nobody had seen identity and political and domestic can come to produce an “existential them coming” (2002). It is clear that power to create justifying discourses to shock” in the researcher (beyond the the expression of violence in the mass respond to a globalized audience. Or, “cultural shock” characteristic of the media is a fundamental feature of this in the best of cases, it might lead them discipline), destabilizing the dialec- process of feedback, not only because to break with the practice altogether tical balance between empathy and of what is shown or magnified, but also (Ferrándiz and Feixa, 2004). distancing. In this situation, meth- because of what is silenced, diverted, odological difficulties are important. simulated or hidden. Many keys to the debate on the anthropological study of violent To begin with, Lee appeals to com- Glocal Tension between events can be found in sources like mon sense. We do not have to go to Violence and Domestic Dangerous Fieldwork (Lee, 1995), and a conflictive site if the fieldwork to Consumption in the articles brought together by be carried out is dangerous in a given When it comes to anthropology and its Carolyn Nordstrom and Tony Rob- moment. These given dangers, which more habitual areas of field study, this ben in their Fieldwork Under Fire could include accidents, robbery, mug- glocal tension between violence and (1995), by Greenhouse, Mertz and gings, illness, environmental pollution its domestic consumption (Ignatieff, Warren in Ethnography in Unstable and the like, had not been systemati- 1999; Echeverría, 1995; Feldman, Places (2002), and by Sanford and cally studied, and were considered sim- 1994), between “traditions” and their Angel-Ajani in Engaged Observer ply “little struggles” to be informally new cybernetic expressions, does not (2006). Robben and Nordstrom commented upon amongst colleagues. only affect mass political violence but (1995) emphasize the “slippery” Lee goes on to set apart two types of indeed any type of violent practice, nature of violence, as well as its dangers in ethnographic fieldwork: including those that seem to develop cultural character. Violence can be environmental and situational. The in more domestic and local contexts, confusing and can lead to disorien- first refers to the dangers posed to a and thus in principle are apparently tation –it does not have easy defini- researcher because of the nature of the “less disconnected” to global flux. The tions, not even amongst the social field chosen, as was the case with many international debates and campaigns agents implicated. It affects funda- phases of my fieldwork in Venezuela, developed in recent years in relation to clitoral ablation or stoning for adul- tery, and their growing, fundamental link to debates on human rights, have transformed social, cultural and political contexts where violence previously took place and negotiated its legitimacy and meaning. Thus even the kind of violence that was once considered ancestral in certain spheres (including that of anthropology) is now “trans- nationalized”, taking on a new visibility. It is now made out of new forms, with social, historical, juridical and gender-based processes, finding form as –more or less– the seductive flag of the moment, to be waved by the world humanitarian community (Ignatieff, 1998 and 1999). The cause of address- On the basis of a number of fieldwork projects, such as on armed separatist groups in ing this violence will be infiltrated into Northern Ireland, basic guidelines concerning action and safety for anthropologists were the agendas of certain feminist groups, begun to be set up. AGE FOTOSTOCK COMPILATION 53 where we had to “enter” into margin- the researcher is willing to participate or It seems clear enough that within this alized neighbourhoods controlled by not, or the search for financing sources ethnographic framework, violence is youth gangs, and even by armed chil- for the study itself (1990 and 1995). presented as a multi-faceted subject dren. The second arises when the pres- Feldman, who like Sluka worked in of study with multiple edges. Unques- ence of the anthropologist gives rise to Belfast, built his “field” with the clear tionably, there are radical differences some type of conflict that could lead to idea that “in order to know I had to between some research scenarios and an act of violence. It would seem rea- become expert in demonstrating that others. Still, as a basic rule, to the degree sonable that these potential dangers are there where things, people and places that violence sharpens in intensity (to fundamental in the design of research I did not want to know” (1991). Lee the point of reaching the extreme agendas and in choosing or discarding points out that it is crucial when con- Swedenburg calls treasonous field sites, ethnographic scenarios. ducting fieldwork in conflict situations there on the first line of combat, where to avoid provoking any possible suspi- the virulence of social confrontation As Lee has also shown (1995), just cion that you are carrying out a secret is so great that informants would not as in some situations the presence of study –like with the case that took understand intermediate positions the anthropologist can go against the place in Northern Ireland in the 1970s, or field relationships with people or informants, in others it can work as a when an American anthropologist was groups considered to be rivals (1995), “free pass” for them, since the social the uncertainties and dangers to carry agents know that an act of violence out research also increase, whether for DELIMITATING taking place in the context or against the anthropologist or for the inform- a foreigner has a potential media or THE CONCEPT OF ants and communities involved in the diplomatic repercussion, which could “VIOLENCE” MEANS study, in the short or long term. In the either be interesting or not to the dif- TAKING ON A BROAD circumstances described by Sweden- ferent factions. On occasion, further- burg, who did his field research in more, some people who are “voiceless” VISION OF REALITY. Gaza, the ethnographer becomes nec- or with “weak political representativ- DEALING WITH essarily “contaminated” or “tainted”, ity” in a given conflict could for mul- ANTHROPOLOGICAL often irreversibly, by the social relation- tiple reasons be interested in accepting RESEARCH ON ships established in the field, closing a relationship with an ethnographer. many doors to him; in quite a few cases Sluka, basing himself on his field VIOLENCE MEANS “participant observation” is neither experience studying armed separatist BEING AWARE HOW desirable nor safe. As Lee too observes groups in Northern Ireland, lays out MULTI-FACETED IT IS (1995), the ethnographer is in a deli- a series of general principles meant to cate position, since the information guarantee the safety of people involved flux is very restricted, the terrains of in a study with a significant political injured by the IRA– and it is recom- suspicion are rather heightened and it is and military component, including the mendable for the researcher to take on not hard for a researcher and his or her researcher, but especially concerned the preventative role of “routine cow- sources to be taken as spies or possible about his informants. The first is to ard”. In his study on Belfast, Feldman informers. In most cases, the primary develop a reflexive awareness of the ran into problems managing the rules resource of work is what Horowitz difference between “real” and “imagi- of spatial segregation between Union- calls “cognitive disagreements” or nary” dangers, which are quite often ists and Republicans. When he realized “metaconflicts” (1991), which expose influenced by media stereotypes. Some that the only social agents who could us to wave after wave of seduction or of the points he raises include the previ- move from one space to another were rejection on the part of the different ous calculation of danger, the need to the police and the army, he chose to categories of agents in a given social diversify the subjects studied so as to not use these routes in his ethnography. field. Here a question without a single reduce the public visibility of the most Any violation of these spatial codes answer could be asked, deserving to conflictive of them, the elimination would be ethnographically absurd at be formulated assiduously before and from the agenda of incorrect questions least, if not a sign of “complicity”. That during the research process: what con- or subjects, the setting up of safety and is, he had to stay in control not only stitutes, in each case, “good enough” confidentiality measures with regards of what he said or asked, but also of field work on a type and context of to compromising field materials (such where it would be “politically correct” specific violence? Lacking any sort of as with recordings and photographs), for him to physically be at each and precise solution or model, the viability the clear definition of the limits where every moment in the city. and quality of the project would be 54 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 related to the capacity to carry out the sent-day exhumations of mass graves First, because as a number of colleagues research project in a “form of chronic from the Spanish Civil War. Through have shown (Verdery, 1999; Robben, and critical reflexivity”, from where it them I will show some examples of 2000; Sanford, 2003; Díaz Viana, might be possible to permanently and how the study of violence and the fields 2008), the analysis of mass graves and dynamically rethink the ethical aspects of uncertainty it generates might con- of violently mutilated bodies allows for of the study, the (scientific, militant) tribute to more general debates on a a productive convergence of anthro- position of the researcher with regards discipline in continuous movement. pological disciplines, including the to the subject of study and the social study of violence, death, victimization, agents involved, the methodological Quick Response human rights, mourning, emotions decisions taken when working between Ethnographies and social suffering, memory, ritual, victims and perpetrators of violence, In 2003, after finishing my research kinship, mass media, audiovisual or the prioritizing of participative data project on the María Lionza spiritist production and art. At the same time, gathering on practices and/or imagi- cult in Venezuela, I began to follow the the exhumations and accompanying nary worlds and representations of process of exhumations of mass graves social, political and symbolic action violence, to mention a few aspects. from the Civil War, in the context of taking place around them constitute debates on policies of memory in con- ethnographic sites of “deep play”, In the epilogue written for Fieldwork temporary Spain. The image of a mine- while at the same time being complex, Under Fire in 1995, Feldman pointed field raised earlier is especially adequate demanding and extraordinarily fertile, out that due to its difficulty, we were in reflecting the impact these exhuma- condensing multiple processes run- dealing with an “in transit” research tions is having on certain sectors of ning the gamut from the deepest emo- site where activity took place on the Spanish society, especially amongst the tions and barely perceptible gestures limit. In his view, which I agree with, grandchildren of the defeated side in to media spasms and similar reactions if it were possible to speak of a new the war. There was a new awareness for from the realm of high politics (Geertz, ethnology of violence, it should not many that the rural landscapes where 1992: 339-372). be moving towards theoretical and some of them were still living and oth- methodological orthodoxy if its task ers spent relaxing summer holidays, The main difficulties I have found in is to produce “counter-labyrinths” and in many cases contained abandoned this research project are as follows: the “counter-memories” versus forgetful- graves and a diversity of repressive sce- complexity and competitiveness of the ness and terror. We are thus speaking narios. On a high impact scale, this preferred ethnographic space in the of sophisticated critical analysis. In has been highly shocking for many, first phase of the research (the exhuma- “spaces of death”, and even in “low giving rise to social movements of a tions) and the lack of public knowledge intensity terror and violence zones”, dimension transcending the local con- the ethnographer’s lenses of analytical texts dedicated to recovering cadavers, EXISTING VARIABLES certainty and the subjects he carries a movement that in its most recent out his research begin to mix murkily, manifestation began around the year RELATED TO THE generating special types of problems, 2000 (Ferrándiz, 2005, 2006, 2009, EXHUMATIONS OF MASS (dis)encounters and translations. On 2009b, 2010). The first question I GRAVES FROM THE the other hand, if we continue with raised was this: is there any reason for SPANISH CIVIL WAR his diagnostic, the arrival of violent social and cultural anthropology to people, deaths, mutilation, disfigura- become involved in the study of sup- MAKE ETHNOGRAPHIC tion, traumatized people or those who pressed memory, to explore the “black SITES MORE have disappeared from anthropological boxes” of repression, to dig into the COMPLICATED discourse, necessarily had to open up victorious schemes of the winners of rifts in research strategies and in the a civil war? Was there any point in rhetoric registering these individuals’ looking at the shifting status of com- of the role of the social anthropologist; emerging presence. We cannot thus memorative monuments, the residues social and media pressure related to wait for continual or lineal paths in the of historical prisons and concentra- the return of knowledge; and policies ethnography of what are called states of tion camps, the movement and public related to the representation of vio- emergency. With such antecedents, I and private management of skeletons lence. The exhumations are difficult will now set out a set of reflections on and mass graves, the political, juridical ethnographic spaces to manage for the ethnographic scenario I have been and media life of unearthed cadavers? I all social agents present, including researching for a number of years: pre- believe so, and for a number of reasons. social anthropologists. Along with COMPILATION 55 the tension accompanying the gradual which to interpret violence and the the selection of “informants” in a unearthing of the remains, the emo- desolate landscapes it leaves in its wake, highly fluid and volatile social field, tional presence of family members, the we do not have the disciplinary train- or the management of nervousness flow of images and gruesome details of ing of (to give an example) forensic often brought on by the presence of the circumstances of the executions, scientists, who are used to working “experts”, journalists, politicians and we must add the lack of predefined in close quarters to these situations. activists on the ground. This latter situ- protocols for interaction and behav- In this case, proximity involves deal- ation could lead to a certain “research iour, and, for many individuals pre- ing with cadavers of people who met fatigue” or “coding and categoriz- sent, the lack of established political, violent deaths and all the processes ing saturation” amongst some of the symbolic and emotional guidelines for going along with their gradual visu- people in proximity to exhumations, dealing with such situations, which in alization. In relation to the “existen- subject as they already are to a high many cases are only once-in-a-lifetime tial shock” described by Robben and level of emotional tension arising from experiences (2009b). General rules for Nordstrom (1995), ethnography in the mere appearance of bones and the interaction, access to the remains and this case necessarily needs to provide dramatic re-creation of those tragic even “appropriate behaviour” are nego- gradual emotional training (in any case events (Clark, 2008). tiated by some family members, asso- an important part of ethnography as ciations and technical teams, especially a discipline) so as to handle a highly With regards to the survival of the those directly involved in unearthing charged ambience in a way that will social anthropologist, in a “profes- remains, yet these guidelines do not remain relevant for the research pro- sional limbo” in amongst the various always work and are not equally sat- cess. Upon this ground, sometimes researchers working on various aspects isfactory for everyone. Within this complicated decisions have to be taken of historical memory in Spain, let me complex plot, even though social regarding the idealness of an interview make a few general observations (refer- anthropologists have the theoretical in a given moment, the filming or ring especially to the exhumations) and methodological frameworks with photography of a specific situation, that could be extrapolated to the dis-

Emilio Silva, president of the ARMH, clearly understood the importance the presence of anthropologists would have during the exhumations of mass graves from the Civil War. CORDON PRESS 56 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 cipline in general. Once I had chosen reliable protocols, social anthropolo- a context of participatory observation. the excavations of mass graves as the gists were quite often not included Rather, it has an important “political” “starting and anchoring scenario” of amongst the group of experts taken to component for people who, as quite my long term research on policies of be absolutely necessary. This was regard- often happens (publicly or privately) memory in contemporary Spain, I less of the fact that many of the things break their silence for the first time put myself into contact with Emilio going on in these excavations have in front of a digital video camera. Silva, president of the Association for been an academic subject of interest This introduces a new factor of com- the Recovery of Historical Memory for our discipline for decades and still plexity into ethnographic work, no (Associació per a la Recuperació de la are today, as I have mentioned previ- longer solely relative to the structure Memòria Històrica, ARMH); a trained ously. Nowadays, many descriptions of and meaning of the emerging com- sociologist, he was able to perceive exhumations in the press speak of the munities of expression and listening. from the start the relevance of hav- presence on the ground of “historians, It also has to do with the handling of ing anthropologists present. Silva was forensic scientists and archaeologists”, recorded material after the exhuma- always open to seeing different spe- though they rarely mention social tions. Specialization in witnesses, for its cialists join efforts in analyzing and anthropologists. This lack of public part, makes us competitive with other understanding a variety of aspects of visibility for our work can be worri- professionals, especially with “para- such a multi-sided phenomenon. In some. If everyone does know more or chuting journalists” who have fallen in spite of this, not everyone in the con- less what is done by an archaeologist, from nowhere (when they do appear), text of the exhumations immediately since our expectations and strategies in understood what a social anthropolo- ANTHROPOLOGICAL obtaining information are as highly gist was or what he or she would exactly divergent as the “in-depth interview” be “good for”. Like the occasion the WORK ON THE or the sound bite with its juicy quota- forensic scientist Francisco Etxeberria EXHUMATIONS SHOWS tion. Alongside our full acceptance into (Leizaola, 2006) commented to me, HOW A BACKGROUND technical teams, our range of action has with a mix of curiosity, snideness and IN CLASSICAL also diversified notably. In other situa- affection: “I coordinate a team, I find tions we have even come to coordinate graves, there’s the excavator, I identify ETHNOGRAPHY IS NOT exhumations upon occasion (Ignacio bodies, do a technical report and give ENOUGH Fernández de Mata, at La Lobera near the body back to the family: what do Aranda de Duero, Burgos, 2004; you do?” He was not the only one who Julián López and Francisco Ferrándiz had doubts. With every exhumation, a forensic scientist, a psychologist, a at Fontana, Ciudad Real, 2005); we in almost every instance of coming into journalist, a politician or a documen- have organized lectures and summer contact with those present, we began tary researcher, the terms social anthro- courses, and have participated more our ethnographic work by answering pologist or cultural anthropologist cause or less actively in associations and in questions. What do we bring to these a degree of confusion. This confusion very solid projects for the recovery of scenarios of violence? Did we know in turn often leads to “short-circuited historical memory (Ángel Del Río and how to unearth bones or identify the expectations” amongst anthropologists José María Valcuende, All the Names disappeared? Could we provide psy- and all kinds of informants. It has taken Project (Projecte Tots els noms)). chological support? Were we working a long time for our presence to be con- for the media? Should we be included sidered timely and necessary, especially Faced with a subject such as this, it amongst the “activists of memory”? by means of our gradual specializa- is essential to consider the issue of What solutions would we offer to the tion in gathering testimony, which to anthropology’s social responsibility respond to the suffering of the victims? a certain degree has become our “eth- (Del Río, 2005; Sanford and Anjel- Who reads what we write? What was nographic alibi” when analyzing other Ajani, 2006). In a project of this nature, our presence good for? ongoing processes that are too long to so relevant from the perspective of explain with each unearthing, and to social debate, people and collectives At the beginning of the process, when every person who asks us what we are we work with will frequently require of various associations dedicated to reviv- doing there. us “results with an immediate return”. ing historical memory started to sign This could occur with the exhuma- agreements with universities or contact The process of giving and gathering tions themselves (on the part of family specialists to create technical teams to testimony is not, on the other hand, members demanding explanations or carry out the exhumations with more merely a data gathering technique in media looking for an expert opinion), COMPILATION 57

In ethnographic research on the exhumations, cultural anthropology has been necessarily driven to interact with other fields, like history, psychology and forensic anthropology. GETTY IMAGES in public events where the procedures evolving problems, even those moving The Ethnography of Mass followed during the digs is explained, at a lightning-quick pace. If we are able Graves with the ad hoc rituals whereby the to handle this challenge, perhaps we When it comes to policies for the rep- remains are returned to the family, in could then speak of a combined strat- resentation of violence, criteria involv- lectures in community centres or old- egy of “ethnographic fluids” designed ing “a dense context, reflexivity and a age homes, or in conferences organized to deal with “slippery” problems (Del- critical apparatus” are fundamental in by interested associations or political gado, 2007) by means of a “dialectic the case of exhumations and historical parties. Elsewhere I have insisted on of surprise” of reciprocal illumination memory, with the exception that in this how important it is that for specific (Willis and Trondman, 2000), and of case we are required to interact with subjects, like those related to violence “multiple rhythms and formats of the –and construct ourselves in relation to– and social suffering, anthropology return on knowledge” in the academy fields of knowledge as varied as history, be agile enough to turn itself into a and in society. Just as has happened psychology and forensic anthropology. “quick response” discipline (2006). for years in our field, and as our insti- So as create a more subtle understand- This would not mean renouncing or tutions increasing require of us, the ing of the previous debate, I will offer not appreciating the importance of more we are able to go deeper into the two examples related to the digitaliza- the discipline’s most usual formats registry of “quick response”, the more tion process of historical memory, and, and cadences (even though they are we will be able to increase our relevance more generally, to the problems arising themselves changing very quickly), in present-day social debates. This will from audiovisual products of the eth- but widening the repertoire. It would give us the capacity for critical analy- nology of violence (Ferrándiz and Baer, mean being able to diversify the dis- sis in a variety of contexts, whether 2008). Exhumations of mass graves courses we transmit knowledge with in academic meetings, NGO board give us very explicit images of repres- for different kinds of aims and audi- meetings or relating to the mass media, sion, inscribed in the cadavers that are ences, all the while (as we suggested at where we are often underrepresented gradually brought into sight. The most the start) modulating research strate- or where we find it difficult to “trans- recent cycle of exhumations has taken gies to properly comprehend rapidly late ourselves” in relevant fashion. place in the context of the information 58 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 and knowledge society, and this is a role as researchers in the process, this is forensic anthropologists, whose visual key feature of their spread through the what differentiated us from other spe- presentations, conditioned in turn by social milieu, in political debates and cialists. While the archaeologists and training in their respective fields, went even amidst the judicial apparatus (Fer- forensic scientists worked the mass in the exact opposite direction. After rándiz, 2009, 2010). As technologies graves inwards, with highly technical viewing a number of long presenta- for the digitalization of images become protocols, social anthropologists (like tions where the main characters were less expensive, with video and photo- psychologists) worked more “qualita- exhumed bones, a visual “complicity graphic cameras as well as cell phones, tively” from the grave sites outwards. of style” (MacDougall, 1998) with the we are able to begin to think about This difference could be clearly seen in forensic scientists began to emerge, how the new “site of memory” might lectures, talks and public interventions which in turn profoundly modified be its digital expression (Ferrándiz of any kind. Amongst images of gestures my understanding of the problem. and Baer, 2008). At the exhumation by family members, ritual offerings and As with the rest of the local, national sites many people present have such old photographs, I would always show and even international audience, I technologies available, and there is an began “to get used to” seeing bones of almost compulsive digital registry of THE CRITERIA OF DENSE executed individuals projected onto everything going on, although with large white screens, just like what was CONTEXT, REFLECTION diverse motivations and visualiza- gradually happening for me with the tion strategies. Even though there is AND CRITICAL bones seen live in the graves, digitalized a great variety of events, objects and APPARATUS ARE BASIC bones seen accompanied by measuring people who might be “digitizable”, FOR CASES INVOLVING tapes, guiding arrows, technical terms, maximum attention is usually given reconstructions of bullet trajectories, to the bones, and, more specifically, to EXHUMATIONS AND and so on. I came to realize that all of the signs of violence left upon them. HISTORICAL MEMORY my caution and the limited mention How can all these images be fit into being made of these images, lagged far the ethnographic discourse? How some cranium with a clear bullet hole, in behind the interest found in the tech- might they be able to modify under- testimonial fashion, so as to refer to the nical process of recovering historical standing of the problem analyzed and impact “those” images had had as they memory, and the degree of absorption the very structure of production of came to light in contemporary Spain. I (even saturation) there began to be in ethnographic knowledge? Is it possi- would not even spend very much time Spanish society and in other more glo- ble to speak of the emergence of a new on the image. balized circles. It should be said that the franchise in the “globalized market of number of television series with strong horror and suffering” (Ignatieff, 1998: In the majority of cases, I used images forensic content was not unrelated to 29-37, 1999)? I will deal first of all that had already been shown to the this process, as they are turning into with the use of these images in public public eye by some high-impact news powerful, already “popularized” ways presentations, and then in academic media outlet (covers of El País news- of understanding and imaging various publications. paper, for example), which allowed criminal scenarios (Kruse, 2010). My me to use them at the same time as a study had to include, in a more rel- In my first public presentations using secondary source on the media expres- evant way, not only the bones as they PowerPoint, I sought quite precisely to sion of the process, reflecting on the appeared in the graves, but also the way shift attention away from bone remains, shifting of the thresholds of tolerance they were digitalized by various social in an attempt to show that, to a degree, regarding certain images documenting agents and elaborated by various kinds “there was life” beyond the exhuma- the violence of rearguard Franco-era of specialists. Even so, in spite of having tions. I sought to show that what par- repression. That is, I would use a selec- brought them more relevantly into the ticularly interested social and cultural tion of images (deliberately discarding analysis and into my presentations (as anthropology were the parallel pro- those with more explicit or less media- we shall see), the limit continued to cesses of remaking social networks, the friendly violence) so as to mark off the be marked by an ongoing fear a pro- more or less spontaneous ritualization discipline in particular in relation to the miscuous, decontextualized use might of mourning, the enunciation of past “forensic style”, even though my pro- have, leading to the banalization of narratives in emerging contexts, and ject deals with analysis of violence. On historical facts and of the social suf- so on –all taking place not only within top of this there was a paradoxical situ- fering they these images still give rise but also around the exhumations. In a ation. In many of these interventions, to in the present, what Bourgois called moment of uncertainty regarding our I participated with archaeologists and the pornography of violence. COMPILATION 59

As a second example, let me consider was it also the most representative? Did the fear of trivialization through the a publication on the ethnography of it describe the process better than the spectacle of the process of recovering mass graves (2006), where I was given others? Was the best place to view such historical memory had imposed itself the possibility of including various an image in an academic publication? over high-impact imagery, privileging photographic images. At first they Images like it were circulating in Spain a kind of visual prudishness that other were to go inside the journal, but later in the mass media and in cyberspace, specialists we collaborate with would on they were to be meant for its front and were a fundamental part of the consider timorous. The disciplinary and back covers. When I received forensic reports and their PowerPoint discrepancies regarding policies for the the publisher’s proposal, I felt rather presentations given before full audito- visibility of scientific knowledge are, uneasy. The image he had chosen for riums, as we have seen. For my part, I in the cases of violence we have dealt the back cover was a close-up photo- was willing to take on the debate con- with here, relevant in the delimita- graph of two skulls with a bullet hole cerning the politics of representation tion and reconsideration of the limits in each and their jaws out of place. in anthropological discourse, though of ethnographic representation. The The image was not only extraordinar- it was something that had to be done double page, colour publication three ily explicit, but it also had been taken with a theoretical and psychological years later of a very similar photo- by the photographer with a more aes- armature. In the end, this image for the graph, taken at the same exhumation thetic than documentary approach, back cover was replaced by another that by the same photographer for the El using the angular light and shadows was more benevolent with the brutal País Semanal report “Un tupido velo. of the evening. It was a “magnificent” violence of the Franco-era repression, 140.000 muertos invisibles” (A dark photograph. I wrote to the publisher and undoubtedly more “comfortable” veil: 140,000 invisible deaths), writ- to comment on the consequence of and representative of the process of ten by Benjamín Prado (January 18, giving priority to an image like that, recovering historical memory than 2009), represented for me the confir- especially in the context of an ethno- the first: a wide shot of a grave once mation of a new turning of the screw in graphic study, and particularly one in emptied, after a commemorative cer- the limits of tolerance towards certain Spain. It was clearly the image with the emony. In this case, in shifting from aesthetics of horror in contemporary greatest impact and highest quality, but explicit violence to its ritualization, Spain. n

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Leiazola, A. «Antropología a pie de fosa: Schmidt, B. E.; Schröder, I. W. «Introduction: diálogo con Francisco Etxeberria y Francisco Violent Imaginaries and Violent Practices». A: Article originally published in Ferrándiz sobre la memoria de la Guerra Civil». Schmidt, B. E. i Schröder, I. W. (ed.) Anthropo- Ankulegi (2006), 10, p. 33-46. logy of Violence and Conflict. Londres: Rout- Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia ledge, 2001. P. 1-24. de Catalunya (no.37. year 2010) Lévy, B.-H. Reflexiones sobre la Guerra, el Mal under the title Etnografies al y el fin de la Historia. Barcelona: Ediciones B, Sluka, J. A. «Participant Observation in Vio- límit. Versalitat i Curtcircuits de 2002. lent Social Contexts». A: Human Organization (1990) 49, p. 114-126. l’etnografia davant la violència  MacDougall, D. Transcultural Cinema. Prince- «The Anthropology of Conflict». a: Nordstrom, contemporània. ton: Princeton University Press, 1998. C.; Martin, J. (eds.) The Paths to Domination, COMPILATION 61

Universitat de Barcelona Joan Frigolé BARCELONA_CATALONIA Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Barcelona, his research has focussed on economic and social transformation, the processes whereby culture and nature become heritage, and on genocide and procreation. He is the author of Cultura y genocidio (Culture and Genocide) (2003) and Dones que anaven pel món. Estudi etnogràfic de les trementinaires de la Vall de la Vansa, Alt Urgell (Women Who Roamed the World: Ethnographic study of the medicinal herb gatherers of the Vansa Valley, Alt Urgell) (2005) The State and Exterminating Violence In Search of a Formulation of the Elemental Structure of Genocide

This article discusses different aspects of genocide. Firstly, examination of he focus of this text is The second example is set in Iraq, minor and more infrequent cases in the genocide. Reference where what was said to be an Al- literature is used to show the general or to other terms like Qaeda contingent murdered twenty- unvarying characteristics of genocide massacre and ethnic four Sunnis in two different homes. and massacre. Next, we examine the cleansing has the sole In the first home, “they ordered the transformation of the state apparatus that plans and carries out genocide objective of delimit- adults to go upstairs, while the chil- through the secrecy, dissimulation and ing genocide by way of contrast. I do dren stayed downstairs. They told them exceptional nature that characterise its Tnot begin with previously established not to worry. Once they were on the operations. Finally, the article focuses on classifications and definitions, nor upper floor, all the adults were shot, genocide denial through recourse to the with the major dominant examples leaving the children crying and shak- ethnic factor. in the literature on the subject, focusing in fear.” In the second house “they sing instead on non-habitual examples, separated the children from the adults El text tracta diversos aspectes del and even minor ones. By analysing and and, once they had them upstairs, they genocidi. Per mitjà de l’anàlisi de casos comparing these examples I seek to for- slit the throats of three men and two menors i no habituals en la literatura es mulate general principles of genocide women.” (El País, April 4, 2010, p. 5). posen de relleu propietats generals o invariants del genocidi i la massacre. and other forms of violence. S’analitza a continuació la transformació The assassins, the victims and the de l’aparell de l’estat que planifica i The first example is set in Mexico: “Six reasons were different in both cases, executa un genocidi a causa del secret, members of the same family were exe- though the clear distinction between la dissimulació i l’excepcionalitat que cuted in their home, where there were the spaces of the homes shows the clear caracteritzen el seu funcionament. Finalment, es fa referència a la negació also six children between the ages of differentiation made between genera- del genocidi mitjançant el recurs al factor four and ten years old. The gunmen tions, between procreators and procre- ètnic. had the children taken from their beds ated. The first are murdered, the second and shut inside a room, ordering the group are left alive. This is the common six adults onto their knees in the living feature the two cases share. room, where they were killed with a Keywords: Genocide, ethnic conflict, gunshot to the head. The children were The third and fourth examples are violence, State left unharmed, though they had to be from Mexico. Poniatowska writes of Paraules clau: Genocidi, conflicte ètnic, violència, Estat treated for panic attacks.” (La Jornada, the assassination of a popular leader: December 12, 2009, p. 12). “Revolutionary outbreaks after the 62 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Genocide does not discriminate anybody, since it seeks to ensure that in the future there will not be any type of reproduction of the causes that brought it about. GETTY IMAGES

1910 Revolution, no matter what There are significant differences as between generations, to the point of they involved, have always been cut well between these two cases. In the showing even more violence towards short by the police and the army. Rubén first example, the perpetrators belong the younger generation than their pro- Jaramillo, who was from Morelos like to the formal apparatus of the state, creators. The elimination of offspring Emiliano Zapata, was murdered in while in the second case both assassins here symbolizes a break in the continu- 1962 together with his wife Epifania, and victims are indigenous people. ity of the group in question. in an advanced state of pregnancy, In spite of this the case is not turned along with three of their children, one into an ethnic conflict, since the state When we compare these four cases, week after he had been embraced by the utilizes indigenous people, militariz- we see that the generational variable, then President of the Republic, Adolfo ing or arming them to fight against that is, the distinction between adults López Mateos.” (1981: 144)1 Then the indigenous social movements. The and non-adults, is meaningful in the fourth example: “... the paramilitary examples indicate the extermination first two cases while not in the last two. troops thought they would eliminate of a family, including an unborn child, The position of the cases in relation to our seed, and not only have we not and a massacre of almost three times the generational variable is symmetric disappeared, but our Lord father and more women and children than men, and inverse. mother has given us wings with which giving us an idea of the huge dispro- to fly”, proclaimed a man represent- portion of power between perpetra- The two final cases point symbolically ing an association called The Bees in an tors and victims. and in reality to the extermination of homage to 21 women, 15 children and the family or local group. The mas- 9 men assassinated in Acteal, Chiapas, The difference in relation to the first sacre is an attack against the structure on December 22, 1997 (La Jornada, two cases is that the perpetrators of of procreation; that is, the members of December 23, 2009, p. 26). the massacres do not differentiate the following generation are also killed COMPILATION 63 for having been born to their given which for many cultures expresses the by the Nazi regime in Poland, and with parents. This is thus the meaningful idea of procreation and the continuity the Argentina dictatorship. In each of difference in relation to the first two of the family or group.2 In Cambodia these examples, turning progeny into cases. during the genocide, at the extermina- something else meant different things: tion camp of Tuol Sleng, entire families a civilized person; a Germanized mem- Massacre and Genocide were killed, something conceived as ber of the Aryan race or a member of The first two cases exemplify massa- “pulling out the plant from its root”. the group; or even a member of a fam- cres, while the final two demonstrate The justification of the extermination ily of murderers. The kidnapping and the logic of genocide. They represent of a group’s capacity for procreation theft of children of the group in ques- micro-genocides. Genocide kills pro- could invoke future protection from tion could be covered up by means of creators and the procreated, the latter such procreation. According to Peter the formula of adoption. In these three being included for being the children Longerich, author of a biography of cases, “adoption” becomes a perverse of the former, and because they repre- Himmler, this latter once wrote: “I did sent a guarantee of future reproduc- not have the right to exterminate only tion of their procreators. Genocide men and let the children grow up and ONE OF THE seeks to make a definitive break in the take revenge upon our children and EXPRESSIONS OF genealogical chain and thus suppress grandchildren.”3 It was thus, in August GENOCIDAL INTENTION the reproduction of a group. Geno- 1941, that he also ordered the shooting IS THE DESTRUCTION cide lasts a relatively short period of of Jewish women and children. time, though its objective is to have an OF FAMILY TIES AND everlasting impact. Sémelin defines it There is an important difference in the THE SYSTEM OF as “the total eradication of a collective four examples with regards to those PROCREATION defined according to the criteria of the perpetrating the acts. From what can persecutor.” (2002: 490). Yet perhaps be deduced from the context of the the idea of totality as applied to geno- news stories, in the first Mexican practice, sharing in the very purpose cide refers to the fact of eliminating case the assassins were the hired guns of the kidnapping: the disappearance the procreative structure, rather than of a drug trafficking ring, acting in of the group by means of the action the totality understood in numerical the context of a conflict with a rival of erasing or distorting the identity of terms, always dependent upon a clas- group, while in the Iraqi case, they the youngest members of the group sification system and inherent ambi- were members of an insurgent group (Frigolé, 2009). guities. fighting against collaborators of the state and invading forces. As for the For Feierstein genocide is “a specific What is involved in the step from the final two examples, the perpetrators modality of destruction and reor- idea of an enemy and his death, to that belong to the regular or irregular army ganization of social relationships” of the extermination of his progeny of the Mexican State. State power and (2007: 26). Kinship relationships are and his identity? The answer is the the attack against procreation are grounded around the question of pro- coincidence of exclusion, stigma and united in these two micro examples. creation, and its destruction causes an dehumanization. For Sémelin, a mas- This is highly interesting, in that it enormous impact on survivors’ iden- sacre is preceded by an operation of demonstrates that genocide is not just tities. Mujawayo, a female survivor the spirit that involves “a way of seeing a question of scale, but a basic struc- of the Rwanda genocide, expresses it an ‘other’ stigmatizing him, lowering ture that is repeated regardless of the this way: “Who are you when you are him and annihilating him, before in magnitude of the phenomenon. no longer the sister, the daughter, the fact killing him.” (2005: 25). All of this wife, the niece, the aunt of someone implies his death, but not the idea of The attack on the procreative capac- else. You find yourself in an affective attacking his “root”. This idea comes ity of the group to be exterminated or void, in a kind of life where you do about when thinking in terms of pro- wiped out can take on forms other than not exist, since you no longer belong creation, when killing him absolutely assassination itself. One of these actions to yourself. You are here, but who are cannot be thought of without also involves stealing the progeny and later you here with? You have nobody with thinking about the elimination of his denying its original identity, so as to you.” (2008: 142). progeny. A powerful image of procrea- convert it into an “other”, as with the tion is found in the “seed”, mentioned case of the “stolen generations” of Aus- Let me propose the following defini- in the example from Acteal, Chiapas, tralian aboriginals, the children stolen tion: “ … genocide is the result of a 64 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 plan conceived by a State authority and enon given the name state terrorism, end in itself is inconfessable and, for directly or indirectly executed by the and when violence on the part of the this reason, is carried out in secret or State apparatus … with the objective of repressive apparatus of the state, which is disguised. eliminating a population or a human should be regulated and under control, group as a category within a classi- no longer has such characteristics, we Let us consider the example of the exter- fication system referred to human, are speaking of impunity. mination carried out by the Argentine national, political, etc., diversity. The military dictatorship. According to criteria and categories of this classifica- A term that should be related to gen- Jacobo Timerman, head of the newspa- tion system are established from spe- ocide is war, which can be defined per La Opinión, a navy official gave him cific “theories” or ideologies adopted by in many ways: irregular, dirty, low a preview of the extermination in these the political authority. At a symbolic intensity, undeclared, fratricidal, and words: “‘If we exterminate all of them, level, genocide pretends to be total, so on. Genocide can be thought of as there will be fear for a few generations.’ but as a historical process is subject to a by-product of war. As early as the ‘What do you mean by all of them?’ the action of predictable and unpre- Biblical tale, war often involves the ‘All of them ... maybe twenty thou- dictable factors, including the victims’ sand. And their family members along capacity to resist. Genocide implies an MAX WEBER OBSERVED with them. They have to be wiped out attack on the human group’s reproduc- THAT THE STATE IS along with those who can remember tion in all its possible ways and in this their names.’” (2000: 68). In order to context, the attack on the procreation “THE AGENT HOLDING carry out their objective, the military system becomes a crucial mechanism. THE MONOPOLY ON dictatorship created “a large network The attack on the procreation system LEGITIMATE VIOLENCE of forces for special tasks with branches is the most explicit expression of the WITHIN SOCIETY” spread out all over national territory”, genocidal intentionality.” (Frigolé, that had as its objective the dismantling 2008: 26) of guerrilla organizations and radical- “holy extermination” of the defeated. ized political opposition. In 1967, In line with the first examples offered Lemkin coined the term genocide in Major Masi had stated: “The best way here, I propose the following defini- the context of Nazi Germany’s occu- to fight a guerrilla is with another guer- tion of “massacre”: “a collective though pation of Europe during the Second rilla.” The slogan was echoed in the selective slaughter of defenceless peo- World War. War with genocide is a words of Brigadier Norberto Sciutto ple.” Sémelin defines massacre as “an qualitatively different reality from war when he explained how imitation was organized process of destruction of without genocide. the key to their success. “It was neces- civilians.” (2002: 486). In the earlier sary to combat the enemy with its own examples, the generational variable is The protection of its citizens requires procedures … Total liberty was given what determines the selective charac- a number of previsions on the part of to the special task forces, unlike what ter of the massacre. The gender vari- the state, but the elimination of citizens any unit of the conventional army had able could also determine the selective does as well. The objective of exter- ever had, not even the forces involved character of a massacre in the case of mination determines changes in state in the counter-insurgency campaign in femicide. organization: new organisms and the Tucumán … The men of the special redefinition of existing ones, new rules task forces dressed in civilian clothing The State, Legitimate Violence and a new language. The hierarchy and and moved around in cars without and Illegitimate Violence division of powers of the state are regu- licence plates, often protected by the According to Weber, the state is “the lated by public legal norms, though the darkness of night … The majority of agent with the monopoly on legitimate goal of extermination obliges the appa- their objectives were not combatants, violence in society. Individual or sectar- ratus of the state to move into the realm but rather historical members of the ian violence is illegitimate.” (Gellner, of secrecy and concealment. This is not revolutionary Marxist political wing 1988: 70). The repressive policy of the an informal terrain, but rather highly and revolutionary Peronism, or just state towards the population can adopt formal and regulated, however secret as well workers, students and highly a normative institutional model or not. it may be. Concealment enables the active union leaders. In general, the When repressive practices are placed later negation of the facts. Repression way of capturing them was by means on the edge and/or are contrary to the tends to be public, since it is dissuasive of kidnapping rather than detainment. regulating norms established by the and exemplifying, even reaching lev- In the majority of cases they were not state itself, we are faced with a phenom- els of terror, but extermination as an treated like suspects or prisoners of war, COMPILATION 65

Extermination as an end in itself is inconfessable, which is why in Nazi Germany, the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda it was carried out in secret or was disguised.

Turkish state in the Armenian genocide, Nazi Germany in the Jewish genocide, Rwanda in the genocide of the Tutsis, the Yugoslav state in the Bosnian genocide, and so on.

In responding to the historian Bernard Lewis, who denies the Armenian genocide, Yves Ternon states that “genocide is a crime carried out in total secrecy” (Altounian, 1999: 523). The government of the Young Turks, in carrying out the Armenian genocide, created “a secret extralegal corps called Spe- cial Organization, whose mission was to organize a widespread massacre. It was made up mainly of convicted criminals who had been freed from prison, who were divided into units stationed in critical points along the deportation routes and the deportee camps in Syria.” (Adalian, 1997: 51). The deportation of the Armenians and nor were any charges laid against them, The disguise taken on by the Argentine the way it was carried out was a highly nor were they officially recognized as military and police institutions during efficient instrument in their extermi- having been arrested by government the dictatorship does not represent a spe- nation. The government also created forces. Quite simply, their trails were cific, exclusive characteristic; rather, it is organizations like the Immigration lost in any one of the hundreds of something shared with other states that Commission, whose goal was to ensure clandestine detainment centres.” (Rob- have planned and carried out policies the expulsion and deportation of the ben, 2008: 228-29). Kidnapping and of extermination. The organizational Armenians, and a Commission to deal the stealing of the children of those camouflage –irregular army forces– and with their “abandoned” possessions. arrested were activities also governed organizational language –codified, with Organisms related to the deportation by the same pattern of illegality and changing significations– are key features of the Armenians, which “officially clandestine action. of all genocides. They were used by the were under the auspices of different 66 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 ministries, were all under the direction organization, which various writers organization, special tasks, special of the head of the Special Organiza- have reflected upon in using the meta- treatment, special roles. All genocides tion and the Central Committee of the phor of the modern factory and the reflect society itself in the wider sense Young Turks.” (Kévorkian, 1999: 144). organization of the production line. of the term (culture, the economy, the political system). This point is funda- The secrecy and concealment sur- mental. No radically new principles, rounding the planning and execution STATE VIOLENCE practices, gestures or names have to be phases of genocide adopt many forms, CONSISTS IN invented; rather, already existing prin- such as the use of irregular military ATTACKING THE ciples, practices, gestures and names are forces, clandestine facilities, codified shifted into a new domain and context. administrative language, the “absence” INTEGRITY OF THE This displacement allows them to take of the executor, the elimination of evi- BODY BY MEANS OF on a new function and meaning. In the dence, and so on. Vidal-Naquet writes TORTURE AND MURDER case of Germany, a capitalist industrial of the “absence of the executor” in rela- society, this is the model that is applied tion to the Jewish genocide: “The gas in the genocidal context. The “codi- chambers, which began to operate for Codified language assists in the process fied” vocabulary of the Nazis arises the Jews in Auschwitz at the begin- of cover-up and denial. The Nazis used from the transference of principles, ning of 1942, were at the same time the terms like disinfect, treat, exploit, and practices and gestures of the ordinary crime weapon and the instrument of so on, to describe the various opera- society overall to the specific labour its denial. There is no paradox in this, tions the extermination process was of the camps and of extermination. It since the gas chambers are an instru- segmented into. The term Sonderbe- is not only an imperative of secrecy or ment of anonymous death. Nobody is handlung or SB, that is, “special treat- the wielding of power to interpret or responsible. Nobody is the assassin. It ment”, designated executions by means above all deceive; the same gestures in is the situation brought on by Ulysses of the gas chamber4 and Leichenkeller, parallel contexts are unified by means when he takes on the name Nobody morgue, the gas chamber itself. of the same terms, to the point where and poor Polyphemus cries out that we are required to set them apart by Nobody has blinded him. Who is the In relation to the Jewish genocide, Hil- means of quotation marks. Bensoussan assassin? Is it the doctor who makes berg has written the following: “The writes that “both for the assassins on the selection, the häftling who leads machinery of destruction, then, was the ground and those in the office, the the condemned mass, the SS that take structurally no different from organ- genocide of the Jews was a job to do.” Zyklon B to the gas chambers? Nobody ized German society as a whole. The The wordpiece as applied to cadavers is the executor, because everyone par- machinery of destruction was the indicated dehumanization, yet above ticipates in the death, which makes organized community in one of its all this is seen in the way the procedures every denial possible.” (1995: 319- special roles.” (Bauman, 2002: 33). and objectives of the factory produc- 320). This characteristic is congruent The term “special” is repeated in relation system were transferred into the with extermination’s high degree of tion to extermination policy: special realm of genocide.

Violence and the Body State violence attacks the integrity of the the body could be compatible with keep- What relationship can be established body by means of torture and assassina- ing it intact, or could just as well lead to it between the treatment of corpses and the tion. Fatal violence can be accompanied being cut into pieces. A recent example modes of violence here described? The by the presence of the corpse or involve its of the former case: after the murder of a policy of extermination of a group does not disappearance. This latter takes on various Mexican drug lord on the part of the military, end with the assassination of its members, modes: burial in secret graves, cremation, his cadaver was exhibited with the trousers as it lasts beyond their death in the treat- throwing bodies into the sea, and so on. If dropped and the body covered with bank- ment of their bodies. The physical disap- the corpse is not made to disappear, two notes. A recent example of the second pearance of corpses or their disfiguration different and opposing situations could case: the pieces of bodies floating down through quartering becomes a metaphor arise, clearly distinguished by the ques- a river in Colombia, humble young men of total extermination. tion of respect or lack of respect towards assassinated by the military, accusing them the body. The humiliation or profanation of of having been guerrilla fighters. COMPILATION 67

The Ethnic Factor and Denial following example: “Joaquim Vall- nifying the murder of a missionary of Genocide majó was a priest from the town of by means of a denial of the genocide John Bowen states that “descriptive Navata who was killed in Rwanda of eight hundred thousand or more anthropological categories like ethnic in the course of a massacre. A mad Rwandans is not fair to his memory conflict, genocide, indigenous people, do spree of blood and hatred broke out or to the victims of genocide. not only condition any investigation; between the Tutsi and Hutu ethnic they also send messages to a wider groups, and the two parts carried out Genocides take place in specific places audience regarding how science can mass assassinations.”(5) This is a fla- and times, though perception and explain underlying reality, the basic grant negationist interpretation of the assessment of them evolves as time causes and historical roots of group genocide. It was the state apparatus, moves forward. What happens next violence. Such audiences include ‘our’ governed by a single party and not does not only depend upon “the fact governments, as well as the population in itself”, but upon local, national and implicated in conflicts and the interna- an ethnic group, which planned and international contexts. Recognition tional organizations seeking to resolve drove forward the massacres. Jean and evaluation of genocides occurs in them.” (Bowen, 2002 b: 394). Pierre Chrétien, a French specialist, function of many contributions and describes the Rwanda political system efforts, such as the creation of images, A basic reason to oppose use of the term that planned the genocide as “tropi- studies, celebrations, polemics, spread ethnic cleansing, beyond its origin itself cal Nazism”. The denial of genocide is of knowledge, and so on. Geopolitics, (Frigolé, 2008), is that it presents eth- equivalent to a second massacre. Mag- that is, the interests of powerful states, nic groups as the basic units of society, while in fact societies are made up of diverse and highly pluralistic overlapping realities and identities, with loyal- ties that balance each other out. Bowen sets out three erroneous premises in relation to ethnicity: “First, that ethnic identities are ancient and unchanging; second, that these identities motivate people to persecute and kill; and third, that ethnic diversity itself inevitably leads to violence.” (Bowen, 2002 a: 324). In relation to the first premise, a black South African intellectual, in referring to the changes brought on by colonization, stated: “We lost our humanity and gained ethnicity.” (Comaroff, 1994: 207). Well-known South African ethnic identities like the Zulu were forged in that period. In Rwanda they were the result of two systems superimposed from the outside: one was the Biblical tale of how peoples spread out over the earth, while the other had to do with the European feudal system that divides people into lords and vassals, mutually reinforcing the other’s role.

The ethnic model is used to justify genocide, presenting it as a deriva- Geopolitics is a key feature in the negation of a genocide such as that perpetrated tion of tribal conflicts, though it can against Australian aboriginals, unrecognized until recently by Australian society and also be used to deny it, as seen in the authorities. PHOTOAISA 68 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 is a key feature in the recognition or Vidal-Naquet points out that “the pro- constructed gradually, it is propagated negation of genocide. Kiernan (2002) cess whereby historians themselves little by little, finding resistances there demonstrates the geopolitical reasons became aware of the specificity of the and there, finally showing itself to be for a double negation –that of the Jewish genocide in the context of the an unarguable truth.” (2005: 184). n genocide of Australian aboriginals and Second World War was not immediate. of the population of East Timor– on The war against the Jews shifted from the part of successive governments and the periphery to the centre of reflec- conservative intellectuals in Australia. tion on the Second World War after a long period of incubation.” (1995: Becoming aware of the occurrence of 330). Sémelin argues that the recep- genocide is a slow process. In this sense, tion and recognition of a genocide “is

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NOTES: Article originally published in Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia 1 Another example: the assassination of four of 3 Klaus Wiegrefe, “El mayor asesino de masas”, five members of the Nevado family (parents, El País Semanal, no. 1680, December 7, 2008. de Catalunya (no.37. year 2010) son and daughter), and the failed non-fatal p. 24. under the title Estat i violència attack against the youngest son carried out by 4 Kalterbrunner would declare in the Nuremburg exterminadora. A la recerca paramilitary troops in Colombia in the 1980s. Trials that “SB could also mean lodging in a d’una formulació d’una Juan J. Aznárez, “Matando a la familia Nevado”, luxury hotel” (Vidal-Naquet, 1995: 320). El País Domingo, April 6, 2008, pp. 8-9. estructura elemental del  5 Joan Ribas, “Separar el gra de la palla”, El Punt genocidi. 2 More ethnographic references to the metaphor- Diari, back page, March 16, 2008. ical duo of seed and field, and to the concept of procreation (Frigolé, 1998). COMPILATION 69

Ignasi Aldomà Buixadé Born in Poal (Lleida) in 1955, he has a doctorate in Geography and Territorial Planning from the University of Barcelona and the University of Montpellier, and a Master in Agrarian Development Projects from the Institut Agronomique Méditerranéen of Montpellier. He is currently Professor of Territorial Organization at the University of Lleida and the author of various articles, books, and research projects in Agrarian Studies and Territorial Planning. Water in Dry Catalonia Historical Water Usage and Perspectives for Present-day Evaluation: Case Study of the Municipality of Torrebesses, (Segrià, Western Catalonia), in the Area of Vall Major

n spite of the pejorative practices as related to various activities On the basis of the heritage conserved, connotation the dominant and conservation initiatives. Together the oral testimonies and the historical documentation, it shows how the discourse of our day attrib- they have all come to make up part of inhabitants of drylands from Torrebesses utes to dry lands, through- the Ethnological Heritage Inventory (Western Catalonia) have developed out history they have been of Catalonia. through time strategies for harnessing economically and culturally rain water, surface and groundwater that vibrant territories, and this vitality has At the same time, and despite the fact have allowed them to move forward with been associated with the presence of that this study brings together only a diverse range of agricultural production I and related activities and have made it water. A good example would be the the main conclusions, a hydro-geo- possible for the subsistence of a relatively dry lands of the Segrià district in Cata- logical evaluation has been made of dense network of local communities. lonia, and especially the municipality how the water cycle works in the dry of Torrebesses studied here. These dry lands of the Les Garrigues district, both Sobre la base del patrimoni conservat, lands have developed strategies over in terms of the quantity and quality els testimonis orals i la documentació time to benefit directly from rains and of the resource, and in relation to its històrica, l’article explica com els resultant usable groundwater, used for distribution and condition. An assess- habitants dels secans de Torrebesses a diversity of agricultural production ment has been carried out of the reuse, (Segrià) han desenvolupat al llarg del and for other productive activities, renovation and reconversion of existing temps estratègies per a l’aprofitament de l’aigua de pluja, la de superfície i la de besides meeting the direct water con- constructions and facilities through the la capa freàtica, fet que els ha permès sumption needs of local inhabitants. Technological Institute of Lleida (Insti- seguir endavant amb una ampli ventall tut Tecnològic de Lleida), a participant de productes agrícoles i activitats In this paper we set out to analyze in the program, and itineraries have relacionades, i que ha possibilitat la knowledge, infrastructures and sys- been designed for heritage observation, subsistència d’una xarxa relativament tems related to water conservation, education and promotion, as well as densa de comunitats locals. as contextualized by hydro-geological water cycle management in dry lands. reality and socio-economic dynamics. In doing so, the study begins with an For the reasons here indicated, a multi- inventory of infrastructures and mate- disciplinary team participated in the rial features that are relevant for the study, with the intervention of Univer- regulation of the water cycle in dry sity of Lleida professors Ignasi Aldomà, lands. This goes along with a system- a geographer, Enric Vicedo, a histo- Keywords: Drylands, hydraulic, irrigation, atic summary of historical knowledge rian and Josep Carles Balasch, a geolo- Catalonia related to the water cycle, both in terms gist, along with geographers Marina Paraules clau: secans, hidràulic, regadiu, of scientific and technical observations, Guillén, Joan Ferrer and Josep Ramon Catalunya and in relation to water management Mòdol and the agricultural engineer 70 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Water drawn from a well with a pulley was enough to fill the adjacent trough. Animals drank from them, gardens were watered, and it was even possible to do the washing, maximizing usage of water resources (Maials district limits). MUNICIPAL ARCHIVE OF TORREBESSES.

Manuel Murillo. Carles Pubill and Material and intangible testimonies of Oligocene substrates with a very low Carles Labèrnia participated from the in the present speak to us of the local porosity; a proof of this is the absence Technological Institute of Lleida, while population’s capacity for adaptation of important natural springs on the Josep Preixens and Mateu Esquerda and knowledge acquisition in rela- high planes and on the hills that char- were the lead researchers in developing tion to the possibilities afforded by acterize most of the region. The only the inventory. the water cycle. surface of any consideration with the capacity for water retention and stor- Dry Lands and Water Shortage As Torrebesses is found in an inland age is found at the bottom of valleys, Management area set off from the main watercourses where we find rather deep alluvial or Over time the inhabitants of Les Gar- flowing down from the Pyrenees, the colluvial substrates. rigues have adapted and have learnt to population and activity of the town benefit from the water available in their and of other municipalities in the The annual average infiltration feeding own territory. Les Garrigues is a dry district historically depended on rain- the aquifer of the Vall Major allows us land, though it is not a desert; water is water. Precipitation falls on surfaces to acknowledge that there was enough abundantly present and many oppor- that are not in principle ideal for water water available for historical consump- tunities are available for its utilization. absorption, as occurs with the presence tion needs. Water use has been adapted COMPILATION 71

agricultural water use practices, above MAP 1 all related to the area that accumulates Torrebesses and Vall Major as contextualized in the hydrographical system of the Ponent plains. the resources or main reserves, at the valley floor. On the other hand, in the rest of the territory, represented by hills and high plains, technical and infrastructure development is motivated by the need to meet the requirements of people and animals, which is done by direct utilization of rainwater. As we shall see, there is no strict separation between them. There is, however, a rather significant difference between the water supply for crops found at the valley floor and provision for drinking water on the hills and on the high plains, with the accompanying development of specific infrastructures in each given area (see attached figure).

The total sum of heritage related to water in the inventory, beyond the strict confines of the town centre, comes to 313 heritage sites, each defined by the main feature characterizing it. It should be kept in mind that in some cases these sites have additional features or facilities that complement the main feature, so that the total number of facilities comes to 342 (see attached The abundance of water at the valley floors of the main watercourses Set and Vall Major directly rely upon the size of their capitation areas. This explains the hydrological pre- table), without taking into account eminence at Torrebesses of the two main valleys in the municipal limits, above all Vall Major basins, sinks and other small, more or (Great Valley), whose name clearly describes it. less mobile features. to the needs of the moment, and animal assistance, with simultaneous The most frequent facilities found are increasing consumption, along with food, water and service requirements wells, which do not raise considerable the emergence of new conservation across the board. In order to meet the classification doubts and number infrastructures, has gone along with water needs of people, animals and about two per family. The density of the process of human settlement of the crops, a full-fledged program of water wells over the entire territory of the territory. The structural hydric deficit management and usage of the limited municipality is 5 per square kilometre, was not considered until quite recently, hydric resources found locally would though this figure rises to one per hec- in the 1980s and 1990s, when projects be developed, leaving in its wake a tare when considering the main valley were developed for mass pumping of vast quantity of material heritage and floors where they are mostly found. irrigation water from aquifers at the knowledge, constituting the central Along with these wells there are other valley floor. purpose of the study. facilities for gathering and storing water (supply galleries, water tanks, Water Management as the As seen in this study, responsible water water-drawing mechanisms, and so Basis for Human Settlement consumption involves two clearly dif- on) that highlight the wells’ economic Over the years the enhancement of the ferentiated areas set apart by priority and heritage value. overall percentage of the surface area water uses, in line with the dual hydro- dedicated to agriculture would lead to logical nature of the analyzed terri- Ponds, pits dug into bedrock, masonry greater needs for manual labour and tory. On one hand there are strictly reservoirs (known as aljubs) and cis- 72 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

terns (the term includes more recent GRAPHIC 1 examples and those with more unique Characteristic features of built water-related heritage, according to physical placement, 2010 inventory. typologies and materials) are different types of storage methods for rainwa- HIGH PLAIN ■ NARROW ter falling on the hills or high plains, CHANNEL HILL ■ VALLEY FLOOR ■ used mainly for human and animal RESERVOIR consumption. These four typologies, WELLSPRING which have a similar storage function, IRRIGATION together comprise a quantity of exam- CANAL ples that is close to the number of wells; BASIN 135 their density and spread throughout WELL the territory is thus remarkable. Fur-

MILL thermore, there are other reservoir features like tanks and deposits that STONE PIT are more modern, and others whose CISTERN function is not related to maximizing

POND rain water usage.

MASONRY RESERVOIR Irrigation canals, for their part, have 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 a significant heritage and economic NUMBER OF INVENTORIED SITES interest in many dry lands. In Tor-

SOURCE: elaborated by the author from the inventory of construction in the municipality. The numbers rebesses this interest is related to their refer to sites, as defined by the most characteristic facility (see note in accompanying table). size and their importance in construc- tive terms. The structure of irrigation canals has made it possible to irrigate a good part of the valley floor, and GRAPHIC 2 along with these major canals we find Characteristic features of built water-related heritage, according to construction period, bridges, tunnels, ponds, splitter walls, 2010 inventory. narrow banked channels and other

BEFORE 1950 ■ NARROW 8 common water storage features that CHANNEL 10 GENERAL TOTAL ■ accent their potential and interest. 1 RESERVOIR 6 6 WELLSPRING Finally, in the generic section of well- 6 IRRIGATION 14 springs, there are a few natural springs CANAL 15 and their corresponding stone foun- 6 BASIN 7 tains, with the inventory also includ- 76 135 WELL ing three historical flour mills and two

5 older olive oil mills, all with quality MILL 5 water management facilities. 21 STONE PIT 23 5 It should be said that the inventory car- CISTERN 9 36 ried out does not fully cover all water- POND 42 related heritage. There are unique fea- MASONRY 45 RESERVOIR 53 tures in the territory with an important

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 artistic or heritage interest, such as NUMBER OF INVENTORIED SITES basins and stone-lined channels, which for their mobile nature or smaller size SOURCE: elaborated by the author from the inventory of construction in the municipality. The numbers have not been explicitly included in refer to sites, as defined by the most characteristic facility (see note in accompanying table). From amongst the inventory. Besides this, there are all elements in the inventory it is important to differentiate between those built in recent decades and those from the first half of the 20th century and beforehand, as these latter are significantly different in terms of still remains of sinks and other water form and materials. In recent decades a significant number of new wells have been built, as well as some management systems related to exist- ponds, larger more historical reservoirs and water deposits. ing facilities or to specific crops that COMPILATION 73 are not large enough or do not have valley floors, clearly demonstrate the because the aquifer at the valley floor particularly special traits. As such, they economic interest of surface water in is overexploited and rainwater never have not been included in the inven- this dry territory, which could today manages to refill it. tory, spread out as they are throughout seem to be and in fact really be suffer- the study area or with a limited “con- ing from water shortages. The main supply lines were done with structed” size. All of these details are lateral canals branching out from the in any case considered here within our The main irrigation canals, which we main irrigation canal. These lateral general analysis of water management can consider to be central since they canals, which are smaller and of a in dry lands. constitute fundamental infrastructure lower construction quality than the running down the middle of the valley main one, are also in a worse state of The Valley Floor as a Key Area floor, are the area’s largest and most conservation, even though many can in Water Cycle Usage important construction projects. These be perfectly well identified. With the In the geomorphology of the Les canals originally appeared for the pur- exception of the occasional starting Garrigues district, valleys function pose of draining the valley floor, chan- section of a lateral canal, the smaller as channels, cutting the high lands in nelling excess rainwater and reducing ditches are dug into the earth, with the direction SE-NW and E-W, and then risk of erosion and destruction of fields clay typical of the area ensuring opti- ending up in two or three main val- and their edges. Thus the river in Vall mal sealing conditions. Their profile leys that flow into the Segre or Ebro Major is essentially the irrigation canal denotes a minimal slope, gaining in rivers. The valley floor is a natural of Vall Major, appearing in present-day altitude over the floor of the valley so drain, channelling rainwater runoff topographic maps as a creek or ravine. as to be able to use the water for mills and water accumulated in the alluvial The irrigation canal regulates this his- or agriculture, taking advantage of the sediments at variable depth. Towns torical function of water runoff, its effects of gravity; thus on a map these in the region were generally founded seasonal importance shifting in func- ditches appear at the valley edges and along the valley floors, accompanied tion of rains, with more activity in the fit into the adjoining hillsides. by smaller fields, irrigated crops and spring and autumn, and with a sum- mills, and other features. The spread of mer drought between. Currently it is The greatest demand is in summer hydraulic heritage and the constructed rather infrequent to see water running when water is scarcer and when sur- merit of the features found along the through Vall Major, fundamentally face water most typically disappears. In

TABLE 1 Water heritage in the municipality of Torrebesses, 2010 inventory (1)

HERITAGE FROM TOTAL COMPLEMENTARY FACILITIES FACILITIES BEFORE 1950 HERITAGE FACILITIES DENSITY PER FAMILY Masonry Reservoir 45 53 0 1,9 0,4 Pond 36 42 31,7 0,3 Cistern 59 00,3 0,1 Stone Pit 21 23 71,1 0,2 Mill 55 00,2 0,0 Well 76 135 25,0 1,0 Basin 67 17 0,9 0,2 Irrigation channel 14 15 0 0,6 0,1 Natural Spring 66 0 0,2 0,0 Deposit 16 0 0,2 0,0 Narrow Channel 81000,4 0,1 GENERAL TOTAL 223 311 29 12,5 2,4

SOURCE: elaborated by the author from the inventory of construction in the municipality. (1) A distinction is made here between inventoried places and facilities, in that inventoried places, with different registries in the heritage inventory, sometimes include more than a single feature or facility. Thus the wells are accompanied by some kind of deposit for water, which could mean basins or larger troughs, included as such when larger than 2 m2. (2) Instead of indicating numbers of homes the choice was made to refer to numbers of families, since there are homes that are connected and work collectively. While in documentation from the end of the 19th century and the early 20th century there were 78 owners with ploughing animals and 208 homes in the census, and early agrarian censuses gave a maximum of 147 farms (1972), the choice has been made to use 140 as the reference for numbers of farms in establishing an indicator of facilities per family. 74 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 these circumstances the main reserve an intense human presence, where where the ground was softer, and stone of water was found in colluvial terrains the water requirements of the outly- pits and masonry reservoirs appeared running along the valley floor, previ- ing areas of the municipality almost in areas with harder rock surfaces. ously fed by rainwater or by seepage matched the needs of the town centre. Rainwater was directed towards these from the main irrigation canals. At This is what fundamentally explains generally rounded deposits using lined certain points the aquifer is so near to the rich constructed heritage related to waterways freed of brush and kept the surface that the water is close to water usage spread out over the entire clean, with the idea of draining more swelling out in natural springs, as is municipality. or less larger capitation basins. These the case with the natural spring water features were called aigüeres, referring fountains found at either end of the Once above the main valley floors, to drainage systems, and they were municipal limit, or with the town foun- water was obtained from rain runoff, also used to bring water to the fields, tain found nearby, at the confluence of which was channelled into various in some cases making use of existing the Major and Siscars river valleys. Still, types of deposits. Ponds were dug paths used for walking. in most cases it was necessary to drill into the earth to access groundwater MAP 2 through wells. Water heritage map of the municipal limits of Torrebesses, 2010 inventory. We cannot establish dates from existing remains so as to clearly identify the construction period of the wells now found. However, the construction materials used do allow us to pose a few hypotheses. From the oldest, sim- plest and most shallow wells dug into the ground itself to the most recent, which are deeper and complex, using metallic tubing, there is a gradual shift in construction materials with their corresponding techniques, setting apart the successive periods in well construction. Historically, after simple earth-lined wells, we find those made of stone, mostly non-mortared stone, while into the 20th century we begin to find brick wells and, after them, those done first with cement piping and then with metallic tubes.

Direct Use of Rainwater. Ponds, Pits and Reservoirs Nowadays, when the outskirts of rural towns seem practically empty, it is difficult to appreciate how not so long ago human presence and activity were dense and constant. Only such human Masonry reservoir Spring fountain Reservoir Sink presence can explain the amount of Narrow channel Cistern Splitter Wall Irrigation channel Olive oil mill Basin Spring Area of influence of the farmhouses (200m) constructed features spread out over Flour mill Stone pit Well areas like the municipal limits of Tor- Pond Vat Well/Trough rebesses, meeting not only agricultural needs but also those of seasonal Source: elaborated by the author from the inventory of construction in the municipality. See the concentration of wells in the valley floor, near irrigation canals, while ponds, residents. We are in fact dealing with masonry reservoirs, stone pits and other water-retention systems are found on the hills and environments and landscapes with on the high plains. COMPILATION 75

Different types of water deposits are as well as private cisterns and other fact that its colour or taste was not found all over the high plains and hills highly varied solutions depending on always optimal. in the area. Their task was to ensure each residence. drinking water for people and animals When water availability in the ponds during the periods spent working in Historically, domestic water supply fell, it was necessary to recur to other the fields. It is not unusual, therefore, for the inhabitants of Torrebesses had supply sources. For reasons of its prox- to find that a good part of these facili- two key reference points: the large imity and for the abundance of water ties are near to or related to cabins and constructed pond in the upper part found there, the natural spring fountain farmhouses used as temporary resi- of the village, and the smaller one in at the valley floor, at the confluence of dences. Besides this, water stored in dif- the lower part. Compared with other Vall Major and the Siscars River, was the ferent locations in the municipal limits sources of water supply, the water preferred place. The well of the town was could also be used for the occasional from the ponds was clearly preferable just beside this fountain; as it was much irrigation of a specific crop, besides as it was of superior quality, and only deeper than the spring, it was possible serving as a complement to domes- water coming from other masonry to access reserves from below the river tic consumption if circumstances so reservoirs, which were also filled with bed in times of greater drought. required. rainwater, was more highly appreciated. However, these reservoirs were When it came to water for drinking The presence of ponds, stone pits and usually found farther away and were or cooking, if there was not enough masonry reservoirs, found throughout for more exclusive use. Residents were in the ponds or if the water found in the municipality, can be related to the clearly more habituated to consuming them was discoloured, the townspeo- agricultural settlement of the territory. water from the ponds, in spite of the ple preferred the water from the two There was most likely a particularly intense period of settlement in the 18th century, when agriculture grew rapidly to the detriment of more generally common economic activity in the forest, or with livestock. By means of terracing and other types of support infrastructures for agricultural activity, settlement grew most sharply in the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. The total amount of cultivated land peaked in the 1950s, even though local demography had already begun to fall off in the first decades of the century.

Meeting Domestic Needs and Water Consumption Water consumption is a primary necessity of those inhabiting the town centre, satiating the thirst of people and animals as well as responding to cooking and food preparation needs, and those related to domestic cleaning, clothes washing and other necessities. In order to meet such demands, a variety of family strategies were developed. This led to a diversity of infrastructure solutions, including shared ponds, Filling jugs at the pond above the town from the access stairs still conserved. fountains and wells around the town, MUNICIPAL ARCHIVE OF TORREBESSES 76 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 fountains in the municipality to the Hydraulic Heritage in Present- heritage built up until the 1960s has water from the spring fountain or the day Development of Dry Lands remained intact, as a result of a type of wells at the valley floor. However, the In general terms, the inventory of agrarian activity and culture grounded trip to the fountains took considerably rural heritage in the municipality in Mediterranean dry land conditions, longer and water flow was weak, so that of Torrebesses, along with the study with the intensive use of manual there would typically be a long wait to of a diversity of territorial variables, labour, mostly family-sized produc- fill up with water. In dry conditions it together paint a picture where agri- tion units and a strong component of was even more common to go to the cultural production on larger farms family self-consumption. fountain –no evidence exists suggesting has expanded and human presence it ever dried up– and it was not unusual has decreased, symptomatic of the The needs giving meaning to the full to even go at night. shift in agricultural activity since the set of heritage in the area, constituted 1960s. Local agroclimatic conditions as an agrarian society based on family For the houses in the town and for have not been adapted to the models farms and the intensive use of manual any kind of covered construction, the of industrial agricultural transforma- labour, have been transformed or have most autonomous way of ensuring tion, as seen in agricultural areas where disappeared, while the new approach water availability was to take advan- production is more intensive; nor have taking hold is adapted to the demands tage of rainwater falling on the roof. there been local initiatives to open up of these changing times. In this sense, The implantation of such self-suffi- specific lines of development adapted the possible use of heritage features cient supply systems was relatively to the zone. As a consequence, agri- should be placed in the context of the easy and gave better results in free- cultural activity in the present consists diversity of functions required of agri- standing buildings, unlike with the fundamentally of intensive livestock cultural areas, as an addition to more townhouse-style homes characteristic exploitation, almost entirely unrelated classic productive activities, which of Torrebesses and other towns in the to the local agrarian base. Agricultural themselves are undergoing change. As interior. It is likely for this reason, and land is being lost, while, in general, for the different types of infrastructures also due to the relative abundance of areas of uncultivated terrains or for- and features of interest, a full range of available resources near the town centre ested areas are expanding. specific functional possibilities can be (as already observed) that the presence indicated (see accompanying table). of homemade water capitation systems The previously-explained process of • Smaller garden plots and their using cisterns has not been particularly change also explains how nowadays dividing walls have great agronomi- significant in Torrebesses. a good part of the rich agricultural cal interest, and their preservation

Table 2 Number of water storage features and maximum volume of reserves as calculated in cubic metres, according to types; 2010 inventory.

FEATURES BUILT BEFORE 1950 FEATURES BUILT IN 1950 AND AFTER

(m3) (m3) (m3) (m3) (m3) (m3) FEATURES MINIMUM MAXIMUM AVERAGE TOTAL FEATURES MINIMUM MAXIMUM AVERAGE TOTAL

Pond 36 3 4887484 17434624 5600 2631 15788 Stone pit 20 08128 2153 5

Masonry 45 2239393818538 reservoir Cistern 5418 11 55 4216 936 Basin 6256 21 12811111 Deposit 132323232512 4624 1121 5604 Mill Ponds 40420 105 420 TOTAL 11718490 26 21472

SOURCE: elaborated by the author from the inventory of construction in the municipality. The cisterns found inside buildings in the municipal limits are not included. It could seem insignificant in the present that in 1950 all forms of water storage, excluding cisterns in the town itself and the wells themselves, came to a total capacity of under 20,000 m3, just a tenth of the total amount of water stored in just one of the large ponds made using modern construction techniques along the Segarra-Garrigues Canal. However, historical water reserve capacity ensured reserves of some 20 m3 per person per year in times of maximum population. This quantity is significantly lower than current water consumption averages, though it was large enough and adequately adapted to local needs in the period circa 1900 (see accompanying table). COMPILATION 77

along with shared management of the aquifer. • Reservoirs, ponds and other features related to domestic consumption in the rural environment have lost their original purpose, making it necessary to seek out more recreational or touristic alternatives. To the degree that some kind of habitat or temporary occupation is sustained, this would make it more viable to give these infrastructures some sort of function. In any case, agricultural activities, hunting, horseback riding or other leisure activities should not lead to the creation of new hydric facilities, but rather should benefit from the use of existing ones whenever possible. • Environmental functions or those favouring the landscape corre- Sisters at the public washing basins at the end of the Vall Major, 1960s. Until 1965 the running water network was not connected to individual homes, so that at Torrebesses spond to a great diversity of fea- washing was done in public basins, while in certain cases it was also done in private tures, although they are especially basins. MUNICIPAL ARCHIVE OF TORREBESSES interesting for those that have been historically used for drinking water should be viable from a productive • Still today the wells have agricultural for animals, or those standing out perspective, particularly in areas interest. However, even though there and clearly visible in the agrarian that are not too steep and where is no need for such a large quantity landscape. This would be the case mechanization would be feasible. A of them, their possible recuperation with ponds, and with the irrigation productive option should possibly would be linked to the regeneration canals and other complementary be considered that would enhance of the water cycle and the revival features at the valley floor. their surplus value. of the reserves below the river bed, Due to changes in material culture over the past 50 years, historical water heritage features have generally fallen into disuse. This lack of use brings with it a lack of maintenance and gradual deterioration, affecting some facilities more than others. The purposes they were originally built for have lost interest, and, on the other hand, the materials and construction techniques are not well-adapted to new uses. Without functional recuperation able to reacti- vate existing heritage, as has previously been observed, the proposal would be to highlight the need to at least preserve those features of greatest interest or especially at risk of deterioration, or those already damaged or in poor A mother and her daughter on their way to fetch water at the Clin Clan fountain, with condition. n jugs carried in the side baskets, called esgraells. MUNICIPAL ARCHIVE OF TORREBESSES 78 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

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La Canonja: Centre d’Estudis Canongins Rubio, Joan (1914) Construccions de pedra la Ciència i la Tècnica, p. 341-349. Ponç de Castellví. en sec. Barcelona: Anuario de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Catalunya. DDAA (1997) Cultura fluvial del Pirineu a la Martin, F.; Serra, R. (1991) Les construccions Mediterrània. Actes de les primeres jornades de pedra seca a la comarca de les Garrigues. Saez Planas, Marià (2004) “La pedra seca”. d’estudi de la cultura fluvial Pirineu- Mediterrà- Lleida: Pagès editors. Quaderns de la Revista de Girona. Girona: Di- nia. Tortosa: Amics i Amigues de l’Ebre. putació de Girona. Martin, F., Preixens, J. (2005) Les construcci- DDAA (2008) Pedra seca a les comarques de ons de pedra seca. Lleida: Pagès editors. Serra Boldú, Valeri (1987) Folklore de la Tarragona. Tarragona: Diputació de Tarragona. pagesia. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia Martinez Garcia, Manel (2005) “Construc- de Montserrat. Esquerda Ribes, M. (2009) “Aprofitament hu- cions rurals relacionades amb l’aprofitament de mà dels recursos hídrics de la Vall Major”. Revista l’aigua”. Reboll, Butlletí del Centre d’Història Na- d’Etnologia de Catalunya, num. 34, p.106. tural de la Conca de Barberà, núm. 8, p. 20-21. Article originally published in Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia Feliu Monfort, G. (1983) “Algunes ordena- Martinez Garcia, Manel (2010) Arquitectura de Catalunya (no.38. year 2012) cions i plets per les aigües del Corb”. Grup de rural, un patrimoni cultural oblidat. L’exemple Recerques de les Terres de Ponent. Tàrrega, de la Conca de Barberà. Valls: Cossetània under the title L’aigua a la p. 48-104. edicions. Catalunya seca. El seu aprofitament històric i les Felix, J.; Ripoll, R. (2010) “Les barraques de Miralles Garcia, F.; Montfort Tena, J.; Marin pedra seca”. La pedra seca, evolució, arqui- Royo, M. (2008) Els homens i les pedres. La perspectives de valoració tectura i restauració. Girona: Brau edicions, p. pedra seca a Vilafranca: un paisatge humanit- actual. Estudi del cas del 55-109. zat. Vilafranca: Publicacions de l’Ajuntament de municipi de Torrebesses Vilafranca. (Segrià) en el context de la Vall  Major. COMPILATION 79

Centre d’Art i Natura in Farrera; Jaume Ayats Barberà UNIVERSITAT AUTÒNOMA DE BARCELONA Ayats Barberà is the director of the Music Museum of Barcelona and a researcher in ethnomusicology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He has written various books, including Córrer la sardana (Run the Sardana, 2006), Les chants traditionnels des Pays Catalans (Traditional Songs of the Catalan Countries, 2008), Cantar a la fàbrica, cantar al coro (Sing in the Factory, Sing in the Choir, 2008) and Els Segadors. De cançó eròtica a himne nacional (Els Segadors): From Erotic Song to National Anthem, 2011) Traditional Chants in Catalan Pyrenees Social Construction of Pyrenean Villages

he study “Cants the official rituals of the Catholic In the closing decades of the 19th religiosos a l’Alt Church, the liturgies performed in century and the opening decades of the 20th century, the Catholic Church made Pirineu” (IPEC- these villages and the manners and an effort to stamp out all music from the Anàlisi, 2008- behaviour displayed during singing liturgy that it considered inappropriate 2010) has revealed helped to make the social order visible for maintaining the “right attitudes” and the profound and sensitive. Despite the possible for the interests of the Catholic faith implications of singing together differences in religious feeling, sing- in the contemporary world. Between during various religious rituals in ing allowed people to individually years 2008 and 2010 we carried out a T research in order to discover the tradition mountain villages in Catalan Pyrenees experience the hierarchies and roles and their current validity of the polyphonic until around the middle of the 20th of social life in small villages (with singings of religious look that its sang century. Beyond the specific religious populations of around 100 to 1,000 in the zone of the Catalan Pyrenees of beliefs of each, and even further from inhabitants). Catalonia. From all this work a whole an sonorous, bibliographical and audiovisual materials have appeared of great diversity and quality, which encourages us to continuing working this subject in the future.

En les darreres dècades del segle xix i en els inicis del xx, l’Església Catòlica féu un gran esforç per acabar amb tota la música de la litúrgia que considerava inadequada per mantenir una “actitud correcta” i per als interessos de la fe catòlica en el món contemporani. Entre anys 2008 i 2010 vam dur a terme un treball d’investigació per tal de descobrir la tradició i la validesa actual dels cants polifònics d’orientació religiosa en la zona dels Alts Pirineus catalans. De Singers of Gerri de la Sal (Pallars Sobirà) before the lecterns of Col·legiata de Santa tot aquest treball n’ha sorgit un gran Maria, (08/2007). ANNA COSTAL gruix de materials sonors, bibliogràfics i audiovisuals de gran diversitat i qualitat, que ens animen a continuar treballant Keywords: Catalan Pyrenees, religious singings, popular song book aquest tema en el futur. Paraules clau: Pirineu català, cants religiosos, cançoner popular 80 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Singing revealed divisions of gender, inappropriate for maintaining the differently than “popular songs”: they age and origin, the skills and unique “right attitudes” and for the interests were generally in Latin (and not in qualities of specific persons, money of the Catholic faith in the contempo- Catalan as sought), they were con- and power, the relations between indi- rary world. The main symbol of this sidered of cult origin and some were viduals and the community and other was the motu propio Tra le sollecitudine polyphonic, when searching especially roles that ordered society. All these of Pius X in 1903. Music considered for rustic simplicity, and it was believed relations and social constructions were inappropriate was gradually kept out, that everything sung in different voices demonstrated through monodic and particularly when it resembled opera had to originate with a technical musi- polyphonic chants transmitted orally and dance music. But the new “cor- cian. But these chants did not attract and rarely accompanied by instru- rect” repertoires (which ranged from the attention of historical musicolo- ments. These chants’ aesthetics and the restructuring of liturgical singing gists, who sought the scores and origi- structures surprise “contemporary” as proposed in Solesmes to the com- nal works of specific authors situated audiences and often arouse interest posers of a new model of “religious in time and downplayed strictly oral in learning about their uncommon music”) also banished and replaced music. As such, they were neither cult sonority and expression. In this paper, oral chants considered “rustic” and “of nor popular and remained outside all we propose a synthesis of the research the old regime”, as well as the ways theoretical models in the 19th and conducted for more than three years, of singing them. This process took 20th centuries. a summary of the main findings together with research publications that we have created so far and a preview of work we have planned for the future.

Forgotten Chants: Subjects for Research Contemporary society has all but forgotten the religious chants that formed the basis of the liturgy in villages until the first half of the 20th century. They have become so neglected that most Catalans are just as likely to believe that these chants never existed in this country, especially the polyphonic ones. Singing couplets for Saint Martin in the choir of the church of Sant Martí de Bescaran However, part of our social milieu is (Alt Urgell) with the accompaniment of an accordion (08/11/2009). ESTER GARCIA LLOP rediscovering interest in these chants from a perspective that views them place in the Catholic world especially In the post-Franco years, religious as exotic, with captivating new for- between 1914 and 1945, according chants primarily in Latin also failed to mulations of the repertoire emerging, to the country and historical circum- capture collectors’ interest. After years especially in Corsica and Sardinia (and stances. Later, the liturgical renewal of government-supported Catholicism sometimes even further away). And yet and abandonment of Latin accord- and Latin, the positions split between we are convinced in Catalonia that “we ing to the rules of the Second Vatican those that fled from anything having to don’t have these kinds of traditions”. Council (1962-1965), with new rep- do with religion and those that worked What is the cause of this total igno- ertoires and “updated” styles, ended out the alternative of a modern ritual in rance? We shall try to synthesise the up pushing aside what little repertoire the Catalan language. While Latin was response in the three events described remained active of the chants that experienced in Corsica and Sardinia as below. interest us, with rare exceptions. an alternative to the Frenchification or Italianisation of religious life, which led In the closing decades of the 19th cen- For the collectors of popular and tra- to these chants being seen as part of tury and the opening decades of the ditional chants, such as the extensive their own identity, things took another 20th century, the Catholic Church work of the Obra del Cançoner Popu- path in Catalonia, where old religious made an effort to stamp out all music lar de Catalunya between 1921 and chants were replaced by modern ones from the liturgy that it considered 1936, religious chants were conceived in Catalan. COMPILATION 81

in Farrera, created by a research team from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona that forms part of the SGR 2009/227 “Les músiques en les societats contemporànies” MUSC (a project rejected in the 2007 call, but approved in 2008). In addition to the research itself, the results anticipated an awakened interest in these chants in Pallars Sobirà that has had implications for summer music festivals and other initiatives that we cannot cover here due to limitations of space.

Religious Chants in Catalan Pyrenees Rehearsing to record the chants: singers of the choir of the church of Enviny in Pallars The study was conducted in seven Sobirà (10/11/2006). IRIS GAYETE counties in the Pyrenees. From the starting point in Pallars Sobirà –the This leads us to understand that despite very much alive and aroused intense county were these chants have left the high level of intensity of oral and emotions among many of the older res- their most intense mark to date– we material signs left by these chants for idents of Pallars Sobirà. It also showed expanded our research to Vall d’Aran, years, almost nobody is aware of them that according to the village, social Ribagorça, Pallars Jussà, Andorra, Alt today. Only very rare examples were and musical memory was restricted Urgell and a part of Cerdanya. Led included in some recordings made to those over 70 years old. by Jaume Ayats, the research team in the last two decades (Crivillé and enjoyed the participation of Anna Cos- Vilar, 1991 and 2007; Ayats, Roviró Thus, a broader study was proposed tal, Iris Gayete, Amàlia Atmetlló, Ester and Roviró, 1994 and 1996; Torrent, with the IPEC-Anàlisi project pre- Garcia Llop and Joaquim Rabaseda. 2001a and 2001b; La música religiosa sented by the Centre d’Art i Natura Pere Casulleras also participated as de l’Andorra del 1800, 2000). It is also true that memories of them were gradually erased from many Catalan counties over the course of the 20th century and that examples were confined to specific areas, and mainly to the Pyr- enees, due to old social circumstances and social history established in the last two or three centuries.

Thanks to chance and the interest and insistence of Margarida Barbal, in 2006 we heard some home recordings made by the Barbal family of Enviny during family gatherings in the early 1980s whose liturgical chants evinced depth and human and musical interest with various examples of polyphony. Initial assessment research in Vall d’Àssua and in El Batlliu (sponsored by Sort City Council and the County Council of Pallars Sobirà in July 2006) showed us that the memory of these chants was Singers from Llessui (Pallars Sobirà) with Jaume Ayats (12/11/2006). IRIS GAYETE 82 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 the recording technician in a disinter- chants, as well as the more “modern” vals and the tavern –a place for men to ested capacity. In total, more than 200 ones in the Month of Mary. sing together– may be understood as people were interviewed from more both reflecting and contrasting with than 80 villages, yielding 150 hours The details and subtleties of how this religious chants. of recorded information and chants. is organised, combined with the act Though they were in no way easy to of reading and using books –as well Unlike in other counties, it is surprising synthesise, the main results may be as pilgrimages to sanctuaries and the that religious singing is not managed discussed as follows. structuring of the territory based on by brotherhoods, but by this meeting devotion and spaces ordered by reli- of heads of households, who were also Singing in Social Life gious singing– immerse us in a concept the representatives of the municipal Probably the most surprising aspect of of the territory, of the yearly life and of structure under the old regime. Thus, the results was the great importance the society specifically and emotively polyphonic singing has a special splen- that religious chants had in expressing expressed in the singing. Secular festi- dour and power. and experiencing social life in the village. An initial study in these aspects focusing only on the county of Pal- lars Sobirà was published in the book Cantadors del Pallars. Cants religiosos de tradició oral al Pirineu-Religious Chants of the Oral Tradition in the Pyrenees (Ayats, Costal and Gayete, 2010).

The first element that stands out is that only certain men of the village (generally adult heads of households) were singers: each had a specific seat in the church’s raised choir (and space exclusively for men), with privileges like having their own psalm that they had a right to intone (begin alone). Leaving aside the lower-level labourers, these men’s singing depicts and expresses a system of egalitarian households of which the social structure of the village is composed. This is demonstrated at significant times and in the control of the space and of the initiates’ language (Latin) when singing the core texts of the divine Word (mass and the divine offices, vespers and compline of the main holidays of the year).

In the lower part of the church, women and children share the space and roles in a layout equivalent to the geography of the village and related to the representativeness of each household (the chapel they care for, a closer position to the altar, etc.). They join in chants that do not represent the divine Word, especially couplets and processional Double choir of singers in the church of Bosost, in Vall d’Aran (03/2008). AMÀLIA AMETLLÓ COMPILATION 83

Recording the Singing and Musical Performances Up in the choir, the singers “made the walls of the church tremble!” explains a woman from Vall d’Àssua excitedly. Indeed, the construction of a unique musical aesthetic fit with the social effects mentioned above: powerful singing, individualising each voice with ornamentation and timbre and hearing the effect of the harmonics and the density of the men’s voices (perceived individually and criticised by the women) were all musical characteristics that corresponded to social ones.

From this point of view, we have studied some events –especially the ves- Congregation of Santa Pelaia de Perles, in Alt Urgell (23/05/2010). JAU M E AYATS pers and signing of the Magnificat– as rhetoric that builds emotion from all and bodies of those participating in towns that already began to abandon senses of the body during the village’s the ritual. them in the 1920s, and especially in festive gathering in the church (see the republican 1930s, to villages that Ayats, Costal, Gayete and Rabaseda, Historical Information finally gave them up when implement- 2011). Thus, sonorous and polyphonic The information collected has also ing the directives of the Second Vatican elements gain significance in each per- shown us how in each county and Council in the late 1960s. In some son’s social and individual life. community, the historical transfor- places, some of the most emblematic mation of this singing and its disap- chants were still being sung decades Furthermore, we have seen how in pearance from liturgical use took place later, aside from the singing of cou- each step of the liturgy, depending at different speeds and under various plets, which were still active in some on whether it was the divine Word circumstances. This ranged from large others. or more peripheral rituals, the time reserved and rhythmic codes were distributed so that only by listening to the type of rhythmic articulation, a seasoned listener could tell what kind of ritual it was, as well as the degree of sacredness that had to be attributed to it (for more detail, see Gayete, 2012 and Ayats, 2012). A particular aspect of this may be seen in the musical structures of couplets (explored by Garcia and Llop, 2011).

Finally, we must mention the link we found between the aesthetic intent of the singing and the acoustics in certain churches, where the shape of the nave, the location of the singers and the effect of the wooden platform and choir stalls helped to strengthen the Choir of the church of Unarre (Pallars Sobirà), with a lectern and choir stalls for the sonority desired by shaking the walls singers (30/09/2006). JAU M E AYATS 84 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Material and Heritage Elements tance of the acoustic aspect, which is so Finally, we have also developed several The findings also include the material easily altered in new “interventions”. international collaborative relation- objects that remained in the churches ships that have allowed us to link our and sacristies from when the rituals The aforementioned book Cantadors research to wider geographical areas were performed. First are the archi- del Pallars offers an introduction to and enriching scientific exchange. tectural elements, both the general these social and musical elements Alongside the research in the Pyr- architecture of the building (the distri- and includes a CD with a selection enees, we conducted specific field- bution of space, access stairwells link- of recordings made by singers of the work with the brotherhoods of the ing the choir to the bell tower, high county and a DVD documentary Corsican city of Calvi (through agree- platforms, high balconies in the nave, by filmmaker Aleix Gallardet about ments with the Voce de U Commune spaces in the walls for brotherhoods) some aspects of our fieldwork to get and in cooperation with researcher and the more specific architecture of stories and chants from some inform- Ignazio Macchiarella) that resulted the choir, generally built from wood ants. in an article comparing the creation with large platforms and particularly choir stalls with the exact location of each singer. Second are the movable elements, such as the lecterns, railing lecterns, mobile choir benches and reclining chairs for the women of each family, as well as the benches of the labourers of the brotherhood. Finally are the large songbooks, smaller books from more recent times and typo- graphic plates couplets. All this could be joined by crosses and processional symbols, pilgrimage banners and flags and various objects used inside the church, during processions and Holy Week.

In recent decades, these elements have been underappreciated and are sometimes systematically destroyed. In Choir of singers in the church of Jou, in Pallars Sobirà (11/2006). ANNA COSTAL some cases, the alleged restoration of Romanesque walls –with an obsession for strictly mediaeval authenticity and a direct view of the rock– has devastated the choir where the oldest men in the village sang 50 years ago (in the same way as their forefathers had 400 years before). In some villages, this has kept some old men from wanting to return to church.

In this regard, an appeal must be made to the heads of churches and to the architects and experts that do restoration work to be aware that the space and objects are the surroundings (and result) of centuries of continuous activity that they often fail to grasp. In our Lectern of the choir of the church of Les Esglésies, in Pallars Jussà (08/2009). case, we must also insist on the impor- ESTER GARCIA LLOP COMPILATION 85 of rhetoric of the senses in Calvi’s papers presented by Iris Gayete (2010), to establish a correlation with the aes- officium tenebrarum and the vespers Amàlia Atmetlló (2010) and Ester Gar- thetics of singing, a problem being in Pallars: “Polyphonies, Bodies and cia i Llop (2011). A specific aspect of studied by acoustic engineer Enric Rhetoric of the Senses: Latin Chants this research is currently the subject of Guaus and by Jaume Ayats (an initial in Corsica and the Pyrenees” by Jaume Iris Gayete’s PhD thesis. treatment of the oratory of Calvi was Ayats, Anna Costal, Iris Gayete and already presented at the Conference Joaquim Rabaseda, published in the Future Research on Interdisciplinary Musicology held magazine Transposition in 2011. We However, the different possibilities in in Glasgow in August and Septem- have also established links and coop- studying these chants could go many ber 2011); and specific research on eration with the project FABRICA different directions and hold many couplets and the corresponding ter- (ANR 2009-2012). Promoted by the surprises. This is why we have planned ritorial and emotional implications (a University of Toulouse-Le Mirail and future research that is currently tak- continuation of Ester Garcia i Llop’s under the leadership of Phillipe Can- ing shape. The best defined lines of study, with the collaboration of an guilhem, it studies both the historical investigation so far include the study international specialist in the subject, and oral aspects of fauxbourdons in of temporal construction procedures Dominique de Courcelles). Finally, France. for chants not governed by a pulse in the next few months we hope to (a prominent theme in the work of publish a summary of the findings These activities have led us to partici- Iris Gayete); analysis of the different from all counties studied in the mono- pate in various congresses, where we logics of temporal construction and graphs of the collection “Subjects of have published various publications rhythm as markers of different ritual Ethnology of Catalonia”. n (Ayats and Martínez, 2011; Gayete, situations (a problem being studied 2012; and Ayats, 2012), and in various by Jaume Ayats); the acoustic study university studies, including research of different churches in the Pyrenees

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es: from terminology to reconstructing the aest-  hetic ideal of the song». A: Haidt, G.; Ahmedaja, social dels pobles pirinencs. 86 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

i2CAT Foundation Artur Serra Hurtado BARCELONA_CATALONIA He has a PhD in Cultural Anthropology by the University of Barcelona (1992). His interests focus on the construction of techno-anthropology as a new science of design, devoted to understanding and designing new cultural models emergent from knowledge society Communities of Knowledge and Information Techno-anthropology Work as a New Science of Design

s an anthropolo- The work of techno- In 1999 the Journal of Ethnology of anthropologists includes assisting Catalonia published a monograph on gist that started out processes of cultural change in the Cultures in Cyberspace, headed in the discipline by current communities of knowledge by Dr. Buxó. In this issue, a number of analysing the culture and innovation. CITILAB anthropologists explain our visions on of computer scien- the cultures of cyberspace. Now, after a decade it seems that this generation tists, techno-anthro- of anthropologists have matured and pology could be a new branch of what cyberspace anthropology and sociology, want to open a new field of research and Aare known as the sciences of design (H. etc., which simply apply the traditional innovation called technoanthropology. Simon), like computer science itself. ethnographic tools to the study and While computer science is aimed at understanding of the different current La Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya understanding possible new models digital communities (social networks, va dedicar un dossier coordinat per for computers and their construction, etc.) or the so-called impacts of new M. Jesús Buxó l’any 1999 al Ciberespai. techno-anthropology is dedicated to the technologies on society. Just as com- En aquell número, un conjunt d’antropò- design of possible new human commu- puter scientists are not simply involved legs vàrem explicar les nostres visions i els estudis sobre cultures del ciberespai. nities and their construction in the form in the study of computers in existence, Després d’una dècada sembla que of experimental communities or com- but also in designing new ones, techno- aquesta generació d’antropòlegs hem munities of innovation. While the tra- anthropologists are not limited to being anat madurant i volem obrir un nou camp ditional work of anthropologists is based participating observers or conducting de recerca i innovació que anomenem on the ethnography of existing com- fieldwork and like all technologists, tecnoantropologia. munities, techno-anthropologists’ work strive to design for the community. As includes these ethnographies within a computer science professor Juri Artma- broader design, construction and valida- nis said: “We can say that in physical tion of new cultural models. At present, sciences we are primarily interested in that means assisting processes of cultural the existing and in computer science Keywords: Techno-anthropology, computer change in communities of knowledge (or the new species of the sciences of scientists, cultural design, living lab, Citilab and innovation. which there surely will be more). We are Paraules clau: Tecnoantropologia, primarily concerned with that which is informàtics, disseny cultural, “Living lab”, “Citilab” Techno-anthropology is distinguished possible, with what can exist” (Traub, from the various fields of Internet and 1981: 354). COMPILATION 87

sciences, like what was at first called information processing and later became known as computer science. The transformation of scientists into techno-scientists or scientists of design is key to understanding the emergence of biotechnology, nanotechnology and different areas of computer-inspired research that form the foundations of knowledge in the digital age.

Like computer science, these sciences were created from a synthesis of scientific and engineering knowledge (in the words of Allen Newell, “putting it all together”). Thus, from the beginning, computer science was created by electronic engineers, physicists and applied mathematicians. Individual social scientists also collaborated from the start, like Herbert Simon, who together with mathematicians like A. Newell invented Logic Theorist and artificial Unlike computer science, techno- cognitive schema and validating them intelligence along with it in 1955. It is anthropology deals not so much with through their experimental construc- a little known fact that J. Licklider, the designing new computer architectures tion. first director of the ARPANET Infor- or possible new digital networks, but mation Processing Office, was both a feasible new human communities that A Brief History of the Sciences human factor psychologist and a com- could also make new technological of Design puter scientist. It was he who came up leaps forward as mechanisms for their The first Computer Science Depart- with the concept of the Galactic Net- development. ment was founded at Stanford Univer- work, the 1960s-era precursor to the sity in 1964, but the origin of this first Internet, as a symbiotic man-computer Following the idea suggested by cog- science of design was much earlier. In system. Facebook and Twitter are more nitive anthropologist Roy d’Andrade, fact, it seems that this type of science recent products of his legacy. who saw cultures as cultural pro- emerged from previous innovation. grammes (Andrade, 1989), techno- The Second World War forced the sci- The last 50 years have been the anthropology could be the science of entific community of the United States golden age of ICT research. This has design and of cultural programming. to turn to engineering and devote itself marked the way that social scientists Andrade outlined the idea of cultural to designing a series of radically new have collaborated with computer sci- models as a basis for his view of human artefacts never before dreamed up by ence: we have set out to design bet- cognition. According to him, “The any engineer, like atomic bombs, elec- ter and smarter computing systems. study of cultural cognition then is the tronic computers and programming This research has flooded our society study of cultural information and cul- languages. with an ocean of digital networks and tural programs that interact with the devices of all kinds, and we are very more general programs of intelligent Years later, some leaders of this com- proud of it. But having reached this systems” (1989: 825). His approach munity that had returned to the aca- point, we are starting to see clear limits was based on the concept of the cul- demic world and maintained links to the research. The financial crisis that tural model, which he defined as “a with government research agencies broke out on Wall Street in September cognitive schema that is intersubjec- proposed that the agencies develop 2007 has shown that even though the tively shared by a social group” (1989: their inventions further with research world is full of digital artefacts and the 809). Techno-anthropology could be programmes. These research pro- Internet has connected two billion peo- the science for designing potential new grammes are what gave rise to the new ple in little over 15 years, our systems 88 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 of knowledge, values and customs are Cultural Designs: Living Labs lectual effort of techno-anthropology, hardly any different than they were One of the advantages of living in originating in Europe but open to the at the start of the Great Depression Europe is the early experience of pro- world, could help to determine this in 1929. cesses that come to other countries that possible future. follow a European cultural model dec- It is clear that digital technology is a ades or centuries later. Europeans have One of the first values that must be fundamental change with regard to moved from the centre to the periphery reconsidered is the value of innova- industrial technologies, but by them- of modern society established since the tion. In today’s society, which is focused selves they have not been able to change 15th century. This historical decline on economic values, the creation of the cultural model of our societies, has become evident since the Second wealth through work is the main goal which is still the same as it was 100 or World War, when the best European to which all other human values are sub- 200 years ago. In technological terms, minds emigrated to the United States ordinated. Economists are increasingly we live in the world of the Internet, and helped that country to set up some beginning to admit that the creation of but in economic and social terms we of what would later come to be known new knowledge in the form of R&D&I still live in the world of M. Weber and as new technologies. (research, development and innovation) his Protestant work ethic and capitalist is a component with rising importance spirit. The universal spread of these val- Alan Turing and John von Neumann for creating value. By going deeper into ues, now under an emerging produc- were Europeans and are considered this line of argument, could we reach tive neo-Confucian China, not only the fathers of computer science in the a turning point? In other words, do remains unchanged, but is a display the means become the ends, and vice- of its global success. Just as occurred in THE DIGITAL WORLD versa? Could we reach a point where the West in the last two centuries, the IS A PRIME AGENT IN the essential activity of society would be expansion of these values is necessary the generation of new knowledge and for overcoming poverty, fighting hun- CHANGING LIFESTYLES, not work or entrepreneurial activity? ger and extending the life expectancy of THOUGH IT STILL HAS So far, innovation has provided assis- most of the world’s population in the TO FACE OTHER KINDS tance to capital and work. But would 21st century, a goal that we can reach we not have much more capital and OF RESISTANCE if we reconcile the desire for growth jobs if innovation were the very heart with sustainability. of social and economic activity? This United States. While the United States is what the first Protestants did: they What is no longer so clear is whether was putting the electronic computer changed their values. Instead of work- the part of humankind that has already to use, Europe was being rebuilt as a ing to live, as was habitual in mediaeval fulfilled this dream in the past should union of coal and steel (!). For dec- societies, they claimed that it was better continue along the path that sentences ades, we strove to remain connected to to live to work and to produce. Might us to certain (though comfortable modern society and its developments. we venture to think that instead of inno- and sweet) decadence. Therefore, we Without abandoning this effort, we vating for the business word, we should urgently need to explore new cultural propose opening a new experimental work to innovate? models that enable us to open new programme of new cultural and social paths of civilisation before it is too models: a programme that helps us One study indicating this possible late. We may agree with Karl Popper to rethink values, reinvent cultural change in the scale of values within pio- that “today’s world is the best of all the practices and become a continent of neering computer communities was worlds we have known”, but we do possibilities once again. At the end of conducted by techno-anthropologist not agree that other societies better the Middle Ages, Europe underwent a Pau Contreras (2004) in his book Me than our current one are impossible, series of catastrophes (plague, war, etc.) llamo Kohfam, which clearly lays out while understanding that the term that finally gave rise to the Renaissance. hacker ethics and the key distinctions better is relative to each culture. Other The solution lay not in holding on to between them and Protestant ethics. worlds have been possible in the past the old feudal cultural model, but in Based on the production of new inno- and will be so in the future. We also adopting the construction of a new vative knowledge, this code was already hope that they may be better. With type of society and culture. Instead clear in the study of the community of that hope in mind, this could serve of yearning for what we no longer computer scientists at Carnegie Mellon as an initial working hypothesis for are, we could start to design what we University (CMU) (Serra, 1992), but techno-anthropology. might end up being. Thus, the intel- the difference here is that Contreras COMPILATION 89 analyses an independent community planned for the summer of 2011 in to invest in science and technology as of hackers that do not make a living Barcelona. a single unit, are new. If we compare professionally as researchers in an them with other social systems, like the R&D&I system. A hacker may be any Modern society is based on universal health system and educational system, computer user simply described as such literacy. At one point during our eco- we see that even though developed by his or her peers. Himannen (2002) nomic development, industry required countries devote nearly 3% of their had also written earlier how the logic of overcoming illiteracy and extending GDP to R&D, current systems for hackers differed from Protestant ethics. reading and writing skills to the entire generating knowledge are the most population. As the system evolved, the recent part of our current systems The problem lies in how to generalise educational requirements of this model and are still under development. If we this cultural pattern to the population deepened, which had been invented by analyse the part of R&D&I strictly at large. For the time being, hackers the Greeks and called the trivium and devoted to ICTs in these systems, we could be compared to the role played quadrivium by the Romans. After the see that it is only a small part of the by reformist sects in the late Middle Second World War, the most advanced entire science and technology system Ages prior to the Protestant Reforma- countries even generalised initial uni- in the most advanced countries. And versity education (bachelor’s degree) for THE CONTINUOUS all school-age youth. LIVING LABS ARE CREATION OF ESSENTIAL TOOLS However, due to its very origin, the KNOWLEDGE IN ITSELF system suffers from a chronic lack of FOR STIMULATING BECOMES ONE OF THE people trained in technology. In the INNOVATION FEATURES OF THE past, liberal education looked down on mechanical work and modern soci- DIGITAL SOCIETY ety continues to do so. The human- if we include investigation into new ist education boasted by prestigious structures of the information society tion, when they were crushed by the American universities such as Harvard in ICT research, the amount drops to combined action of the aristocracy and and the Ivy League club left out MIT almost absurd levels. Rome. and its engineers, deemed unworthy of joining the group of institutions that Let us return to the educational system. One step forward in the generalisation groomed senior government officials It is still believed that using computers of this cultural model is found in what and financial leaders. This educational and the Internet ensures that we have are called living labs. A result of aware- model still prevails in the world’s lead- entered the digital age. In reality, educat- ness about European slowness and the ing educational power. So far, the gap ing people in these new technologies is a crisis in its system of innovation, new has been filled by importing young big unresolved problem in all countries. types of social structures called living engineers from emerging countries, The very agreement between teachers labs or open laboratories have recently but as these countries develop, it is no and educators that ICTs are “a tool for been emerging that attempt to con- longer seen as mended. This structural education” also presents the greatest nect the official system of innovation gap in modern educational systems is obstacle to understanding the problem. to users’ and people’s demands. First found primarily in Western countries, The Internet has gone from connecting created in 2006 by the Finnish gov- but also in the rest of the world: tech- a few million scientists and technolo- ernment and research and innovation nology is being used, but people do gists to connecting billions of people. community, this new type of institu- not want to learn about it. So what? Imagine that we already have tion aims to open what has so far been seven or nine billion people connected a closed and elitist R&D&I system “You Can Learn to Innovate” through Facebook. So what? to everyone, and not just in terms of This educational gap also leads to a designing new technological services lack of employees to keep the R&D&I Connectivity alone does not create a and products, but in the field of social system running. People do not know better social order or more productivity. innovation as well. One of the primary how to innovate. We buy innovation, What does emerge as a new challenge is aims of these living labs is to open pro- we use innovation, but we do not inno- whether it is possible to boost the abil- cesses of learning and innovation. “You vate. The R&D&I systems that arose ity to innovate among people, young Can Learn to Innovate” is one of the in the wake of the Second World War, people, older people and communi- mottos of the Second Summer School due to the imperative need for nations ties. We are still far from understand- 90 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 ing that one of the most important addition to learning how to remember ence as an applied anthropologist in cultural changes may lie in producing and understand, we need to learn how the Pacific theatre during the Second innovation and research on new tech- to innovate. And to a certain extent, World War. nologies in today’s laboratories and techno-anthropologists can propose sending the results to schools, factories, and facilitate this cultural change. My own techno-anthropological parliamentary bodies and daily life, practice began with the study of the among other destinations. Perhaps the Some American schools are taking a computer science community at Car- cultural change that we are beginning step in the right direction by introduc- negie Mellon University (CMU) in to glimpse is turning growing sectors ing computational thinking in lieu 1990-93. Though it was still a classic of our social life into laboratories. And of traditional computer classes. This ethnographic study of a community, in these are not just laboratories for mak- entails teaching all primary and second- this case it was a community of univer- ing mechanical devices, but places for ary students basic computing concepts sity-level computer scientists at CMU, social, economic, cultural and other (algorithms, complexity, iteration, etc.). who recognised the value of design and types of innovation. In this sense, the Computer Science innovation in their established cultural Teachers Association (CSTA) in the code. I understand that techno-anthro- One of these laboratories could be United States has developed a curricu- pology includes ethnography, but this schools themselves. Beyond the triv- lum for K-12 students (CSTA, 2005). occurs within a broader programme ium and quadrivium, we could create of research aimed at designing and an educational quintivium that does Designing the i2CAT project building new communities and/or not only teach reading and writing We propose that the practice of techno- organisations that embody the values or the four rules of arithmetic and anthropology could lead to cultural of design and innovation that we pro- calculation, but also problem-solv- innovation, the design of new com- pose. I began this design work upon ing, the concept of the algorithm, munity artefacts that favour cultural my return from the United States, first networks programming languages, change and validate the hypotheses of at a public company, the Centre Divul- love for technology and the human, earlier work. Unfortunately, there are gador de la Informàtica (CDI) led by animal, artificial and design-related not many anthropologists interested in Santiago Guillén, who was key in fund- aspects of culture. Technology is still innovation. We have only found one ing the research performed at CMU, a neglected subject in school. Experts anthropologist in the history of the and later at the Universitat Politècnica in education repeat insistently that it discipline that has published a book de Catalunya (UPC). At the CDI, I is just a tool. And? Natural language is on the subject. His name is Homer designed a workshop in 1994 called also a tool. We will not advance until Barnett, and in 1953 he wrote Innova- Telematic Technology Transfer (TTT) we understand that technology is the tion, the basis of cultural change, which that demonstrated that it was possi- gateway to a new cultural model. In among other things relates his experi- ble to use the Internet to encourage innovation and technology transfer to SMEs. The UPC later hired me to work on the European COMIC project as an ethnographer to analyse cooperative working practices in a network, which I did with the study of the I*EARN network. With the COMIC project, I saw that it was possible to have at least one anthropologist at a purely technological university.

What I discovered was that the work to analyse innovative social practices like those developed at I*EARN was not enough. I wanted to experiment whether it was possible to generate new social structures for research and Changes of all kinds in our society nowq have one of their best tools in cultural innovation. The first was the proposal innovation. CITILAB to create the Internet application cen- COMPILATION 91 tre CANET in 1997 and the second net world and that techno-anthropol- research and an opening of the role of was the idea to create the first research ogy may help ICT engineers to find technologists and technology universi- programme on the Next Internet Gen- new lines of research and innovation, ties in their countries. eration in Catalonia in 1999, which brought together various academic TECHNO- It is obvious that cultural design can research and business groups and mem- ANTHROPOLOGY never be done alone, especially when bers of government for the first time and possessing knowledge of human CONTRIBUTES TO gave rise to the creation of the i2CAT beings. Much of its success owes to Foundation in 2003. In 2009, Esteve RESEARCH AND design appearing and being appropri- Almirall published the i2CAT Founda- INNOVATIVE CREATION, ated by as many people as possible, tion’s first study as a living lab (Almirall, LIKE THE CONCEPT even if this drowns out the conceptual 2009). More recently, Jordi Colobrans work of those who began it. It is very began a techno-anthropological line of OF THE CULTURAL important for cultural designers to work at the i2CAT Foundation based INTERNET understand that writing the score is one on different clusters such as eHealth thing, but conducting the orchestra is and the Media. such as the audiovisual or cultural another entirely. I advise future design- Internet, which are better adapted to ers to truly keep this idea in mind and Essentially, what first the project and our social and economic surround- to limit their role to providing inspira- now the i2CAT Foundation have ings, new models of cooperation with tion or composing scores and to leave proven is that new research communi- companies, institutions and people, a conducting to other people, or else parties may be designed within the Inter- more international dimension to their ticipate in it in a non-significant way.

Cultural Design and the General Population: Citilab

Europe is a continent of small and medium-sized cities and of in Barcelona and formed BCNet, but my efforts ended in citizens, if you compare them with the metropolises of the 21st failure. One of the reasons was my inability to convince Bar- century. From here emerged the chance to design a centre celona City Council that they were not the city of Barcelona, of innovation on a local scale that we finally called Citilab, in but merely its government. And the civic networks were proof the city of Cornellà de Llobregat. The original proposal was of this. I think this is what ended up convincing them not to submitted to City Council in 2002 and the centre opened in support it, unlike the group of innovators of Tarragona that man- November 2007. The experiments invite us to try it on a small aged to create TINET. With the support of V. Badenes, scale. Here we see Karl Popper fully vindicated with director of CornellaNet, they organised the first his piecemeal social engineering. This is what world congress on civic networks in autumn we can do in Europe today: new experi- of 2000. The aim was to learn about other ments. As we know, there are not so many experiences from around the world and see Europeans, and even less are Catalans. how everyone can connect to the Internet What can we do in a world dominated by facilitating access and digital literacy. powers with billions of people? But let us What they found was that these goals not forget: being small, independent and exhausted themselves and that a world living close to the sea is what enabled the where everyone is connected does not rise of the democratic systems in Greece necessarily make for a society of innovation. two thousand years ago. Homo habilis also So what could be the next step to take? Just must have been a small group compared to the as they had visualised a second Internet genera- other hominids at the time. Innovation normally begins tion, might a next generation of the knowledge society in small groups. This must be due to the high degree of risk not emerge? What could its objectives be? Simply being con- involved. nected? Learning to send electronic messages or browsing Citilab is based on a previous civic network programme the Internet? The next challenge could be building capacities lasting several years. As an anthropologist as part of the UPC, for all to generate knowledge and innovation, turning the city I had a wide berth to begin a programme to promote Internet into a lab, with the general public creating and participating in a access among different groups of people in 1995: TV Nou Bar- lab. This theory of design gave rise to Citilab, the first civic labo- ris, with Miquel Sánchez at the fore, and the group TEB of the ratory, in 2002. Along the way, we discovered the emerging Raval. From here came Nou Barris Net and RavalNet. For years, European living labs network, which argues for the initial idea I tried to set up coordination among the different civic networks that inspired us, and linked up with them. 92 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

If anything has inspired me –and con- scientist could design a new cultural innovation, the project plays the same tinues to inspire me– during the last programme and a new associative role that myths do in primitive socie- few years as a techno-anthropologist, structure to carry it out? ties and that declarations of natural it was the idea of a project. While tra- rights do in modern ones. The found- ditional anthropologists start and end The first step in any cultural design ing documents in new communities their work with an ethnographic study, project is to see the opportunity, the are usually research and innovation techno-anthropologists start and end possibility of a new organisation for proposals or projects. For the i2CAT their work with a cultural project or certain aims or purposes that give project, it was an agreement that cultural design, which must include meaning to the ethnographic work. In detailed what research and innovation ethnographic analysis as well. While the case of the i2CAT project, oppor- projects were planned for development the former have enough work to do tunity came with the emergence of a and the structure of participating insti- just to understand what the cultural new research programme about the tutions implementing it. But here we patterns and institutions of a given next Internet generation in the late insist that the cultural programme is community are and how they operate, 1990s. The very success of the Inter- the basis for a new cultural model. As I the latter endeavour to design com- net marked the beginning of much- saw when I was a participating observer munities that very often do not yet needed renovation that began at US at CMU, well before computer sci- exist, implement it and thereby verify research universities in the form of entists started to write a single line of whether or not the society potentially code, they had to write a computer designed is possible. THE DESIGN OF NEW programme and they had to write a COMMUNITIES IS proposal in which they told the fed- For me, the idea of a project is what ONE OF THE MOST eral agency about the new goals they structures all my work as a techno- wanted to achieve (innovative claims) anthropologist. The concept has PROMINENT RESULTS and the human and financial resources always fascinated me. Back when I SO FAR FROM they thought they would need to do studied at the Faculty of Philosophy ETHNOGRAPHIC so. Thus, they were performing a bit and Letters at the University of Valen- of cultural design. RESEARCH IN THE cia in the 1970s, I used to wonder why science and humanities students DIGITAL WORLD The Cultural Ring had to finish with theses and papers and Techno-anthropology while engineers were allowed to sub- the Internet2 consortium, which had in Catalonia mit final projects and to design and not yet come to Europe. After the new As an anthropologist, I was respon- invent things. chapter of the Internet Society and a sible for printing out a dynamic for small discussion group that brought the i2CAT project closely connected That idea has followed me around my together many Internet pioneers in to the situation in Catalonia. One entire life. Why did we have to limit Catalonia were organised, a document of the most serious problems facing ourselves to analysis while architects entitled Internet and Catalonia: civil European and Catalan universities is and engineers designed and built? society and the next Internet generation their disconnect from the society and Until I discovered the work of Her- was published on 5 May 1998, which the economic fabric of the country. bert Simon, I did not understand that among other initiatives raised creating This has had the advantage of mov- social scientists could be scientists of a research and innovation programme ing forward lines of research in uni- design without becoming politicians. on this subject in Catalonia. Ethno- versities more connected to what the Max Weber’s distinction between the graphic work in the region went on European programme requires than to scientist and the politician had been for a full year to identify social groups local needs. The disadvantage is that it overcome. that could be interested in being part places the social dynamic outside uni- of the programme. Finally, a year later, versity research. Instead of just being a But I still needed to find the right time, the project was signed at the Palau de project about networks with European and it came in an offer from the UPC, la Generalitat, but the i2CAT Foun- funding as was usually the case, from when they hired me as a social scien- dation was not officially created until the start i2CAT tried to connect the tist for Manel Medina and Leandro three years later. UPC and all its ICT potential to other Navarro’s team at the Department political, business and social entities of of Computer Architecture in 1995. New communities usually start out the country and to force a local line of Could I demonstrate that a social with a project. In communities of funding. Thus, from the beginning it COMPILATION 93 was organised into thematic clusters ogy that they had transmitted thus far. new technologies in its most advanced that corresponded to the major chal- The technological requirements that expression. A new programme of lenges facing the country: language artists could impose on technologists collaboration between art, culture and culture, linked to the launch of were much greater than those for sci- and the Internet was opened that a Televisió de Catalunya (TVC) and all entists. Furthermore, the directors of techno-anthropologist had helped it entailed; and the health and educa- the Liceu would discover that 19th- to create. n tion sectors, where Catalonia has his- century art could be combined with torically excelled and played a leading role in Spain. The commitment to an audiovisual and cultural Internet has partially been confirmed. From the Tunisia: Popular Revolt and the Internet launch of the Òpera Oberta project in The popular uprising in Tunisia was et al., 1996). Tunisian representatives December 2001 to acceptance of the triggered by the death of a computer participated in it. After years of silence, Cultural Ring by the Catalan Minis- scientist, Mohamed Bouazizi. Young it seems like a new era is beginning in people, who drove the revolt, used the country where the people and new try of Culture in 2010, cultural design social media (Facebook, Twitter) and technologies work hand-in-hand. efforts in the Catalan cultural com- video websites like munity have been continuous (Font, YouTube. A new 2010). service called Tuni- Leaks was created One argument that has played in to report corrup- favour of this effort is that far from tion in the country. being opposed to technology, a techno- In 1996, one of the first projects anthropologist may be just as much or that I organised more of a technologist than engineers at the UPC was themselves. The entry of the world of the first meeting art and culture in Internet projects proof Internet-users moted the creation of audiovisual tech- in the Mediter- nology and its use in digital networks. ranean, called the InterMed The Arab uprisings were coordinated through the Internet As a result, engineers saw that an opera and social media. GETTY IMAGES used much more bandwidth than the Network (Navarro databases of physics or molecular biol-

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Professor of the Department of Cultural Anthropology and History of the Americas and Africa Ferran Estrada i Bonell Universitat de Barcelona BARCELONA_CATALUNYA A professor of Anthropology at the University of Barcelona with a PhD in Social Anthropology, Estrada i Bonet has worked on home and family, transhumance and cultural heritage in rural environments. He has conducted his research in Pla d’Urgell, Val d’Aran, and Alta Ribagorça counties and around Montseny.

Professor of the Department of Cultural Anthropology and History of the Americas and Africa Camila del Mármol Cartañá Universitat de Barcelona BARCELONA_CATALUNYA A professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Barcelona, Mármol Cartañá’s studies focus on heritage conversion processes and the social changes resulting from them. She is also interested in the implications of cultural policies in international bodies, and especially the concept of intangible heritage. ICH Inventories Implementation of the UNESCO Convention1

In this article we analyze the unfolding Introduction through specific laws and policies of inventories and specific practices n 2003, UNESCO approved (Art. 11). The creation of inventories recommended in the Convention for the Convention for the stands out among the measures sug- the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Safeguarding of Intangible gested and is considered the first step Heritage. We focus on how the variety of inventories in diverse countries is Cultural Heritage after giv- for safeguarding ICH (UNESCO, organized within specific juridical frames. ing much thought to pro- 2011a: 10, 2011b: 4). It has its own We also pay attention to the different tecting folklore, traditional exclusive article (Art. 12) and is the possibilities when drawing up inventories culture and ethnological heritage most specific proposal for protec- and their implications. We will also discuss since the 1970s. This is the regulatory tion made. It is also the sole measure how these rules have been turned into I instrument that has had the great- imposed on the states that have signed specific inventory projects and how the 2 theoretical and methodological challenges est impact on the field of heritage in the Convention (UNESCO, 2011b: in drawing up inventories are tackled. the last 10 years. First, it has helped 4; Grenet, 2013: 17). to establish a new, wider and more complex concept of heritage by for- In this article, we examine how the En aquest article, examinem com es concreta l’obligació de realitzar inventaris mulating a widely accepted legal defi- obligation to create inventories is en lleis i pràctiques específiques en nition of intangible heritage. Second, it specified in concrete laws and prac- relació amb la Convenció per a la has aroused interest in the intangible tices. We intend to look at the legal Salvaguarda del Patrimoni Cultural dimension of heritage in academic, frameworks and how they integrate Immaterial. Volem conèixer els marcs political, economic and civil society inventories, understand the options jurídics i com integren els inventaris, circles. Finally, it has prompted many adopted and determine their reper- comprendre’n les opcions adoptades i determinar-ne les repercussions. states to develop laws and policies to cussions. We also aim to analyse how També volem analitzar com s’han traduït safeguard and evaluate these types of these standards have been reflected in aquestes normes en projectes concrets heritage. specific inventory projects and how d’inventari i com es fa front als reptes the theoretical and methodological teòrics i metodològics que l’elaboració The main aims of the Convention challenges linked to creating invento- d’inventaris planteja. include safeguarding intangible cul- ries are being dealt with. The purpose tural heritage (ICH), ensuring respect of this article is not to conduct an Keywords: intangible heritage, inventories, for it and raising awareness about its exhaustive study of all the standards UNESCO importance (Art. 1). To achieve these and of all the inventories developed, Paraules clau: patrimoni immaterial, inventaris, UNESCO goals, general measures are proposed but to aid thinking on measures to that each state ought to undertake safeguard ICH based on a few cases. COMPILATION 95

The Regulatory Framework for heritage as it is found. Thus, conserv- 53). However, legislating these issues Safeguarding ICH ing intangible heritage could mean is more difficult and politically more Various lawyers and heritage specialists fossilising it and causing it to lose its conflictive than doing the same for have underscored the complexity of vitality (Querol, 2009: 81). However, subjects that may be separated from establishing specific legal measures to safeguarding means “guaranteeing via- people and their context. safeguard ICH (Blake, 2001; IPCE, bility” (UNESCO, 2003a: Art. 2.3). 2011; Martínez, 2011; Alegre, 2012; To be viable, heritage should continue Despite these challenges, interna- Lixinski, 2013). The problems come tional states and bodies have created partially from the lack of concrete pro- regulations on ICH since the mid- posals in the Convention itself and in TO BE VIABLE, 20th century. However, they are legal subsequent documents that firm it up: INTANGIBLE HERITAGE instruments very different in nature due to its general international regula- and scope, ranging from international tory nature, the Convention is limited MUST CONTINUE standards to local and regional laws to making generic suggestions that FORMING PART OF and from recommendations about the the states can develop later in a flex- PEOPLE’S LIVES, HAVE cultural rights of peoples to intellectual ible manner, adapted to their political, MEANING FOR THEM property laws. We will take a closer social and cultural contexts3. look at these regulations below. AND BE PRACTICED But the most important problems are AND LEARNED IN Many international bodies have issued related to two more substantial issues. COMMUNITIES legal texts applicable to ICH, such The first is related to the difficulty of OVER SUCCESSIVE as the United Nations, UNESCO, establishing specific legal measures ILO, ICOM and WIPO, to name stemming from the characteristics of GENERATIONS a few. Some of these documents are intangible heritage and of the ambigui- non-binding (soft law), like recom- ties of the concept, such as the scope mendations and declarations. Others and complexity of the field it covers; to form part of people’s lives, making are binding upon states that signed the unclear limits of the manifestations sense to them, and it should be prac- the conventions or agreements. In any to which the laws must be applied; the ticed and learned in communities and case, the measures proposed are usually diversity of the elements linked to each by successive generations (UNESCO, general in nature and the states have to of these manifestations (social relations, 2011a: 6-8, 2011b: 4). Transmission translate them into specific laws later. practices, knowledge, values, spaces, between generations here is essential. objects, constructions); the constant From this standpoint, communities There are also regulations created by transformation of the manifestations; and individuals that create, maintain states and regions. Examples include the impossibility of extricating the ele- and transmit heritage acquire a key role the Constitution of the Republic of ments from the context in which they in safeguarding it (UNESCO, 2003a, Brazil (1988), the law on Catalan are used and make sense; and, finally, 2011a: 7-8, 2012: Chap. III.1). As cultural heritage (1993), the law on the difficulties of clearly determining such, it is impossible to safeguard ICH biodiversity in Costa Rica (1998) and from a Western legal point of view who without the involvement of bearer the law on the cultural heritage of the the authors and owners of this collec- communities (Hottin, 2013: 16). Autonomous City of Buenos Aires tive heritage are, meaning who has the (2003). It is in this sphere where leg- right to control the ICH. In brief, measures to safeguard ICH islation is more specific and regulates may not be the same as those applied use, establishes measures of protection The second issue is the Convention’s to protect tangible heritage and should and punishes non-compliance with the definition of ICH as a living, dynamic be aimed at strengthening the con- law and actions that endanger heritage. and ever-changing reality (UNESCO, ditions necessary for ICH to persist, 2003a, 2011a) and how that affects evolve and get passed down to future The regulations that apply to safe- the purpose of regulations. Thus, generations (UNESCO, 2005b: 6, guarding ICH vary widely and relate while the goal of these tangible herit- 2011b: 4). Safeguarding ICH neces- to the instrumental use expected to be age laws is to conserve property from sarily involves preserving the social and made of heritage and of the interests the past, the goal of the Convention cultural context in which it is created, that come into play in protecting it is to safeguard living intangible herit- maintained and transmitted (Blake, (Lixinski, 2013). Generally speaking, age. Conservation seeks to maintain 2001; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004: we find three different types of legisla- 96 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 tion: 1) regulations related to human the 1990s, many countries in Latin tity affected, but to the human race in rights; 2) legislation on intellectual America have recognised indigenous general, which loses cultural diversity. property; and 3) laws on the cultural peoples and their rights in their con- sphere. stitutions, which also contemplate the The use of international standards on multicultural and multilingual nature human rights to safeguard intangi- The first and final types correspond to a of the state. This means that laws and ble heritage clearly demonstrates the legal pathway promoted by UNESCO policies must be established that rec- political dimension of heritage and the that addresses intangible cultural her- ognise cultural diversity and give sup- conflict among international bodies, itage as an expression of identity and port to respecting, maintaining and states and communities to control it, cultural diversity that must be legally transmitting specific cultures (Urrutia, as highlighted by some authors (Smith, protected. Thus, it seeks to preserve 2012: 62; Lixinski, 2013). 2006; Lixinski, 2013). The way that some general rights. However, the intangible heritage relates to universal second type, promoted by WIPO, is values means that safeguarding it could SAFEGUARDING ICH related to a concept of heritage as a come before the interests of the states financial resource and aims to protect REQUIRES PRESERVING or bearer communities. However, the the rights of its owners (Hottin, 2013: THE SOCIAL AND possibility of using cultural identity 13; Lixinski, 2013: 8). CULTURAL CONTEXT IN politically pushes states to control intangible heritage as an instrument for WHICH IT IS CREATED, These three types of regulations cor- dominating minorities. Nevertheless, respond to two different visions of cul- MAINTAINED AND both positions contradict the role that ture. The first type of laws corresponds PASSED ON the Convention grants to communities to the idea that culture is intrinsic to in defining and safeguarding heritage. human beings and stresses social and This emphasis on community may give cultural processes linked to heritage. This kind of regulatory framework power to local groups and minorities The second and third types of laws is related to two aspects. The first is a that use heritage to advance their own reflect a view of culture as something comprehensive and indivisible concep- interests (Lixinski, 2013). Therefore, that exists separately from people and tion of culture defined as a lifestyle that some states, like France, have shown that may be segregated into different includes both tangible and intangible little interest in the Convention, due to sectors or elements. Thus, safeguarding aspects (knowledge, values, ideas, sym- disagreement over the role granted to ICH calls for specific laws focused on bols, practices, language, etc.). From states in controlling ICH: first, it rejects protecting certain human creations, this perspective, each group has the the interference of international bodies defending particular interests of a com- right to maintain and develop its own in the heritage-based dynamics of the munity from other people and groups. culture, meaning to maintain its own state; second, it does not agree with the cultural identity (Blake, 2001: 5), predominant role that the Conven- Human Rights-related Regulations hence the emphasis on cultural rights tion gives to bearer communities at the Laws in defence of human rights, and cultural identity in the definition expense of the state (Hottin, 2013: 11). cultural rights and indigenous rights of ICH. Moreover, the right to cultural make up the first legal framework for identity is also a fundamental right for Legislation on Intellectual Property safeguarding intangible heritage. The all people and is related to other basic The use of intellectual property laws maximum expression of this guidance rights like the freedom of expression, is another strategy used to safeguard is the condition established by the Con- the freedom of religion, equality and ICH. It was the first option raised vention to only consider elements of the right to private and family life, to protect folklore and traditional intangible heritage that are compatible among others (Lixinski, 2013). knowledge in the discussions begun with human rights, mutual respect and by UNESCO and WIPO in the 1970s sustainable development (UNESCO Second, this kind of regulation emerges and has continued to be an alternative 2003: Art. 2.1), despite the difficulties from the definition of cultural diversity adopted by international organisations of defining these three conditions accu- as a universal value. Cultural diversity (UN, WIPO, FAO, WHO) and some rately (Santamarina, 2013: 275). is essential to the survival of human- states.6 5 kind . From this standpoint, loss and While this guidance corresponds pri- damage to ICH are not only treated as These types of regulations were espe- marily to international standards4, we harmful to the individuals and com- cially used by Latin American, Asian also find it in state laws. Thus, since munities that see their cultural iden- and African countries from the 1960s COMPILATION 97 to the 1990s (Ruiz, 2006). In contrast, for safeguarding ICH (Blake, 2001; in 1989 and, later, the Convention for in most Western countries, except Garrote, 2009; Lixinski, 2013). 1) the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural those with an indigenous population, Their scope is limited and cannot be Heritage of 2003.7 like the United States, Canada and applied to intangible heritage in the Australia, traditional and popular cul- broad sense: the elements that must be Since the mid-20th century, legislation ture has been left out of legislation on protected have to meet some require- in many states and regions has gradu- intellectual property (Blake, 2001: 29). ments (delimitation, stability, prop- ally included intangible manifestations erty) with which many manifestations in laws on cultural heritage or else has THE POSSIBILITY OF of ICH do not comply. Furthermore, created specific standards for it. This is USING CULTURAL they are aimed at protecting the prod- the case in many Latin American coun- ucts of heritage, but not the processes tries that have adapted their legislation IDENTITY FOR of creation or even their social and cul- to this new concept of heritage and to POLITICAL PURPOSES tural context. 2) They tend to fossilise the need to safeguard it since the 1990s, INSPIRES STATES TO intangible heritage, which is seen as a and especially since the Convention CONTROL INTANGIBLE defined product that exists outside of was approved (Urrutia, 2012: 63). social relations, and to separate it from In addition, legislation in the central HERITAGE AS AN the context in which it is produced government and autonomous regional INSTRUMENT and used and that gives it meaning. governments of Spain on cultural herit- FOR DOMINATING 3) They turn ICH into merchandise age created since 1985 also deals with MINORITIES and are geared mainly to deal with the intangible heritage, although it relates problems of using it commercially. As it to ethnological heritage defined in a result, they protect heritage outside terms of traditional and popular cul- The argument to justify these laws of its context of creation, but do not ture (Querol, 2009; IPCE, 2011; Mar- defends the rights of local or indige- mediate any means to do so within tínez, 2011; Alegre, 2012). nous populations to traditional knowl- that context. 4) Finally, they establish edge and practices related to health, a monopoly over some elements that But whether or not it is specifically using the environment, the variety are appropriate in their context in very about ICH, legislation on cultural her- of native plants and expressions of different ways, which implies privatis- itage does not rule out the dangers of folklore, among others (Blake, 2001; ing them. commodification and of subordination Kiene, 2006; Ruiz, 2006). This point to political and financial interests. All of view considers that there are certain Specific Legislation in the Field of too often, heritage policies depend on expressions of intangible heritage that Culture must always be under the control of the Since the 1970s, and especially dur- DESPITE THE bearer communities and must never be ing the 1980s, UNESCO promoted CONVENTION’S transferred to the public domain or to a series of debates on safeguarding EMPHASIS THAT ICH third parties (Gauthier, 2012: 2). folklore or traditional and popular culture as cultural heritage. Faced IS LIVING HERITAGE Legislation on intellectual property, with the option of preparing a legal IN CONSTANT which includes copyright (and moral instrument that unites intellectual TRANSFORMATION, THE rights), registered trademarks, designa- property with cultural orientation, tions of origin and industrial designs, the idea was imposed that a specific WAY THAT INTANGIBLE is a strong form of protection: it defines cultural orientation proposal would HERITAGE IS DEALT who has the right to use and manage safeguard ICH better than regulations WITH IN LAWS ORIENTS certain elements of intangible heritage, taking into account economic rights IT TOWARDS THE PAST how that is done and to what end. linked to the exploitation and use of intangible heritage (Blake, 2001: 92). As a result, it also establishes penal- The discussions led to the drafting of tourism, which influences how ICH is ties for appropriating and improperly various documents throughout the understood, recorded and showcased using this heritage. 1980s and 1990s and culminated (Urrutia, 2012: 64). Likewise, the with the approval of a recommenda- uses of intangible heritage in conflicts But standards of this kind have some tion for safeguarding traditional and between states and between states and drawbacks that limit their application popular culture issued by UNESCO minorities are well known. 98 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Cultural regulations present another problem. The way that heritage is treated in law guides it to the past: it is associated with tradition, but one prior to processes of globalisation, with elements that are in danger of vanish- ing. The Convention contributes to this orientation, despite the insistence that ICH is living heritage in constant transformation, with considerations for the urgency and effects of globalisation.

Finally, the existence of specific laws on heritage may encourage the disparage- ment of manifestations of intangible heritage to which they apply. Some elements of intangible heritage like language, beliefs, knowledge of the environment, food production and health information and practices are governed by regulations on intellectual property, language, education, Transhumance was declared property of intangible cultural interest of Aragon in 2011. health, urban development, religion Transhumant herd in Lloveto de Cardet, near Tolba (Ribagorça, Osca). F. ESTRADA, J. R. IGLESIAS, E. NADAL and the environment. Cultural legislation is insufficient for covering these elements and strong laws are needed cultures that the Convention stimu- e) Promote actions to recognise the that govern use, recognise rights and lates must only be made to the extent value of intangible heritage, such as responsibilities, mete out punishment that they form part of a whole and creating representative lists of ICH. and are not limited to making recom- reveal facets of a unity that transcends f) Promote actions to manage, pro- mendations and promoting study and diversity (Hottin 2012: 99). mote the use of and pass on heritage inventories. elements to following generations. Measures to Safeguard ICH g) Punish actions that come down Thus, a significant difference is estab- and Inventories in Legislation against the heritage, manifesta- lished between these elements and the The measures regulated by the differ- tions and cultural rights of bearer manifestations situated around herit- ent types of legislation applicable to populations. According to the penal age laws, giving them a larger financial, safeguarding ICH have very diverse or administrative nature of said political and social profile. In contrast, levels of detail and different orienta- actions, punishment is covered in manifestations of intangible culture tions. In general, they may be grouped the same specific laws or in more to which heritage regulations apply into the following proposals: general regulations like the penal take a lower position. Therefore, herit- a) Create inventories, catalogues, data- code, for example. age laws may have effects opposed to bases, atlases, record books, etc. safeguarding. b) Recognise and declare certain ele- These measures respond to different ments of intangible heritage to be lines of reasoning, ranging from the Likewise, the cultural identity that is property of cultural interest, applying idea that there is only one kind of her- built or strengthened from ICH may a higher level of protection to them. itage, so proposals to protect it must also be considered second-rate com- c) Study manifestations of intangible always be the same, to the idea that the pared to national identity coming from heritage scientifically. characteristics of intangible heritage citizenship in a state. The identity that d) Document and open files on herit- are so particular that specific provi- comes with sharing intangible cultural age in textual and audiovisual mate- sions must be employed to safeguard it. heritage should not question national rial supports and create archives to In total, we can identify five different state identity. Assessments of particular conserve and disseminate it. arguments. COMPILATION 99

The first line of reasoning applies the elements, because conserving them Most of these approaches move away same type of measure to all forms of allegedly implies the same for the from the idea of ICH as a process, as heritage, whether tangible or intan- intangible elements associated with a dynamic and living manifestation gible. This approach could result in a them. In this regard, we find proposals that acquires value and meaning in holistic view of heritage, which aims to protect the intangible dimension context and relationships. As a result, to overcome the tangible/intangible of tangible property or landscape pro- many of the conservation measures dichotomy. However, this does not tection laws that affect both tangible pursued end up having the opposite apply in most cases, since the proposed and intangible elements linked to effect: while they do take note of intan- measures have only been designed for a territory. However, this approach gible manifestations of culture, those tangible heritage without taking into attributes accessory value to the intan- very elements become fossilised and account the particular features of ICH. gible dimension of tangible property, divorced from the context and relation- which is considered useful as long as it ships that give them meaning (Kono, The second argument establishes enhances appreciation of what is see 2009; Martínez, 2011: 139). specific measures to safeguard ICH as most important: tangible property that are especially aimed at protecting (Lixinski, 2013: 20). There are also Inventories are the key tool of the Con- bearer groups and strengthening the measures to protect tangible prop- vention. They are the first step in plan- conditions necessary for it to persist, erty linked to intangible practices, as ning other specific protective measures evolve and get passed down. However, proposed in the Convention. In some and are also considered a tool for rais- these types of measures are the least cases, this springs from the idea that ing public awareness about ICH and common. intangible manifestations may only its importance (UNESCO, 2011b: be safeguarded by conserving their 4). This is why the Convention guides The third approach consists of adapt- tangible components.11 safeguarding action towards the crea- ing the measures defined for tangible tion of ICH inventories. As we have heritage to the characteristics of ICH. seen, it is the only specific measure pre- This is the case, for example, when CULTURAL IDENTITY scribed to the states that have signed creating ICH inventories. But regard- THAT IS BUILT OR the Convention. However, it is also a less of the effort made to adjust the STRENGTHENED process that never ends: because ICH measures, their application remains is a living and changing reality, inven- BASED ON ICH MAY problematic because intangible herit- tories of it may never be considered age is viewed from the perspective of ALSO BE CONSIDERED exhaustive and must be updated regu- tangible cultural property (Martínez, AS SECOND RANK, larly (UNESCO, 2003a: Art. 12.1). 2011: 139). The manifestations of COMPARED WITH ICH are perceived and dealt with as The inventories, which consist of NATIONAL IDENTITY objects, as finished products that have catalogues, books, atlases and other value in themselves, as limited realities BASED ON CITIZENSHIP forms of documentation, also play a that can be identified, inventoried, pro- IN A STATE prominent role in many international, tected and disseminated. Significantly national, regional and local regulations. in this respect, the concepts intangible While ratification of the Convention property, intangible cultural property and The fifth and final way to safeguard by different countries has helped to intangible ethnological property have intangible heritage is to record it in promote laws on ICH or to adapt appeared in some laws8, derived from textual or audiovisual format and existing laws, it was not until the final the concept of cultural property used create archives to store the resulting quarter of the 20th century that spe- to refer to tangible heritage in the documents and files. These measures cific and general regulated approaches World Heritage Convention (1972). assume that safeguarding intangible to inventory included intangible ele- However, UNESCO abandoned the elements is only possible by conserving ments. concept of property to refer to the spe- tangible property, whether involving cific manifestations of ICH during objects associated with the practices But drawing up an inventory means the 1990s9 (Smeets, 2012), and this is or documentary support (Bortolotto, approaching ICH from the perspec- reflected in some derived laws.10 2013: 29). This approach proceeds as tive of tangible heritage. Identify- if safeguarding natural history required ing elements and recording them in A fourth option is to gear protective keeping an herbarium and taxidermy documents, books and inventories is measures to ICH-related tangible collections. a practice found in most regulations 100 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 related to tangible, archaeological and compiled and documented. In fact, variety of inventory formats presents us monumental heritage. This standpoint the first step that a state should take with problematic terrain where contra- means conceiving intangible heritage to safeguard this kind of heritage is to dictions are solved differently in every as property, as things that can be identi- identify, document or inventory the case and give rise to a varied and even fied, delimited, defined and classified expressions and manifestations likely opposed landscape. in a clear and objective way. It means to be considered intangible cultural separating heritage as a product of heritage” (UNESCO, 2011a: 10). In We have analysed a total of 22 finished social processes of creation, use and addition, “ … inventories may later ICH inventories and 30 more that are appreciation. be used as a basis for crafting meas- under development in different coun- ures to safeguard the manifestations tries around the world. With such a Taking an ICH Inventory, or expressions of intangible cultural variety of formats, contradictions arise from Regulation to Practice: heritage included or described therein. quickly. Examples from around the Communities should participate in World identifying and defining intangible One possible way to create ICH While the Convention stresses the cultural heritage, since they are the inventories is to regroup or reorgan- importance of creating ICH invento- ones that decide which uses form part ise various past projects to record and ries (Art. 12), it does not clearly specify of their cultural heritage” (UNESCO, classify cultural elements. Very often, what an inventory is or how one is to be 2011a: 10). this consists of research accumulated conducted. What must be inventoried, over the course of many years by pub- how and for what purpose? The creation of inventories has prolifer- lic and private ethnological or local ated in recent years, probably because history associations or institutes that In later documents, UNESCO pro- it was one of the first actions recom- end up becoming organised systemati- vides some details of what these inven- mended in the Convention, as well as cally in the context of new guidelines tories should be like, comparing them an element that at first glance seems in the Convention. Likewise, intan- to inventories of tangible cultural herit- more concrete and easier to achieve. gible heritage-related actions prior to age and especially of artistic and archi- The analysis of different ICH inven- UNESCO, like the programme of tectural objects. Thus, it is stated that tories in various countries around the the Proclamation of Masterpieces of “… just as monuments and works of world allows us to see recurring ques- the Oral and Intangible Heritage of art are identified and collected, intan- tions and doubts arise that are reflected Humanity (1998), are used by some gible cultural heritage may also be in the creation of the inventories. The countries as a foundation for cataloguing ICH. One example of this is France, where two inventories were planned in 2007. The first was a project to create an inventory of inventories, which grouped and ordered a pre-existing series of inventories and databases on intangible culture in France. The second project, begun in 2008, consisted of creating a repertoire of living cultural practices with the support of the communities involved according to one of the emphases in the Convention (Hottin, 2012; Grenet, 2013).

In many cases, these inventories identify intangible heritage as equivalent to traditional popular culture, without taking contemporary practices of the various cultural groups into account. Image of a Garifuna dance. This Afro-Caribbean culture is currently spread across the At the same time, they fail to realise countries of Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. In 2001, UNESCO declared the Garifuna language, music and dance a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of that the practices cannot be preserved Humanity. 2009. RICK GOLDMAN. WIKIPEDIA COMMONS (CC BY-SA 2.0) or conserved by themselves if they do COMPILATION 101 not serve a social use or readapt to new regarding the complexity of defining by definition. In other cases, we see realities. Many of the projects that we elements of ICH, as well as the political that one criterion for selecting ICH studied are not a direct product of the implications that come up in classifica- elements has been the risk or danger guidelines set out in the Convention, tory practices. The Intangible Cultural of their imminent disappearance and but are the continuation and reuse of threats to their survival. Examples of inventories, lists and databases created ONE OF THE MAIN this include the Data Bank on Tradi- in different countries since the 1980s tional/Folk Performing Arts in Asia that were focused on the idea of iden- CHALLENGES IS HOW and the Pacific, as well as the invento- tifying national folklore. This is the TO RESOLVE THE ries created in Brazil and Colombia. case of the Catalogue of Traditional PARADOX THAT ARISES Dances of the Nicaraguan Pacific, the WHEN CREATING AN Another subject that must be stressed inventory of folklore of Seychelles, the is that of the territorial scope of the Asia-Pacific Database on Intangible INVENTORY, WHICH IS inventories. While some states develop Cultural Heritage and the Bulgarian ESSENTIALLY STATIC, inventories that cover all their national inventory, among others. COMPOSED OF LIVING, territory, like Mexico and China, oth- NATURALLY DYNAMIC ers decide to create different inven- A common aspect we find in the inventories based on their administrative tories analysed is the lack of specificity ELEMENTS divisions, like Belgium and Colombia, in the criteria used to define the ele- or draw up specific inventories for the ments of ICH. In most cases, there is Heritage in Scotland is presented as various communities or ethnic groups not even explicit guidance about which an inventory of living heritage, or the in the country. elements are considered intangible her- practices and customs of the land, itage and which are not, nor are the without entering into further details. A shared interest in trying to overcome contradictions inherent in the concept This inventory takes the form of a wiki, the dangers of reification implicit in discussed. In fact, subsequent docu- meaning a website of content that practices to define heritage may be ments published by UNESCO on the may be edited by different users. This observed. This is an attempt to respond creation of inventories (UNESCO overcomes the problem of collecting to the Convention’s emphasis on the 2011b: 10) recognise that states are not information on a limited number of living nature of ICH. Thus, one of required to adapt to the definition of fixed categories, adapting the idea of an the main challenges it raises is how to intangible heritage that appears in the inventory to the possibilities offered by resolve the paradox that appears when Convention, though it does encourage the format, always under production adding living, naturally dynamic ele- them to do so. The inventories that we analysed do not usually mention the criteria used by the Convention to define ICH, nor do they take the time to discuss the ambiguities present in it. However, some exceptions do exist. The intangible heritage inventory created jointly by the Bulgarian Ministry of Culture and the Folklore Institute of the Academy of Sciences of Bulgaria defines the following main criteria for adding elements to the list: authenticity, representativeness, artistic value, vitality and rootedness in tradition. Many of these concepts are difficult to define, meaning that they may cause problems when drawing up inventories.

Many inventory projects that we Interior of a tomb decorated to celebrate the Day of the Dead in the pantheon of Iguala analysed display different solutions de la Independencia, Guerrero, in Mexico. 2010. WIKIPEDIA COMMONS (CC BY-SA 3.0) 102 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 ments to an inventory that is essentially Another recurring problem arises new subcategories based on the region static. The inventories of tradition when trying to accommodate the ICH studied, or organise the entire inven- bearers, such as those of the Répertoire categories defined in the Convention, tory into precise categories that do not Suisse du Patrimoine Culturel Imma- though UNESCO raises the possibil- always coincide with those defined in tériel and the Inventaire des Ressources ity of using other classifications (UNE- the Convention. This is the case of the Ethnologiques du Patrimoine Imma- SCO, 2011b: 10-11). The breadth and Atlas of Intangible Cultural Heritage tériel (IREPI) from Quebec, Canada, vagueness of these categories makes of Buenos Aires, which is limited to are answers to these questions. The inventory creation a daunting task, the sphere of festivals, celebrations and idea of living heritage highlighted in rituals. Other such cases include the the Convention has put the spotlight TO AVOID THE DANGER Catalogue of Traditional Dances of on inventories focused on tradition the Nicaraguan Pacific and the Inven- bearers, where data is collected on peo- OF REIFYING ELEMENTS tory of Intangible Cultural Heritage ple and groups considered representa- AND THE LIMITATIONS of Cambodia, which focuses on the tive of ancestral knowledge, different IMPLICIT IN CREATING performing arts and elements of oral artistic specificities and other activi- INVENTORIES, MANY cultural heritage. ties considered traditional. This model can be used to create inventories that PROJECTS SEEK TO Thus, we could underscore the flexibil- specify the existence of merchants and GUARANTEE THE ity of the categories in use in different craftspeople boosting the economic DEVELOPMENT OF inventories and the need to not apply development of a region. In these cases, them to the social world as a defini- ETHNOGRAPHIC attention must be paid to processes tive taxonomic system. The definition of institutional interference in arti- RESEARCH of the categories in the Convention is sanal and local production practices. based on an etic classification abstracted Defining artisanal knowledge and since it is not possible to establish the from the ethnocentric ideas of the practices often involves normalising precise limits where the classifications UNESCO editors and advisors. Its these phenomena, which is expressed end. This is why few ICH inventories use in emic contexts presents a contra- by institutionalising the practices and created so far have aimed to be exhaus- diction and limits the scope and local takes plasticity and autonomy away tive. Conversely, some inventories understanding of the inventories. This from the subjects. focus on a specific category and define is why many inventories are restricted to selecting a general topic or various ones considered as belonging to intangible heritage and use it to establish a series of categories to accommodate and order the elements selected in their territories. As such, many inventories focus on specific areas and do not aspire to be exhaustive. Even though the Convention implies that inventories must be exhaustive and include the entire ICH, later documents recognise the difficulties inherent in such a task (UNESCO, 2011b): how can something intangible be inventoried comprehensively?

Therefore, we can say that in most cases, creating an inventory entails abandoning the criterion of exhaustiveness and focusing on seeking out the representativeness of the elements selected, as Wayang Kulit puppet theatre from the islands of Indonesia. Declared a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO in 2003. Photo circa 1890. illustrated by the ICH inventory of KITLV. WIKIPEDIA COMMONS Mexico, which explicitly asserts the COMPILATION 103 impossibility of drawing up an exhaus- created manifestations as well as ele- of Mexico’s inventory, which aims to tive inventory due to the breadth of the ments from immigrant communi- bring together all the representative Mexican cultural sphere. However, this ties, in order to integrate the different expressions and manifestations of the option raises other problems: how can cultural expressions and give them cultural groups of the country based the representativeness of the elements visibility, as a first step towards social on the premise that heritage forms part be determined? This may involve integration (this is the case of Scot- of conceptual systems, meaning that land, Mexico and Buenos Aires). In it is not possible to restrict it to activi- MOST INVENTORY this regard, ICH is recognised as a ties of classification and taxonomy and tool for political and social action and thereby implicitly rejecting the very ACTIONS SEEK OUT attempts are made to guide its use definition of an inventory. Viewed FORMULAS AND towards a specific purpose. from this perspective, some invento- SOLUTIONS TO AVOID ries enjoy the support of specialised THE LIMITATIONS Another interesting example is the researchers and ethnographers, who Intangible Heritage Inventory of refuse to classify cultural expressions INHERENT TO THE Cambodia. Regarding the criteria into preconceived patterns (López CONVENTION: HOW CAN used to select the elements forming Morales, 2008: 6). WE INVENTORY WHAT IS part of the inventory, it emphasises INTANGIBLE? IT WOULD that no inventory can be exhaustive, Thus, the use of ethnographic meth- but inventories may be representative. odologies to create inventories enables BE LIKE TRYING TO In relation to this concept, it asserts information to be collected in emic COUNT THE GRAINS OF the importance of taking into account terms, which guarantees the repre- SAND IN THE OCEAN… the political elements that may hinder sentativeness of the elements chosen the determination of criteria of repre- in the sphere of communities. Other sentativeness, thereby highlighting the projects along the same lines include establishing criteria of legitimacy and need to avoid exclusion and invisibility the series of experiences that began to hierarchy that hoist certain elements when creating inventories. The way to above others as more representative avoid this is to reflect the polyphony of CREATING AN (see Hafstein, 2009). One way to apply voices in a nation state when creating INVENTORY IS EASIER, these ideas is to develop emic criteria of the inventories. LESS CONFLICTIVE representativeness, based on exhaustive ethnographic analyses that take into Methodologically speaking, and to AND HAS LESS account the political implications of avoid the danger of reifying elements CONSEQUENCES any ICH-related project and the need and the limitations implicit in creat- THAN ESTABLISHING to maintain a critical standpoint that ing inventories, may projects seek to MEASURES THAT considers tools of reflective analysis. guarantee the development of ethnographic research aimed at capturing the ENABLE SOCIAL ACTORS Other inventories, like the aforemen- process-related elements of the prac- TO PURSUE THEIR tioned Asia-Pacific Database on Intan- tices, uses, representations, expressions, LIFESTYLES AND SOCIAL gible Cultural Heritage, raise the pos- knowledge and techniques selected. ORGANISATION FREELY sibility of creating an inventory based Thus, both the conceptual complexi- on demonstrations of ICH elements ties and the processes of production AND INDEPENDENTLY without aspiring to any criteria of rep- that gave rise to the elements consid- resentativeness and exhaustiveness. ered ICH are reflected. This would be organised in 2010 in some African However, it is impossible to ignore the involve recording the manifestations countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, political dimension of any inventory- as under development, and not as fin- Uganda, Swaziland and Zambia) in related action. ished products. In this way, many pro- order to develop methodologies to jects tend to have a diachronic view of inventory intangible heritage upon Many of the projects analysed focus heritage that includes a historical and a community’s initiative. However, on the political importance of ICH process-related analysis and an empha- these activities may encounter prob- as a tool for studying and managing sis on the presentation of the social lems widely discussed in disciplines territorial cultural diversity. Thus, and cultural contexts that inspired like anthropology by raising questions the projects normally include newly the elements selected. This is the case such as: who legitimately represents the 104 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 communities?; and who forms part of would be like trying to count the grains but could even do it harm by fossilising them and who doesn’t? The concept of sand in the ocean… cultural elements. of intangible heritage is the legacy of a long Western tradition (Smith, 2006) Conclusions: the Problems and To our understanding, the creation of and, as such, this concept will not Limits of ICH Inventories intangible heritage inventories raises always translate easily into all cultural A study of regulations on safeguarding fundamental methodological prob- contexts, which often makes it harder ICH before and after the UNESCO lems. First, the very concept of an to interpret. Convention of 2003 has revealed texts inventory tends to assume that intan- very different in type and scope, related gible heritage is quantifiable, which is The inventories take different for- to the institutions that promoted them contradicted by its intangible nature. mats regarding results. While various and the heritage uses for which they By definition, an inventory is a classi- inventories are kept as websites, like in were designed. The focus of many of fication of all the elements in a certain Scotland, there are also many examples the regulations and safeguarding meas- category, normally a count or listing. of books and catalogues that may or ures proposed has hardly changed with The concept is usually applied to finite may not be viewed online. There is also regard to legislation related to tangible and quantifiable elements that may be great variety regarding the volume of heritage, despite the requirement of the categorised; it is harder for us to imag- the information collected. While some particular characteristics of the ICH inventories consist of extremely com- to change the objectives of laws from AN INVENTORY CANNOT plex datasheets with historical and eth- protection to safeguarding, as well as BE A MERE LIST OF the measures to achieve that. Most ELEMENTS WITH A THE POLYSEMIC NATURE measures focus on tangible heritage. OF ALL HERITAGE, BRIEF DESCRIPTION, AND ESPECIALLY OF The emphasis on creating inventories BUT MUST INCLUDE in legislation is related to the require- KEY ASPECTS LIKE ICH ELEMENTS, IS ment and priority given to safeguarding THE SOCIOECONOMIC, LIMITED WHEN FORCED in the Convention. It is also related to TO ADAPT TO AN the difficulties in defining and imple- CULTURAL AND INVENTORY FORMAT menting specific legal measures due to TEMPORAL CONTEXT the characteristics of the ICH, which WHERE THE HERITAGE favour choosing the measure that is IS LIVED AND HAS nographic information and elaborate clearest and easiest to achieve. Creating descriptions, there are also examples an inventory is easier, less conflictive MEANING where the datasheets are limited to a and has less consequences establishing few lines of information and a little measures that enable social actors to ine using it for intangible elements. rudimentary data. pursue their lifestyles and social organi- Goody (1977) stresses the theoretical sation freely and independently. and methodological implications of In conclusion, we can say that one of lists and tables by projecting onto real- the features of creating inventories is In debates between the specialists that ity a series of limitations associated to the task of translating and summarising drafted the UNESCO Convention, the need to define precise categories a complex social reality into normalised there were two positions on the pos- that may take the form of an inventory. models of classification. The use of clas- sibilities for creating an Inventory of The schematic kind of thinking proper sification methods developed first in Intangible Heritage (Kurin, 2004a). to inventories encourages ordering international spheres (UNESCO) and One stance defended the need to create elements and gives rise to hierarchies, applied by states domestically implies complete ICH inventories, as is done while also favouring precise limits reducing different social worlds and for monuments and archaeological dig between categories (Goody, 1977: bringing uniformity to them in an sites. The other position took a critical 81). The polysemic nature of all herit- institutionalised format that enables approach to this work as vast and end- age, and especially of ICH elements, is action later. This is why most actions less, based on discredited methodolo- therefore limited when forced to adapt in this regard attempt to find formulas gies that viewed culture as if it were to an inventory format. How can it and solutions to escape these limita- formed of atomistic elements. It was be clearly stipulated whether Wayang tions inherent in the Convention: how thought that inventories would not puppet theatre falls within the cat- can we inventory what is intangible? It only fail to stimulate cultural vitality, egory of performing arts or of social COMPILATION 105 rituals and festive events? How can it that can be inventoried, a written tran- It is also important to highlight the be determined if popular refrains about scription or a photograph. This is why problems arising from the social use climatology should be categorised as inventorying these elements is no easy of ICH inventories. How are inven- oral traditions and expressions, or as matter and presents many methodo- tories useful and how can they give knowledge and usage related to nature logical challenges. back to the community? This masks and the universe? a central question: are inventories the These challenges are not only meth- most appropriate method for safe- In this regard, once again we encounter odological, but also political. The prac- guarding intangible cultural heritage? the frequent problem of assimilating tices that must be inventoried belong From our point of view, an inventory intangible heritage inventories with to the same community, and not to a cannot be a mere list of elements with tangible heritage inventories (especially museum or scientific institution. This a brief description, but must include archaeological, artistic and architec- is why intangible cultural practices only key aspects for learning about and tural ones), viewing them as a collec- have meaning if the same community understanding the elements of a cul- tion of items of cultural property. Until practices them. Neither museums nor ture: the socioeconomic, cultural and what point may cultural elements be political or cultural institutions can temporal context where the heritage is isolated and inventoried which, unlike resort to an idealised or romanticised lived and has meaning, and the people tangible elements, undergo constant idealisation of culture (Kurin, 2004b). that produce, use, transform and pass transformation? Where is the limit to They may investigate it, but they can- on elements of ICH and recognise it the inventory? What are its criteria? not conserve it. Considering living cul- as their heritage. None of this can be As Kurin states (2004b), the main tural practices as heritage may have learned from simple datasheets, but difference between dealing tangible strategic and even political interest, must be gathered from ethnographic and intangible elements lies in the fact but it implies a contradiction unless fieldwork.n that the objects of the latter are social the very concept of heritage is viewed practice, and not a record, an element from a totally different standpoint.

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NOTES

1 This work was completed as part of the research 5 Article 1 of the UNESCO Universal Declaration 8 Both before and after the Convention, many project “Patrimonialización y redefinición de la on Cultural Diversity of 2001 defines cultural cultural heritage laws in the autonomous com- ruralidad. Nuevos usos del patrimonio local” diversity as heritage common to humanity and munities of Spain have spoken of ethnographic (CSO2011-29413), funded by the Ministry “as necessary for humankind as biodiversity is property or intangible ethnographic property to of Education and Science and the FEDER for nature”. Similar ideas appear in the introduc- refer to aspects of intangible heritage. These programme. tion of the Convention on the Protection and same terms are also frequently used in the Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expres- National Plan to Safeguard ICH (IPCE, 2011). 2 See Articles 11, 12, 13 and 14 of the Conven- sions (UNESCO, 2005a). tion. 9 Since the Convention, the generic term used 6 Among these regulations, we find some spe- has been intangible cultural heritage. Elements 3 Except for the creation of inventories, the meas- cific ones on the subject, such as the Universal has been the neutral specific term, although ures proposed in the Convention to safeguard Convention on Copyright (1952-1971) and the ICH manifestations, expressions, aspects it are generic: “identification, documentation, Bern Convention (1967), as well as others that and practices are also used (Smeets, 2012: research, preservation, protection, promotion, address other issues but include provisions 15-16). enhancement, transmission … and the revi- on the ownership of traditional knowledge talization of this heritage” (Art. 2.3). Further 10 For example, Article 2 of the Decree of 2009 and folklore from the standpoint of intellectual on, it indicates that states will do “everything that regulates the aspects of the General Cul- property: the United Nations Convention on possible” to adopt policies to enhance the ture Law of Colombia (2008) states that: “the Biological Diversity (1992) and UNESCO’s role of ICH in society, create bodies charged different types of intangible cultural heritage Recommendation on Safeguarding Traditional with safeguarding it, encourage the study of it mentioned above are understood under the and Popular Culture (1989). For example, and research methodologies related to it and term ‘manifestations’ for the purposes of this countries like Costa Rica, Ecuador and Peru adopt legal, technical, administrative and finan- decree” (Ministry of Culture of Colombia, 2010: recognise the indigenous populations’ owner- cial measures to facilitate its management and 171). ship of knowledge in their laws on biodiversity transmission, guarantee access to it, respect (Ruiz, 2006). 11 As occurs with the update of the Italian Cultural customary uses of it and create documentation Heritage and Landscape Code (2008), which institutions for it (Art. 13). It also includes the 7 Other ICH-related UNESCO instruments declares that the elements included in the ICH creation of two lists (Art. 16 and 17) and a fund include the Mexico City Declaration on Cultural Convention may only be subject to the provi- (Articles 25 to 28) aimed at raising awareness Policies (1982), the Living Human Treasures sions of the code when they lead to material about heritage and funding safeguarding initia- programme (1993, the Red Book of Endan- evidence (Bortolotto, 2013: 28-29). tives. gered Languages (1993), the Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity 4 Regulations of this kind promoted by interna- programme (1997), the Declaration on Cultural tional bodies include the United Nations Uni- Article originally published in Diversity (2001) and the Istanbul Declaration versal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); on Intangible Heritage (2002). Other docu- Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia the ILO Convention concerning Indigenous ments are also worthy of attention, such as de Catalunya (no.39. year 2014) and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries the Shanghai Charter (2002) and the Seoul (1989); the United Nations International Cov- under the title Inventaris de PCI. Declaration (2004) of the ICOM. enant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights L’aplicació de la Convenció de (1996); and the United Nations Declaration on la UNESCO  the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007). COMPILATION 107

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries Pere Casas Trabal Museu del Ter nature was reappraised. It was a He has a degree from the University of Barcelona and a Master’s time when conservationist ideas took degree in Management of Local Cultural Heritage. He works as a shape and nature became an element heritage expert at the Museu del Ter in Manlleu, Catalonia, where representing balance, rationality and amongst other activities he has participated in and coordinated morality compared with the cluttered, research projects related to industrial and intangible heritage in the dense and depraved city. These were Ter Valley. the years when, for example, nature Museu del Ter became important in education, the first Jordi Grané Casellas hiking centers were founded, garden city He has a degree in Modern and Contemporary History from the projects were devised and urban parks Autonomous University of Barcelona, and a Master in Management of emerged in big cities. There is no doubt Local Cultural Heritage. He works as a heritage expert at the Museu that all these movements would have del Ter in Manlleu, Catalonia, where he carries out educational and an impact on new urban development research projects related to industrial and intangible heritage in the projects and a significant influence on Ter Valley. the new designs for workers’ settlements which were being set up on a mass scale along Catalonia’s rivers, especially the Ter and the Llobregat. In “Gardens of Industrialization” we have examined 15 The Gardens of gardens, observing nearly a thousand examples and more than a hundred different species. This volume and density Industrialization: prove the existence of a rich vegetation heritage while also showing how the advent of factories on the banks of the Ter involved not only a physical occupation of an Example the land but also its symbolic occupation. of Symbolic A la fi del segle xix i començament del xx es produeix una revaloració de la natura. És el moment en què adquireixen forma les idees conservacionistes i la natura es Colonization of converteix en un element que representa equilibri, racionalitat i moralitat enfront de la ciutat, desordenada, densa i depravada. the Territory Són els anys en què, per exemple, la natura esdevé important en l’educació, “ ... far away, bordering the rivers, industrial facilities stick out es constitueixen els primers centres like poisonous darts thrown on the landscape by the city ... “ excursionistes, s’imaginen les ciutats jardí Rubió i Tudurí, 1926 i apareixen projectes de parcs urbans per a les grans metròpolis. No hi ha dubte que tots aquests moviments es deixaren Some Colors of Industrial making up this heritage as possible, notar en els nous projectes urbanitzadors Heritage: from Gray to Green and the subject of gardens is a good i tingueren una notable influència en els example. nous projectes de colònies industrials, que or some years the ele- s’estaven instal·lant de manera «massiva» ments that make up a la vora dels rius catalans, especialment el For several years we have been studying Ter i el Llobregat. Amb el treball «Els jardins Catalonia’s industrial the turbines, explaining the drive shafts de la industrialització» s’han analitzat una heritage have been and describing the working conditions quinzena de jardins, en els quals s’han studied, recovered at the Ter factories. We have assessed observat prop d’un miler d’exemplars i més and reassessed. Much d’un centenar d’espècies vegetals diferents. the importance of the rivers and canals, of the Museu del Ter’s work revolves and ultimately many aspects pertaining Un volum i una densitat que proven around this theme, and we have made l’existència d’un ric patrimoni vegetal, al F mateix temps que constaten com l’arribada many efforts to highlight this heritage. Keywords: industrial heritage, natural d’industrials a la vora del Ter no només va The museum takes a broad perspective heritage, gardens, social transformation implicar una ocupació física del territori, sinó in confronting this challenge, trying to Paraules clau: patrimoni industrial, patrimoni també la seva ocupació simbòlica. bring together as many of the elements natural, jardins, transformació social 108 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

The owners’ tower, and the garden that circled it, at the Can Riva factory (Les Masies de Voltregà). The Oliveras de la Riva family, in charge of the factory for many years, spent long periods of time there. The current state of the gardens is not the same. NATIONAL ARCHIVE OF CATALONIA to the industrialization begun in the Amid this climate, worth noting is emergence of a new society. This 18th century have been worked on and the emergence of centers for recrea- industrial consolidation was accom- continue to be worked on. This indus- tion and culture, cafés, theaters and panied by the arrival of newcomers. trial world, full of smoke, obligations, all kinds of associations, among which The number of factories grew while hierarchies and so on, has often been the Cors de Clavé is a highlight. Far the physical appearance of the city described as gray, but at the Museu del from appearing as a contradiction or was transformed; the massive pres- Ter we are convinced that it is fitting to an opposite reality, this associative ence of workers meant the appearance introduce some color into this grayness, movement must be understood as of many groups and organizations; 1 and some of the research conducted another reality of this world. It would the textile industry and controversies points in this direction. be erroneous to imagine only a gray between workers and manufacturers and dark Manlleu from strikes, lock- came to the Ter basin at the same time There is no doubt that the arrival of outs and the tensions experienced over as the train, the hospital and public factories to the Ter’s banks brought these decades. At the same time, with lighting. In short, it was a more open a series of changes that transformed the same key figures and the same city, and dynamic society –a society with life in the Ter basin at its root. It went a large-scale associative movement more colors. from a predominantly rural society emerged and made Manlleu a very to an urban one in which indus- dynamic society. “The Gardens of Industrialization: an try played a significant role. This is Example of Symbolic Colonization 2 because industrialization is more than A good example is the fact that in of the Territory” aims to dye this gray just technical changes and increased 1909 Manlleu already had the highest we have called into question green. production. Among many other number of institutions in the diocese The research is based on exhaustive changes it led to a concentration of (more than cities like Manresa and fieldwork, a thorough inventory that work, a new labor discipline and the Vic); it had the greatest number of enables us to lay the foundations for transformation of society as a whole: social and political institutions and speaking about this symbolic occupa- from ways of life to cultural expres- was less influenced by the church. tion of the territory. Before going into sions and from mentalities to new A global perspective enables us to the research, however, it is appropriate forms of social organization. see how industrialization led to the to give some background. COMPILATION 109

A current photograph and one from the mid-20th century of a deer found in the gardens of the La Farga de Bebiè industrial colony (Montesquiu). The sculpture is surrounded by a boxwood hedge. MUSEU DEL TER, 2011. FAMÍLIA BABLER COLLECTION

The Gardens of an important role in many of these sents the national spirit that has stood Industrialization: Background city expansion projects. The ultimate the test of time and is the place where The late 19th –and early 20th centu- goal of these projects is found in a very the essence of the country remains ries –were a time of reassessing nature. specific quote from Cerdà: according uncorrupted, making efforts to con- Conservationist ideas took shape to him, it was necessary to “urbanize serve nature and recover land lost to over this period. There was a reaction the countryside and ruralize the city.” deforestation a patriotic issue; and against man’s power to destroy and Thegarden city projects that appeared hygienist reasons, given that nature despoil. It was necessary to protect across Europe at the hand of developers is identified with a space opposite the the most important landscapes. It is like British urban planner Ebenezer city, removed from its vices and prob- in this context that we must place the Howard, the founder of garden cit- lems. We stressed above that during beginning of Spanish national park ies Letchworth and Welwyn (Choay, the period of growth and expansion policy, with the creation of the Ordesa 1983), can be understood in this con- of Europe’s main cities the need to National Park in 1916. The creation text. include nature in a number of ways of the body of foresters in the 19th was taken into account: the most radi- –century is fairly representative. This The case of Madrid with developer cal was the garden city projects. body did not limit its obligations to Arturo Soria demonstrates the positive economic exploitation of the forest; valuation nature would acquire as an These positive characteristics of nature rather, over the years it took up defense ideal component of the urban land- make it a very useful tool in the hands and conservation of the forest of its scape among some sectors of Madrid of regenerationist schools of thought. own accord. Propaganda work ulti- society. Barcelona created its parks and Nature became an important element mately led to the environment of the gardens service in 1917 with Rubió of education. It was a way to remove late 19th and early 20th century with i Tudurí as director (Casals Costa, children from the vices of the city and the creation of the Spanish Arbor Day, 1992). educate them in love for the homeland, educational in nature and aimed at order and morality. Hiking centers people without the scientific training Nature became an element represent- undertook the task of bringing nature of foresters (Casals Costa, 1988). ing balance, rationality and morality closer to urban populations and pro- versus the messy, dense and depraved moting familiarity with the country’s This was also the period in which cities city. Nature was elevated for ecological nature. For hiking promoters, spread- did away with their walls and added reasons, like the defense of the forest ing this activity among young people other land needing to be organized undertaken by foresters for climatic was suited to removing them from and integrated into the old street plan reasons and the maintenance of natu- outside influences, i.e. educating them to the spaces they had occupied for ral equilibrium; reasons of patriotic in the school of patriotic mountaineer- centuries. Trees and gardens played exaltation, since the mountain repre- ing. Arbor Day, which was introduced 110 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 by forester Rafael Puig i Valls in 1898, new projects for industrial colonies on is essentially a pedagogical tool that the Ter and land development by the seeks to teach children to love trees industrialists. and nature. A Tour of the Gardens of Another example is the urban parks Industrialization: the Research created in North America in the second The interest in working on the indus- half of the 19th century. They sought trial gardens of the Ter is based on to introduce nature in the great urban two observations made by the Museu masses so it would play a moralizing del Ter. On one hand is the surpris- and redemptive role. As such, the ing number of gardens and urban design and size of these parks had landscape planning of different types to resemble authentic natural envi- linked to this historical process affect- ronments as much as possible. The ing the Ter basin beginning in the element that turned parks into gen- first third of the 19th century. This is erators of public well-being was the the case with the gardens and other Sketch of El Pelut (Orís) with a list of presence of the natural environment. urban landscape planning of the ter- species planted. Although the design of The first large urban park in North ritory tied to the process of industri- the gardens is not shown, the main layout can be traced. MUSEU DEL TER America was New York’s Central Park, alization taking place around the use on which construction work began in of water power from the river with 1856. After Central Park was created, the building of factories and colonies known and consider recovering some many North American cities decided that transformed the economic, social of these landscape interventions. We to create their own large parks as well. and cultural structure of the territory must not forget that gardens are one of The park movement was the name and with it also the landscape. These the least recognized types of cultural given to the movement promoting gardens and allées and the urban heritage. The fact that they are living the creation of parks in North Amer- landscaping of the colonies have organisms and require continuous ican cities. Frederick Law Olmsted, great historical significance that has maintenance and that the passage of the designer of Central Park and the been neither studied nor recognized. time inevitably affects or transforms first landscape architect, was the main On the other hand, the widespread them or leads them to disappear more exponent of this movement (García unfamiliarity with the reality of this easily than built heritage should not Hermosilla, 1994). heritage in our territorial context has downplay their cultural value and the resulted in the danger of many of these importance of their being known. All of these movements influenced gardens disappearing for good. Or, The fragility of the garden reality is the new urbanization projects and to put it in a positive light, there is an invisibilization factor for the his- also had a significant impact on the an opportunity to make this heritage torical, artistic and urban importance of gardens and the urban landscape interventions of the territory (Capel, 2003).

The research has therefore been designed with one main goal: rebuild- ing and describing the urban landscaping interventions associated with the factories and colonies of the Ter River in the Osona region with the ultimate aim of drawing attention to them as an indispensable part of an important cultural landscape. Of late, the industrial heritage of factories, colonies, water infrastructure, manufacturing Current map of one of the gardens at the Ymbern colony (also known as El Pelut) in Orís. This is one of the most noteworthy “industrial” gardens of the Middle Ter basin. centers and so on is being revalued DRAWN IN-HOUSE. MUSEU DEL TER by the administration and owners, COMPILATION 111

Current map of the Torre de L’Amo garden at the Rusiñol colony in Manlleu. Santiago Rusiñol and his brother Albert, heirs of a dynasty of Manlleu textile industrialists, built this tower and garden when they inherited the property circa 1880. DRAWN IN-HOUSE. MUSEU DEL TER and there is starting to be social rec- Another source of information was leu, Gurb, Roda de Ter and Les Masies ognition of their historical, cultural, what we gleaned from different de Roda. urban planning and landscape value. archives and libraries. We consulted But the industrial landscape of the Ter the municipal archives of Manlleu, We followed a single methodology and is marked as much by its groves and Roda de Ter, Les Masies de Roda, applied it to each of the properties, gardens as by its canals, factories and Sant Hipòlit de Voltregà, Les Masies structuring all of them in the same colonies. In fact, they all form part of de Voltregà and Torelló. We also con- way: the site’s geographical location, the same whole and the same history, sulted general archives like the Histori- a brief historical contextualization of which would be incomplete without cal Archives of Osona, the Historical the property accompanied by photo- paying the necessary attention to these Archives of the City of Barcelona and graphs and historical maps (from the elements. the National Archive of Catalonia. The compilation of documents explained information obtained was limited, but above), and an analysis of each of the Methodologically, we have focused in some cases we found very valuable gardens that are part of the different on compiling the different sources documents like a map from the early establishments. This analysis consists that we felt could contribute relevant 20th century –with the landscaping of of a formal description of the garden, information to the subject matter to the gardens of the Ymbern (El Pelut) an inventory of the different plant be studied. With regards to the litera- colony in Orís. Simultaneously, we species identified and the most out- ture, in part we focused on publica- worked on scouring the newspaper standing inert elements that shape the tions of a generic nature that dealt library for articles discussing the gar- gardens, and the current layout of each with this industrial subject matter or dens in local newspapers and maga- garden. the topic of nature. This compiling zines. allowed us to obtain a good concep- The analysis was accompanied by one tual framework, though not a very in- But certainly one of the most impor- of the most important parts of the depth one regarding gardens. To get tant tasks undertaken was an elaborate research: the memory of those who more individualized information we and exhaustive plant inventory. The experienced this reality. Oral history worked with different monographs different colonies and factories located has been very present in the analysis of relating to the colonies and factories on the banks of the Ter in the Osona each of the gardens, and in this respect of the Middle Ter. These texts contrib- region were visited one by one. This we should highlight the consider- uted to deeper knowledge of each of was a total of 15 properties between the able number of interviews that were the properties, but as we imagined, towns of Montesquiu, Sant Quirze de conducted. We sought to present an the subject of the gardens was nearly Besora, Orís, Sant Vicenç de Torelló, attractive and heterogeneous range of non-existent. Torelló, Les Masies de Voltregà, Manl- key figures, so we used a wide variety 112 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 of interviewees: gardeners, residents, 1) Public gardens: here the paradig- ists on the Ter (created in 1895 by factory managers, colony owners, matic example is the gardens of the Coats company, which would workers and so on. These individuals the Ymbern (El Pelut) colony. This become the well-known Fabra i completed the more formal analysis colony was founded by the cotton Coats company). Because of the and made it possible to “humanize” industrialist and politician Eduard importance of the colony’s gardens, these spaces. Calvet, a Barcelona resident whose at some times the company had five family was from the Maresme. The gardeners on staff. Conclusions: an Inventory, Calvets did not build their residence 4) Other interventions: there are other a Dictionary and Some in the colony, but despite this and very significant urban landscape Reflections probably motivated by his social ori- planning interventions, but we can The different inventories made allowed entation, Eduard Calvet designed highlight, for example, the so-called us to obtain a list of species that made large gardens open to all colony allées, lines of trees running along up the gardens of industrialization, residents. From the perspective of either side of a path or road. Among among other things. We ascertained landscape quality, they are likely many others, here we can highlight what the volume of specimens was and the most important gardens of the the interesting cypress allée at the discovered the variety of species that sphere we are studying. The research Coromina colony and the cedar

Current photograph of the El Pelut gardens (Orís). In addition The gardens of Cau Faluga have recently been restored paying to its botanical interest, some inert elements like the fountain and as much respect as possible to the original project. gazebo are noteworthy. MUSEU DEL TER, 2011 MUSEU DEL TER, 2010 shaped this rich botanical heritage. In will also need to include a work on allée bordering the canal towpath total there were over a thousand speci- the municipal gardens of the towns of the Borgonyà factory. mens and over a hundred different spe- and cities of the banks of the Ter cies. This fact led us to create abotani - such as Manlleu and Torelló. In short, this serves as more evidence cal dictionary with the most common 2) The private gardens of the manufac- that the setting up of factories on the species of the Ter. The range of species turers’ homes: there are a number of Ter’s banks to harness the power of the includes the horse chestnut (Aesculus these, most of them transformed or river did not merely involve physical hippocastanum), the giant sequoia all but lost as the homes were aban- development of the territory with pro- (Sequoiadendron giganteum), linden doned. However, one high-quality ductive aims (factories, dams, canals, trees, white mulberry trees, loquats, example has been preserved from etc) but also symbolic development evergreen oaks and other oaks, among the Coromina colony, the former (which we could call civilization under many others. property of the family of Noucen- the terms provided by Noucentisme) tist architect Josep M. Pericas. The which is largely reflected in the exam- In addition to plant species, we also magnificent terraced classicist gar- ples of urban landscape planning that observed different types of landscape den of this architect’s home has been can be found all along the river and interventions and urban landscape preserved. that are connected with cultural trends planning of high historic and cultural 3) The urban landscaping of the colo- that revalued nature and turned it into interest, among which we can highlight nies: noteworthy here is Borgonyà, an urban planning tool from the 19th the following: a colony from Scottish industrial- century on in Europe and America. n COMPILATION 113

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Department of Cultural Anthropology Xavier Roigé Ventura UNIVERSITAT DE BARCELONA He is Professor of Social Anthropology and Museum Studies, University of Barcelona. He directs the Master in World Heritage and Development Strategies. He has carried out research on ethnological museums, museums of memory and on heritage processes. He heads up various research projects in the field of tangible and intangible heritage.

Department of Cultural Anthropology Joan Bestard Camps UNIVERSITAT DE BARCELONA

He is professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Barcelona. He is director of the research group of Anthropology of kinship and heritage. He has done research about the changes in kinship and family. New Families, New Identities: A Study on the Transformation of the Family in Barcelona

This research is about the process of An Ethnographic Study on New and social identities are built, this constructing new family identities in Family Identities institution is at the heart of society, the urban area of Barcelona, within the IPEC’s research program. The study ith the and it has been affected by the eco- has analyzed, from an ethnographic title of this nomic and political changes over these perspective, the rapid social and article, a years. The structure of households has legislative changes in society and how group of changed as a result of declining birth they have led to new family models. The research- rates, the growth in the elderly popu- research mainly studied the context of ers from lation due to increased longevity and how new identities had been created and how they redefined the roles, positions the Institute of Childhood and the the reality of living with fewer people. and functions of each member of the WUrban World (CIIMU) and the At the same time these changes are family. Department of Anthropology of the taking place, family relationships, Universitat de Barcelona conducted especially intergenerational family Es tracta d’una recerca sobre els a study on the processes of building relationships, have been strengthened processos de construcció de noves new family identities in the Barcelona as an essential network of affective identitats familiars a l’àrea urbana de metropolitan area within the IPEC relationships and relationships of Barcelona dins del programa de recerca research program, led by the authors of support and solidarity: the different de l’IPEC. El treball ha analitzat, des this text. The study analyzed the rapid generations cohabitate more than d’una perspectiva etnogràfica, els ràpids canvis socials i legislatius en la societat social and legislative changes in society ever, and it is not at all strange for i com han donat lloc a nous models de and how they have given way to new parents, children and grandchildren família. La recerca ha incidit, sobretot, family models from an ethnographic to live together. But more important en la perspectiva de com s’han creat perspective. The main focus of the than these changes are the cultural les noves identitats i com s’han anat research was perspective on how the changes the family is undergoing, redefinint els rols, posicions i funcions de new identities were created and how and this is what this project is about. cadascun dels membres de la família. the roles, positions and functions of Within the span of a few years, we each family member have been rede- have seen the spread of family models fined. that just a decade or two ago were con- Keywords: new families, marriage, divorce, sidered unworkable or even contrary parentality, family identities The family has been undergoing pro- to the idea of family. We thus observe Paraules clau: noves famílies, matrimoni, divorci, parentalitat, identitats familiars found changes in recent decades. As a proliferation of couples who reject the place where people’s individual marriage and establish common-law COMPILATION 115 partnerships; we are witnessing a rise of spouses of separated parents, for It was used more as a guide for topics to in divorce and consequently many instance). discuss than as a list of closed questions children live with their separated par- • Economic organization of the fam- to facilitate planning and developing ents or stepfathers, stepmothers and ily group. Integration of economy the interviews. Accordingly, the inclu- stepsiblings; we are seeing the recog- in wider kinship networks. Family sion, ordering and way of formulating nition of homosexual marriages, and economic exchanges. the questions depended in each case these couples are legally allowed to • Distribution of roles among differ- on the researcher’s criteria based on have children together; we are look- ent members of the family group. the conditions of the interview and ing at how adoptions from abroad Comparison of how these roles are the characteristics of the interviewee and conceiving through fertility treat- assigned in new family realities and as well as on the information available ments have become more widespread; traditional marriage models. beforehand or from responses given in and we are looking at the formation • Ideas surrounding kinship rela- other sections. of new models of motherhood and tions of consanguinity, affinity and fatherhood in single-parent families. residence. Analysis of how differ- Given the nature of the subject being The objective of this research is to ent family members perceive these studied, ethical aspects were key and study the cultural aspects of all of these relationships. scrupulously taken into account. All new family models. How are these • Contact between relatives, support- interviews were conducted with guar- new family patterns constructed? ive roles and mutual aid in new fam- antees of anonymity and confidential- What kinship terminology is used ily realities. ity, so assumed names have been used to describe them? How do different • Life cycles, mobility and residential with all quotes and no details that families experience and perceive dif- proximity among relatives. Social would allow the person interviewed ferent aspects of family life? What are and habitation practices. to be identified are provided. In the the differences in day-to-day organiza- • Residential mobility and family same vein, the transcriptions also leave tion, intergenerational relationships, networks. out any details that would make iden- relationships with children and so on • The impact of these aspects on fam- tification possible. for these families? ily organization, housing needs and family policies. To learn about the legal aspects of The objective of this research, then, divorce and different agreements in has been to analyze the cultural aspects A major source for the research was 73 connection with economic aspects, of these new families (solitary groups, interviews that were conducted. Inter- custody and so on, 105 sentences of cohabitating couples, recomposed viewees were chosen based on the dif- divorce cases were analyzed, provid- families, single-parent households, ferentiation criteria of different family ing supplementary information to the homosexual couples, etc.) Thus the types. The interviews were aimed more interviews. The information was col- research is based on the perspective of at analyzing different family types than lected on cards containing the qualita- knowledge of the new ways of living studying a representative sample of tive information pertaining to specific in Catalan society, understanding these families. This made it possible to go divorce cases and the legal discourses lifestyles as ways of creating new ele- beyond objective data to describe the used. We did not try to make a quan- ments of ethnological heritage. complexity of family relationships and titative analysis of the sentences but forms of residence in detail. We sought to cull the information that could be Methodology to collect qualitative information about called ethnographic. The research followed qualitative forms of residence and kinship rela- methodology, primarily based on in- tions for each form of residence to be Lastly, news regarding new families depth interviews conducted in Bar- studied in order to understand what (legal aspects, specific cases, claims, celona and the surrounding area. As makes up family relationships, how public debates and so on) was sys- essential features we sought to discover they function and what the underlying tematically mined from a number of the sociocultural aspects involved in cultural models are. newspapers. This compiled informa- the formation of these family groups, tion enabled us to have a knowledge such as: All of the interviews were recorded and base of the different subjects our work • Kinship terminology used to refer transcribed and later analyzed using the is involved with to contrast the infor- to different family relationships and NVivo qualitative data analysis soft- mation gleaned from the interviews the way these relations are conceptu- ware. The interviews were based on a and have a complementary perspec- alized using these terms (in the case questionnaire designed for the research. tive. 116 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

The Why of Changing Families the woman, “is having to go to a similar unique characteristics in comparison When we presented this research to country. We have the Vatican, yes, but to the more usual quantitative studies an audience of family researchers at this is also a country with a Catholic on residence. a conference held at the University of tradition, a Mediterranean country, Münster in January 2012, the question and here they can do it. Why can’t we Three factors with distinct historical most frequently asked was why Spain, a do the same? It is very disagreeable.” origins have influenced this trend in Mediterranean country with a Catho- family relationships. The new family lic tradition, had adopted such liberal In a way, our research aims to answer models have been shaped by some fea- laws concerning the family in different the Italian couple’s questions. The fam- tures of modern society. areas like divorce, homosexual marily has gone from an institutionalized riage, assisted reproduction and adop- family held to be the foundation of First is the freedom of individual choice tions. From the European perspective, social structure to a type of family in forming a couple. We have moved it is still surprising that we have become created by networks of intimate rela- from family interests to individual one of the most advanced countries tionships between people. Individual sentiment. Marriage choices do not in terms of family law and that the relationships and the intimate relation- follow the logic of family interests but family has changed so quickly. What ships that make them up are the con- the individualist logic of feelings. The happened? What caused these rapid text where the diversity and plurality sentimentalization of matrimonial social and legislative changes? More of families takes place. choice has triumphed in all layers of recomposed families, more common- society. Elective affinities are primar- law partnerships, more same-sex mar- The rapid changes experienced by the ily subjective and based on feelings. riages and families, a large number of contemporary family have motivated This principle of individual freedom international adoptions and a dramatic a number of studies indicating the has changed the duration of marriage. increase in children born from assisted existence of significant variations in The right to form a family has become reproduction have changed the family the composition of residential groups universal and pluralized. Pair relation- landscape. New values and symbols and domestic organization. Most of ships are disassociated from parental have changed family relationships. the changes to contemporary families relationships and recomposed families are expressed and measured in demo- are part of the experience of many chil- Responding to and explaining these graphic indexes that often have a dra- dren who do not necessarily keep the issues is not simple. We begin with an matic character such that the “surprises same kinship relationships (parents, ethnographic vignette in an assisted for the demographer” (Roussel, 1989) siblings and so on) throughout the reproduction clinic in Barcelona as are what in large part guide study of course of their family life. Thus kinship Giulia Zanini presented it in her doc- the modern family. These changes are relationships are not determined by ties toral thesis on transnational reproduc- often interpreted from the perspec- of consanguinity and it is instead the tion (Zanini, 2012). An Italian couple tive of the crisis of the family, and at daily relationship within a recomposed who traveled to Barcelona to have an the same time they are presented as family that creates family ties. IVF treatment using donor gametes an expression of profound changes in felt aggrieved and unhappy at having to traditional notions of the family. But as Second is the principle of gender equal- go to another country to receive a treat- has been noted by a number of authors ity. Feminist movements highlighted ment they believe should be offered (Stacey, 1992; Cadoret, 2002; Heuve- that it was no longer possible to form in Italy. “It pains us to think of our line and Timberlake, 2004; Thompson a family following traditional gender country,” they said. They found “the and Amato, 1999; Bestard, 2012), it roles, i.e. with the woman devoted idea that you have to travel abroad to is important to analyze the changes to caring for the family and the man do something normal” very distressing. to the modern family not only from devoted to work. This type of rela- They feel unhappy with their country the perspective of changes in mari- tionship ceased to be seen as a private because although it seems so similar to tal relationships but also in terms of matter and was framed within public Spain culturally, one country has very parent-child relationships. There are political debates. New types of parental restrictive laws on assisted reproduc- new contexts in kinship relationships relationships not determined by the tion while the other has very liberal that give meaning to the changes to former roles of men and women had legislation. Being so similar, they do the modern family. We understand to be invented. not understand why there are differ- that our emphasis on kinship relation- ent regulations for donating gametes. ships, departing from the analytical Third isthe centrality of the child in “What is even more troubling,” said perspective of social anthropology, has the formation of family relationships. It COMPILATION 117 seems contradictory to speak of chil- ures change after the divorce? And 2) Families with same-sex parents. This dren as the center of family relation- what influence do other figures of chapter is about how same-sex par- ships when the birth rate has fallen the extended family (stepparents, enthood is constructed. Prior to the sharply and is among the lowest in stepgrandparents and so on) have major legal reforms allowing homo- Europe. It could be said that we are on the redefinition of parenthood? sexual marriage that have mainly having fewer children and waiting for This chapter presents an ethno- taken place since 2005, it was very the right time to have them but invest- graphic view of different processes difficult to form a family with same- ing more in them emotionally. The of divorced parents and examines sex parents, and it was impossible desire to have children has become how they translate into different for these families to have the same individualized and does not follow conceptions of parenthood. There rights as families with heterosexual the parameters of a classic family are three issues that seem impor- parents. With these reforms, it is cycle, an imperative of family struc- tant. Firstly, the process of building possible for same-sex couples to be ture. The desire for offspring is no a father-child relationship in the “parents like the others” (Cadoret, longer a natural desire as was the case absence of a shared residence with 2002). These families share the social in the traditional family, where it was the mother means that the idea of changes arising from the plurality of something given by the characteristics the father as a complementary figure intimate relationships. In the differ- of the marital relationship itself. The to the mother is replaced by a father ent cases studied, the research has desire for a child had been more of a figure who is often in competition shown that mothering in a female necessity, whereas in the modern fam- with the mother figure. Secondly, same-sex family is a shared experi- ily constellation it is a subjective desire there is the fact that the figure of ence wherein the women assume arising from choice, an individual- the father is usually accompanied by the same responsibility in caring for ized desire that no longer follows the other figures that are not considered and raising children, with domestic parameters of a classic family cycle. the parents (stepfather, stepmother) roles and functions that are agreed Single-parent families, single moth- but who are present in the child’s life upon and not marked by hierarchi- ers by choice, recomposed families and represent some competition. cal gender patterns but by ability, and same-sex families have changed Thirdly, we must also consider the interests and circumstances. There the relationship with having children. relationship with grandparents, is no specific role that is defined by Indivisible biological parentage is no who also play a key role in redefin- established cultural assumptions. longer seen as the only possibility and ing fatherhood (Roigé, 2012). The New forms of affiliations and alli- the functions of mothers and fathers concept of fatherhood as a comple- ance have to be built. The symbols have been replaced by the notion of mentary aspect to motherhood is of nature like blood, genes and preg- pluri-parentality. The prevalence of replaced by a paternal figure who is nancy and childbirth are not enough feelings over interest and the inten- often presented as competing with to create a relationship of parentage. sification of gender equality has been the mother figure, although there And like in other new families, fam- changing and diversifying the land- is rarely absolute equality between ily identities have to be reinvented. scape of the modern family. the mother and father (Martial, 3) Assisted reproduction and new repro- 1997: 30). To understand how the ductive models. The demographic Main Research Findings figure of the divorced father has been result of the changes to the moral It is difficult to summarize the find- redefined, we must keep in mind foundations of the family is low fer- ings of the research on the different that there are many circumstances tility and later childbearing with no subjects analyzed in a few pages. We that relate to the parents’ situation: connection to marriage; these are the will therefore discuss three main issues residential distance, conflictive rela- most important aspects of the second covered in the three main chapters of tionships between former spouses demographic transition of Barcelona the research report. and economic resources (Solsona and its metropolitan area. But if one 1) Divorce and family recomposition. et al., 2007; Jociles and Villaamil, of the keys to changing families is the After analyzing the various legal 2008). And lastly, it is also necessary separation of sexuality and procrea- changes that have affected the evolu- to analyze the influence of intergen- tion, assisted reproduction is a good tion of divorce, the research focused erational relationships in the divorce case for study. Through interviews on family recomposition. Following process. Grandparents often provide the research analyzed how assisted a divorce, a variety of different family indispensable assistance, so their reproduction builds new discourses figures are produced. In this context, role in redefining fatherhood after and identities in procreation, how how do the mother and father fig- divorce is critical. assisted reproduction somehow cre- 118 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

ates different models of what having There are new kinship values based hand, the increase in divorce, cohabita- a child represents and enables access on family diversity that specify that tion and second marriages leads to the to mother- and fatherhood not there is no unambiguous relationship appearance of new family realities that just for people who biologically or between procreation, marriage and call traditional patterns into question genetically are unable to reproduce filiation. The decoupling of biologi- and suggest other ways of understand- but for social situations in which the cal and social kinship may establish ing the family (similarly to the changes possibility of reproducing was not a symbolic order that gives meaning taking place in neighboring countries). previously imagined. Single women, to the plurality of family types we see On the other hand, we find that some lesbian couples who exchange eggs, in our society. In this sense the family of the characteristics of the Mediter- homosexual fathers who use sur- is being reinvented culturally, and in ranean family system are highly stable, rogate mothers in countries where the absence of cultural norms about like the persistence of strong relation- this practice is permitted, women behavior, the restructuring of the fam- ships between relatives. The two pro- past reproductive age –numerous ily must create new identities –it must cesses are not contradictory nor do situations and cases call into ques- even solve practical issues regarding they need to be explained in terms of tion our concepts of reproduction roles in situations where relation- modernity or tradition. They have to and what mother– and fatherhood ships are not clear and invent terms to do with the cultural perceptions that mean. Medicalized reproduction define these relationships. These new underlie our family system, the weak- also makes us question the ethical relationships affect not only marital ness of public policies to support fami- and moral limits that can be per- relationships but also intergenerational lies and social and economic factors mitted or disallowed in a society or relationships, contrary to what is often that have an impact on the modern legislation. thought. We could even say that the family. n relationships between generations are Final Observations strengthened vis-à-vis weakened con- The research mainly emphasized four jugal relationships. But not everything areas that to our understanding form boils down to ideological and cultural the foundations of family diversity: changes. The redefinition of families is redefinition of family values; reinven- the result of ideological and legislative tion of family identities; generational changes but also of strategies to adapt roles in shaping family diversity; to new economic situations. and the interrelation between legal, economic, demographic and family The evolution of family structures in changes. Spain reveals a dual process. On one

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Grup de Treball Perifèries Urbanes, This paper describes the findings and Stefano Portelli Catalan Institute of Anthropology main issues addressed by the “Social Portelli is a cultural anthropologist and founder of the Urban Struggle and Collective Memory in Low Peripheries group of the Catalan Institute of Anthropology. After a Price Housing in Barcelona” research number of fieldwork studies on the impact of developmental processes and analysis project commissioned and urban transformation on peripheral neighbourhoods in Nicaragua, Catalonia and Italy, he is now part of the Department of Urban Planning in 2009 by the Associació de Veïns Engineering (DICEA) at the Sapienza University of Roma. He has Avis del Barri de Bon Pastor and worked in Sicily, Morocco, Kenya, Cambodia and Nepal, while his most carried out by an interdisciplinary important research was carried out from 2004 to 2012 in the “cases team of historians, anthropologists barates” (cheap houses) area in the Bon Pastor neighbourhood of and architects linked to the Catalan Barcelona. Institute of Anthropology which also included people living in the low price housing. The gradual demolition of most of these neighborhoods on the outskirts of Barcelona shows the rollout of cultural dynamics that build a “city The Horizontal City image” which is incompatible with some of its population sectors. In this context, anthropological research has to face Social Struggle and Collective great challenges but can also do some important work: documenting social transformations that have been linked Memory on the Fringes of Barcelona to the modification of urban space and the role in this process of the selective reconfiguration of historical memory, he “Social Strug- city under the Primo de Rivera dic- especially that memory of struggle and gle and Collective tatorship on the occasion of the 1929 resistance which is almost inseparable Memory in Low Barcelona International Exposition– from the identity of these neighborhoods Price Housing in had not been subject to any systematic Barcelona” study research like the studies of other sub- S’exposen aquí els resultats i les that we conducted urbs of Barcelona. With the exception principals temàtiques abordades pel from 2009 to 2011 within the frame- of the very recent Rastros de rostros en projecte de recerca-anàlisi «Lluita work of the Ethnological Heritage un prado rojo (y negro) (Traces of Faces social i memòria col·lectiva a les cases T barates de Barcelona» encarregat Inventory of Catalonia (IPEC) is the in a Red (and Black) Meadow) by Pere el 2009 a l’Associació de Veïns Avis product of an unusual, intergenera- López Sánchez (2013), literary and del Barri en Defensa dels Inquilins tional and intercultural collaboration journalistic descriptions of the four de Bon Pastor i realitzat per un that emerged from one of the city’s housing estates have reproduced a equip interdisciplinari d’historiadors, least known and most stigmatized series of negative stereotypes that could antropòlegs i arquitectes vinculats a neighborhoods –Bon Pastor, in the be considered functional with respect l’Institut Català d’Antropologia, i integrat també per habitants de les cases district of Sant Andreu– between a to demolition of the Casas Baratas. barates. La demolició progressiva de la group of residents affected by a large- Some examples would be the descrip- major part d’aquests barris dels marges scale demolition plan and a number of tion of the Casas Baratas as obscure de Barcelona permet d’observar el social researchers interested in in-depth pockets of misery and violence in The desplegament de dinàmiques culturals study of the impact of urban transfor- City of Marvels (Mendoza, 1986: 372- que construeixen una imatge de ciutat incompatible amb alguns dels mations on the most disadvantaged 373) and the difficulties Francesc Can- seus sectors de població. En aquest sectors of the population. Historically, del faced following publication of his context, la recerca antropològica ha the four districts of Casas Baratas (low- works (1957, 1964) upon returning d’enfrontar-se amb grans desafiaments, cost social housing –literally, “cheap to “his” neighborhood (the Eduard però pot realitzar una tasca important: houses”) in Barcelona –built by the Aunós affordable housing estate in documentar les transformacions socials que han estat vinculades a la modificació de l’espai urbà, i el paper que té en Keywords: urban anthropology, history of Barcelona, neighborhoods, urban renewal, social aquest procés la reconfiguració selectiva disarticulation, political anthropology, historical memory, engaged anthropology, urban studies, de la memòria històrica, en particular worker homes, Barcelona, Sant Andreu, Bon Pastor, Can Peguera, Eduard Aunós d’aquella memòria de lluita i resistència Paraules clau: antropologia urbana, història de Barcelona, barris, transformació urbana, gairebé consubstancial a la identitat desarticulació social, antropologia política, memòria històrica, Barcelona, Sant Andreu, Bon Pastor, d’aquests barris. cases barates, Can Peguera, Eduard Aunós 120 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Zona Franca), and they lead us to in one of the pioneering studies on the had been endemically applied to these understand to what extent a “nega- impact of a demolition in a Spanish territories. tive myth” in the sense identified by city, there is always a “legitimizing nar- anthropologist Gary McDonough in rative” corresponding to the “city pro- This demolition was also, however, the Raval neighborhood (1987) per- ject” that institutions plan for a given the only one in this long history that vaded the whole narrative of the four area that facilitates its execution (2010 social researchers had the chance to districts. [2005]: 60). The attempt to demol- observe in detail. From our study of ish the Casas Baratas was variously the Bon Pastor Casas Baratas in 2004, Undoubtedly, however, the affordable pursued by the municipal authorities we observed how the discourse that housing estates were much more than (who held land ownership) during the justified the project to demolish the this myth. Their specific urban shape Franco dictatorship, and it was pre- entire neighborhood –euphemisti- and their peculiar history allowed a vented by firm opposition from the cally defined as the Redevelopment popular culture distinct from that of first neighborhood associations, which Plan– involved a symbolic attack on the rest of the city to be maintained were often still clandestine (Fabre and the identity and self-representation of there. As was highlighted even by Huertas Clavería, 1975: 87, 99-100). the inhabitants of this low-cost hous- David Harvey (2002), Barcelona’s It was in the democratic era that the ing. The district was presented as an recent evolution involved the disap- first two housing estates, Baró de Viver obsolete and deprived area in the press pearance of a large part of the areas and Eduard Aunós, were demolished, and municipal communication; the that provided the city with its symbolic within the framework of the “new discourse on the isolation of Bon Pas- capital: the working class neighbor- developmentalism” that gained force tor, variously repeated, dominated all hoods where the collective identity of around the 1992 Summer Olympics public representation. There was no the city’s working classes was forged (McNeill, 1999). The demolition of consideration for the area’s local culture was systematically attacked by large Bon Pastor, approved in 2002 and and characteristic lifestyle, nor was any urban transformation projects –from begun in 2007, represents the final study of the human impact conducted the historic center to El Poblenou to episode in this series of destructive prior to ordering the demolition of L’Hospitalet to the banks of the Besòs projects using a legitimizing narrative an area with nearly a century of his- River. As Jaume Franquesa emphasized based largely on the negative myth that tory. As was noted by Horacio Capel,

The Casas Baratas of Bon Pastor from above. CAROLA PAGANI, 2004 COMPILATION 121

negative myth had penetrated deep into the population, which in turn resisted accepting many of the implications of the city’s planning. In particular, however, what emerged from these initial interviews was history. The neighborhood’s past –marked by the migration of many of the families from the south of Spain, by authorities’ systematic dis- regard for the land and its inhabitants, by social struggle and the 1930s project to emancipate Barcelona’s proletariat politically and socially, by anti-Franco militia, by bombings, by exile and the reprisals suffered during the Franco dictatorship (see Gallardo Romero, 2000)– continued to influence the A group of residents of the Casas Baratas sitting on the street. CAROLA PAGANI, 2004 identities and consciousness of Bon Pastor residents, and still more with “the use of the qualifier “obsolete” is nou, with a team that would soon the demolition of the Casas Baratas excessive; it is used to make unjusti- become the Grup de Treball Perifèries taking shape on the horizon. Nowhere fied decisions” (Capel, 2004). The new Urbanes (Working Group on Urban else in the city were we able to get so in leftist turn in the demolition discourse Peripheries) within the Institut Català touch with this interrelation between further deepened the stigma endemi- d’Antropologia, but nowhere else had popular culture, inhabited space and cally attributed to the Bon Pastor area we found a group of residents who collective memory: the demolition was (Wacquant, 2007): it was through this expressly requested a research project stirring up many significant aspects of realization that our relationship with that would serve them as an instru- Barcelona’s historical identity in a man- the Associació de Veïns Avis del Barri ment of struggle. A dubious referen- ner similar to what Manuel Vázquez en Defensa dels Inquilins de Bon Pas- dum, non-binding and supported by Montalbán had demonstrated with tor (Association of Elderly Residents the same neighborhood association respect to the Raval during the Olym- in Defense of the Inhabitants of Bon that was negotiating the demolition pics. “The new Barcelona is all about Pastor) began. with the city council, was publicized forgetting,” as Donald McNeill wrote as a guarantee of local participation (1999: 52). This association, formed in 2003 in the urban planning decision: 54% through a split from the Associació of voters had said yes to the munici- A few years passed between this initial de Veïns de Bon Pastor (Association pal project, although many did not study and the start of the first research of Bon Pastor Residents) as a result of even know what they had voted for, contract with the IPEC. In 2006, the the approval of the project to demol- as the association of elderly residents same 100 families that we had inter- ish the Casas Baratas, took a critical observed. viewed two years earlier began to relo- stance against urban planning, but it cate to new buildings constructed on needed to discover to what extent such Our survey turned the results of the ref- a site nearby, with some excited and opposition was founded amongst the erendum upside down (PVCE, 2004). others anxious. In 2007, a handful housing’s residents. A door-to-door Not only did we record 40 opinions of these families decided to resist the survey was conducted in the summer explicitly against the demolition and order of eviction and demand eco- of 2004 among the first residences in only 11 decidedly in favor out of 100 nomic compensation for the move, the neighborhood to be affected, those interviews, but among the fifty-odd which they perceived not as a chance making up the so-called first phase of remaining interviews we observed a to escape isolation but as an irreplace- demolition. As a group, we came from variability and complexity of stances able loss of their living space and places a series of urban anthropology and oral that was impossible to reduce to a yes or of memory imposed by city planning history studies on the social impact of a no. The district unfolded before us in that was vertical, just as the new apart- urban transformations, especially in all of its contradictions: the discourse ment buildings were vertical in com- the districts of La Mina and El Poble- of progress and articulations of the parison with their Casas Baratas. The 122 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Association of Elderly Residents sup- sidents and moving on to all sectors of contributing to strengthening relations ported the struggle of these dissidents, local residents, proceeding in circles. on the ground. As the North Ameri- but they could do nothing when on 19 can anthropologist Michael Herzfeld October a large-scale police operation A traditionally closed neighborhood, explained in regard to his research in evicted them from their homes, the reserved with “outsiders” and mistrust- the Pom Mahakan district of Bangkok, rent for which they were still paying, ful of institutions, opened up to our in the face of criticism directed at him with a violent charge that wounded view just from the support we had by the authorities with respect to what ten. The following year, relocated to given to some residents in trouble they deemed excessive involvement in new apartments, some members of when fighting the evictions. We would defense of the neighborhood’s residents these families began to meet with us, clearly never again be able to main- against the evictions, he responded that and our research soon began to take tain the role of objective and impartial this engagement was precisely what shape. While it had not been possible observers, a role we probably did not enabled him to understand aspects of to resist the physical force employed even have when we first came into con- community life that he did not have by the Guàrdia Urbana (municipal tact with Bon Pastor. In a space where, access to without siding firmly with police), it was possible to attempt physically, everyone is observed and those affected (Herzfeld, 2010: 261). It to act on the cultural level, develop- ranked as soon as they set foot on the was indeed our proximity to a number ing a discourse that challenged the first street, it is impossible to pretend of local residents that allowed us to see stereotypes used to depict Bon Pas- you are different than you are. From into some aspects of the inhabitants’ tor in a language of exclusion and the beginning this placed our research cultural intimacy (Herzfeld, 1997) and which served as an excuse for urban in line with what is globally being use them to refute the prejudices of and social planning that was deeply defined as engaged anthropology: a the negative myth. This partnership, unpopular. We returned to interview style of research that does not purport which grew out of the conflict, served the inhabitants of the Casas Baratas to simulate impartiality –which for to reduce the distance that had histori- in 2009, this time delving deeper into some time has been considered impos- cally separated the neighborhoods of the history and life paths of neighbor- sible– but instead makes explicit the Casas Baratas from the places where hood families, beginning with the dis- stance one takes and the role one has in discourse about the city is produced.

Members of the Association of Elderly Residents in Defense of the Inhabitants of Bon Pastor hang a banner against the City Council. CAROLA PAGANI, 2004 COMPILATION 123

The team that managed the entirety ries between “us” and “them” became through which alliances or ruptures of the research from the moment the blurred from the moment some of us can be transmitted, according to the project was drafted was thus made up went to live in the neighborhood for occasion: it can just as easily work as by social researchers from the Institut a year, observing up close and even a link as it can serve to convey resent- Català d’Antropologia like Stefano suffering in our own skin some aspects ment and reciprocal hatred. This is why Portelli, Ulrike Viccaro and Núria of the social impact of the urban trans- we were interested in collective forms Sánchez Armengol and inhabitants formation. of managing coexistence and conflict. of the Casas Baratas such as Sandra Capdevila, evicted by the Guàrdia This experience in collaborative eth- From its founding the Bon Pastor area Urbana in 2007; some members of nography (Lassiter, 2005) in an area was “semi-autonomous” with respect the Association of Elderly Residents with an ongoing conflict was difficult to the municipal authorities: first as a continued the research from the out- to manage: the sector of the popula- “dump” where the city threw undesir- set (like Ramon Fenoy, Luis Nuevo, tion that collaborated in planning the able sectors of the population, uncon- Aurora Sardaña, Josep Capdevila, José demolition naturally saw us as both- cerned with their fate; later as an area of María Manzano and Moisés Garre), ersome intruders and even political purely working-class resistance, impen- despite having some mistrust of and enemies, and many refused to be inter- etrable to institutional control; and insecurity about sudden interest from viewed. We felt that this was a risk we still later as an area that had been paci- fied politically but where a widespread a-legality concealed a silent political dissidence. Throughout their history, then, the inhabitants of the Casas Baratas had to develop autonomous forms of conflict management that avoided giving authorities an excuse to enter the neighborhood and collect information on an area opaque to their surveillance. Even today, traces of this horizontal self-management of coexistence can be observed in the day- to-day of the inhabitants of the Casas Baratas, which on one hand convey the memory of a history of political autonomy and on the other are supported in the horizontal urban shape of the neighborhood. Many elements of life A woman from Bon Pastor showing the kitchen of her casa barata awaiting demolition. CAROLA PAGANI, 2004 in the Casas Baratas can be considered forms of managing local coexistence and at the same time instruments for an institution, the Department of Cul- had to run in order to be able to gain preventing the explosion of conflicts. ture of the Generalitat de Catalunya, an internal position in the area being Some elements would be the frequent which up to that point they had seen researched, and it did not stop us from corrillos (small groups of people talk- only as complicit in the demolition of making a progressive approach to the ing) in the narrow streets between the their neighborhood. The collaboration sectors of the population in favor of the houses, which stave off many fights was not easy: the languages were dif- demolition: by 2010 we had almost among neighbors; the constant gossip, ferent and the political implications fully emancipated ourselves from all which, while on the one hand it pushes were often difficult to manage. Every circles of relations of the Association of towards conformity, on the other it aspect of the research, from the selec- Elderly Residents, and we interviewed prevents antisocial behaviors; and the tion of interviewees to the collection of many people with radically different tight-knit networks of relatives, neigh- documents to the conclusions drawn stances. We thus came to under- bors and friends that allow for the pas- and even the writing of the final mono- stand how popular culture, far from sage of information also in moments graph was negotiated between local being a uniform set of shared traits of tension and between the opposing residents and researchers: the bounda- and behaviors, is instead a language sides of a fight. The apotheosis of these 124 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 ethnotechniques, as we defined them, and social, was our key to understand- they had been deprived of their bear- is the night of Sant Joan, which cel- ing the complexity of the stakes of the ings and were without the plan which ebrates collective appropriation of pub- conflict generated by the “redevelop- acted as a confirmation of their native lic space, the street, as a critical place ment” of Bon Pastor: urban trans- lore, the Indians soon lost any feeling for negotiating coexistence. Around formations have a profound impact for tradition; it was as if their social the fire, eating, drinking and dancing on managing coexistence, which in and religious systems (we shall see that together, the residents of each street turn is a product of the particular his- one cannot be dissociated from the collectively overcome tensions, peri- tory and allows for the daily updating other) were too complex to exist with- odically starting to live together from of this collective heritage. The resi- out the pattern which was embodied scratch again. dents of the Casas Baratas were losing in the plan of the village and of which many of their unifying elements, and their awareness was constantly being With the recent ban on the fire festival a transformation in social organiza- refreshed by their everyday activities” and the beginning of the demolition tion corresponded to the geographic (Lévi-Strauss, 1955: 204). Another of the Casas Baratas, these ethnotech- substitution of the inhabited space. French anthropologist, Robert Jau- niques were in decline. The conflict The objective correlative relationship lin, identified the modification of tra- over the redevelopment plan, which that ties the spatial modification to ditional space as one of the elements divided residents between in favor the change in relations among resi- that had a decisive influence on the and opposed, could not be settled dents is the aspect of this history that “ethnocide” of the Motilon people: through these collective forms of fascinated us most and the one we “An unusual variation in habitat not management, and from the outset found most important in the sphere only brings about a material discom- both sides parted company, not only of anthropology. fort but also deeply disturbs human relationships, family intimacy, some moral qualities, social balance, the organization of responsibilities and an order and nobility that had called our attention” (Jaulin, 1970: 65). The demolition of the Casas Baratas, while not ethnocide, undoubtedly represents an attack on popular culture in Bar- celona, on the autonomy of certain disadvantaged sectors of the population, on the human diversity that still exists between urban boundaries. In part it recalls the “cultural genocide” of the periphery of Rome described by Pasolini, the process that determined the homologation of behaviors and adaptation to standards defined from A family from Carrer Tàrrega at a house that was demolished in 2010. above in the 1960s and 1970s. CAROLA PAGANI, 2004 As Manuel Vázquez Montalbán wrote insulting each other publically as Many anthropologists of the colonial during the Olympic period for the “had always been done,” but filing era showed how the modification of introduction to the English edition of legal complaints in court or with the space was used by missionaries in their his book Barcelonas: “Those English police: they thus adhered to a vertical attempts to colonize the natives. Lévi- travelers who have already visited or form of managing coexistence, medi- Strauss wrote in Tristes Tropiques that intend to visit Barcelona should be ated by institutions, which penetrated “the Salesian missionaries in the Rio de aware that not one but several cities the area in parallel to the construction Garças region were quick to realize that are contained within its municipal of the apartment blocks –that is, the the surest way to convert the Bororo boundaries, and that nearly all of them verticalization of the inhabited space. was to make them abandon their [cir- have been radically changed under the This dialectic between horizontality cular] village in favour of one with the impact of the Olympics” (Vázquez and verticality, simultaneously urban houses set out in parallel rows. Once Montalbán, 1992: 3). Only now, 20 COMPILATION 125 years later, are we beginning to work the obliteration of distance. Encoun- the center, into veritable garden cities on the specific dynamics with which ter is realized by keeping the necessary where differences and conflicts were this impact modified the least known distance while crossing it at the same self-managed; the same city that has and peripheral Barcelonas. Through the time” (Stavrides, 2011: 18). again today emerged from its ashes experience of this research, we came to in the empty plots of land and vacant understand how difficult it could be for Reticent about institutional control, lots turned into kitchen gardens, in us to get closer to a space historically hidden by the distance imposed from the occupied squares where popular marked by difference andotherness in the center, the Casas Baratas, like assemblies are held, in the abandoned relation to a city and its official dis- other districts of Barcelona, were the buildings transformed into centers course and at the same time maintain threshold spaces where a population disseminating popular culture. The the necessary distance to understand with very different migratory routes Casas Baratas represent this capacity and describe it. Greek architect Stavros and histories found common ground for resistance, self-organization and Stavrides, an expert on the commons, for negotiation and rapprochement, spontaneous mediation of conflict that has written on this type of approach: building a horizontal sociality that will continue to resurface in Barcelona “In order to approach otherness in an remained largely unchanged until well despite repression and mass demoli- act of mutual awareness, one needs to into the new millennium. All of this tions. Returning to Stavrides (2011: carefully dwell on the threshold. In research and the future book where 18), this is the wisdom hidden in the this transitory territory that belongs the results will be presented –which, threshold experience: “the awareness to neither of the neighbouring parts, logically, will be called The Horizon- that otherness can only be approached one understands that it is necessary tal City– should be understood as a by opening the borders of identity, to feel the distance so as to be able to tribute to the Barcelona that 80 years forming –so to speak– intermediary erect the bridge. Hostility arises from ago was able to proudly transform zones of doubt, ambivalence, hybridity, the preservation and increase of this concentrationary spaces, designed to zones of negotiable values.” n distance while assimilation results from move undesirable workers away from

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Candel, F. (1957) Donde la ciudad cambia su Jaulin, R. (1970) La paix blanche: introduction Stavrides, S. (2011) Towards the city of thres- nombre. Barcelona: J. Janés. à l’ethnocide. París: Seuil. holds. Trento: Professionaldreamers. http:// professionaldreamers.net/_prowp/wp-content/ Candel, F. (2008 [1964]) Els altres catalans. Lassiter, L. E. (2005) The Chicago guide to uploads/978-88-904295-3-8.pdf [consulta: Barcelona: Edicions 62. collaborative ethnography. Chicago: University 11.11.2012]. of Chicago Press. Capel, H. (2004) «No pot ser que funcionem Vázquez Montalbán, M. (2011) Barcelonas. amb el PGM del franquisme». Entrevista de Lévi-Strauss, C. (1992 [1955]) Tristos tròpics. Barcelona: Empúries. Marc Andreu. La veu del Carrer, setembre- Barcelona: Anagrama. octubre, p. 26. Viccaro, U. (2007) Storia di borgata Gordiani. López Sánchez, P. (2013) Rastros de rostros Dal fascismo agli anni del ‘boom’. Milà: Franco Delgado, M. (2007) «Vidas baratas». El País, en un prado rojo (y negro): las casas baratas de Angeli. 13 de febrer. Can Tunis en la revolución social de los años treinta. Barcelona: Virus. Wacquant, L. (2007) «Territorial Stigmatization Fabre, J.; Huertas Clavería, J. M. (1975) Tots in the Age of Advanced Marginality». Thesis Ele- els barris de Barcelona, vol. 5. Barcelona: Edi- McDonogh, G. W. (1987) «The Geography of ven, vol. 91 núm. 1, novembre, p. 66-77. cions 62. Evil: Barcelona’s Barrio Chino». Anthropological Quarterly, 60, octubre, p. 174-185. Franquesa, J. (2010 [2005]) Sa Calatrava mon amour: etnografia d’un barri atrapat en la ge- McNeill, D. (1999) Urban Change and the ografia del capital. Palma: Documenta Balear. European Left: Tales from the New Barcelona. Routledge. Harvey, D. (2002) «The Art of Rent. Globali- sation, Monopoly and the Commodification of Mendoza, E. (2000 [1986]) La ciudad de los Article originally published in Culture». Socialist Register, núm. 38. prodigios. Barcelona: Edicions 62. Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia Herzfeld, M. (1997) Cultural Intimacy: the PVCE (Plataforma Veïnal contra l’Espe- de Catalunya (no.39. year 2014) Social Poetics of the Nation-State. Routledge. culació) (2004) «Resultados de la encuesta under the title La ciutat vecinal en las “casas baratas” de Bon Pas- horitzontal. Lluita social i Herzfeld, M. (2010) «Engagement, Gentrifica- tor». http://periferiesurbanes.org/wp-content/ tion and the Neoliberal Hijacking of History». uploads/2010/08/2004-EncuestaVecinal.pdf memòria col·lectiva als marges  Current Anthropology, núm. 51, supl. 2, octubre, [consulta: 14.06.2012]. de Barcelona. p. 259-267. 126 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Professor of the BA in Social and Cultural Anthropology and the Master in Cultural Heritage Management Llorenç Prats Universitat de Barcelona BARCELONA_CATALONIA Professor of Ethnological Heritage and Museology in the BA in Social and Cultural Anthropology, and Professor and Coordinator of research projects and studies at the Master in Cultural and Museological Heritage Management, Universitat de Barcelona. Prof. Prats has worked in the field of heritage since the late 1980s, and has been President of the Catalan Association of Ethnological Heritage and a member of the Catalan Council of Museums. He has written numerous papers on the subject, as well as co-authoring book volumes. He is the author of Antropología y Patrimonio (Anthropology and Heritage) (Barcelona: Ariel, 1997). The Magmatic Character of Ethnological Heritage 1

his brief, general parks, along with other exhibition This article briefly discusses the social reflection is not the typologies that have already been use of heritage, and by extension most adequate set- invented or will be in the future. ethnological heritage, in the present ting to enter into day, further outlining ideas concerning detailed theoreti- This does not mean that we do not its future. Among other themes, it cal debate regard- have to speak of the concept of herit- points to how exhibition discourses are increasingly dominant in relation ing the concept of heritage and the age in itself. Quite the contrary: it has to heritage reference points, and how Trole of ethnological heritage. Nor is to be dealt with, and in depth. The heritage-related activities tend to have it the moment to seek out precedents concept of heritage is used with poly- an increasingly closer relationship to and historical connections. Rather, semic abandon, often collapsing into tourism and leisure in general, pointing the goal here is to try to comprehend confusion; this is so even in academic to the strategic interest this gives rise to the current and future meaning of contexts. For this reason it has to be for political authorities. It also indicates how ethnological heritage has gradually what has come down to us as eth- taken up by means of a wide-ranging, moved beyond rural contexts to meet a nological, ethnographic, folkloric serious and profound debate, some- growing demand from communities of and demo-anthropological heritage, thing no one seems to be particularly all kinds for acceptance of their specific undoubtedly the result of disciplinary interested in doing. Polysemic use of realities. and political history, of the need for the term is taken to be just fine, since academic legitimation for heritage everyone is thus able to understand En aquest article es pretén reflexionar referents of all kinds, along with the heritage as they wish and utilize the sumàriament sobre l’ús social del ongoing concretion of discourses added value that comes with it in any patrimoni, i, per extensió, del patrimoni related to identity, which are quite of their uses. etnològic, en l’actualitat i esbossar often bound to expectations in local alguna idea respecte al seu futur. Entre altres coses, s’hi constata com els development. From all this may be In taking a step beyond this asser- discursos expositius són cada cop derived the diverse collection of acti- tion and necessary renunciation, we més preponderants sobre els referents vations (of interventions, of value- might be able in the present day to patrimonials, com les activacions adding actions –however they might better approach the social use of her- patrimonials tendeixen a mantenir una be termed) of heritage referents in this itage, and of ethnological heritage relació cada vegada més estreta amb les activitats turístiques i lúdiques en general, field as seen in conventional muse- along with, thus laying out an idea of i l’interès estratègic que tot plegat ums, ecomuseums, economuseums, its future. This would be done on the desvetlla en els poders polítics. També information centres and cultural basis of a series of premises which, as I es dóna fe de com el patrimoni etnològic ha anat transcendint gradualment el món Keywords: ethnological heritage, heritage activation, discourses, expology, heritage legitimation, rural per atendre una demanda creixent political interests, commercial interests de reivindicació de les especificitats Paraules clau: patrimoni etnològic, activacions patrimonials, discursos, expologia, legitimació pròpies per part de comunitats de tota patrimonial, interessos polítics, interessos comercials índole. COMPILATION 127 understand them, can be shared across the initial pool of things that can be greatest”, “we are who we have always the board. Let us then look at these converted into heritage and sacralised been”, or “we are like this and anyone premises and later move on to their is defined by the concept itself, though who is not like this is not one of us”. development: there may be casuistic vacillations in Everywhere we look we find politicians a) Heritage is a social construction. marginal cases. In this case, the inter- who return nostalgically to these dis- b) Exhibition discourses, in any of vention takes place in the moment her- courses and seek to reproduce them in their forms, have become increas- itage is activated so as to generate the more or less camouflaged ways. These ingly preponderant over heritage discourse, by means of a simple though discourses were made apparent above referents, which are often relegated effective mechanics based on selection, all in museums and with monuments, or totally done away with (except ordering and interpretation. In con- and later appeared accompanying in for specific examples, above all, of trast, if we understand heritage as the natural settings. In the 1960s and artistic heritage). generic legacy of those that have come 1970s (with the 1972 meeting in c) Heritage is closely related to the con- before us, as the overall body of cultural Santiago de Chile often used as a ref- struction of identity. manifestations all through time and erence point), the classic formulation d) Heritage tends to have a close rela- all over the planet, as something that of heritage discourses fell into crisis tionship to tourism and leisure activ- cannot be fully grasped, selection has to definitively. Nation states had more ities in general that are materialized take place first of all from this said body than fully consolidated themselves, in line with more or less objectifiable so as to determine what will be consid- amongst other reasons with the two parameters. ered heritage, on the basis of changing world wars and the geopolitical and e) Political power (and economic criteria and interests. This is what is economic distribution of the world power as well, though for different normally called value enhancement. into three large blocs: the capitalist reasons) has a strategic interest in This enhancement of value is often world; the socialist or communist heritage, due to the previously indi- confused with activation because quite world; and a contrasted third world, cated premises. habitually one follows the other. That which basically had in common its is, when the value is enhanced of herit- generic poverty and marginalization. So as to uphold the idea that heritage is a age that has until now been ignored, Those nations that had ended up social construction, it would be enough such as with certain memories, this is without a state missed the boat and to recall that as we understand it, herit- obviously done to activate it. In fact, social interests (an even economic and age has not always existed nor has been then, the process occurs in the oppo- political interests) moved in another found everywhere. In contrast, it is a site direction: the interest in activating direction altogether. Oddly enough, type of reality that emerged with the certain memories (or other questions) the collapse of the Soviet Bloc has led industrial revolution, with bourgeois leads us to enhance their value as herit- to the rebirth in many territories of revolutions and nationalisms, first age. In any case, activation always takes the need for foundational discourses in Europe and then spreading out place in the form of discourses and fol- meant to symbolically ground their all over the world as these historical lows the same previously mentioned independence, yet while this tendency phenomena were however unequally mechanics of selection, ordering and is wide-reaching and significant, it still implanted, and as contemporary interpretation, which is in effect the constitutes a limited case. In similar colonialism spread as well. Yet apart grammar of exhibition language in any fashion it happens that in Catalonia, from this historical reason, and from and all its forms. with the nationalist independence a conceptual point of view, whether movement (and unlike with non- understood as a generic inheritance On the basis of this previous point we nationalist independence movement come down from our ancestors or as may conclude that discourses are and that has grown significantly in recent a manifestation of cultural external- have always been the veritable driving times), there is a need for objectifiable ity in the everyday world of the pre- force of heritage. Heritage is used in symbolic referents. As a consequence, sent, heritage at some time or another the context of a discourse to uphold the same process occurs with what experiences a process of intentional certain ideas, certain theses, however we may call Spanish neo-nationalism, selection. If we understand it as the rudimentary or sophisticated, how- which has spread into ideological manifestation of a cultural externality ever open and interpretable, though strata in ways that have never been (reality set beyond what can be cultur- theses nonetheless. In the beginning, seen before. ally domesticated, time beyond time, in the era of the romantic construc- space beyond space, the human con- tion of nations, discourses were sim- Basically two things emerged from dition beyond the human condition) ple (though very clear): “we are the what would be called a cultural revo- 128 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 lution in museums and other types centres, routes and cultural parks, It is true, however, that this new art of heritage activation: a shift towards amongst others. Exhibitions were no does not renounce the legitimacy con- social reality; and adaptation to the longer held exclusively in museums ferred by the concept of heritage. For interests of the society of consumption but became increasingly common in this reason, if there is no recognized and the spectacle, and more specifically all kinds of cultural centres. With all heritage, it proclaims that what it does to tourist interests. On the one hand, these changes, heritage was no longer is enhance the value of emerging herit- heritage institutions began to turn the brought to the fore with the idea of age or defend the heritage character of plurality of discourses into their habit- upholding a discourse of national unknown elements, present in exhibi- ual way of working; on the other hand pride and cohesion, but rather would tion activities, and even on the extreme they entered into the market to attract be used –more or less partially– as a end of such activities. tourists and domestic visitors. They reliquary whose purpose was to legiti- renewed their appearance, diversified mize one or another discourse, a great That heritage is closely tied to the con- what they had to offer (since society diversity of discourses. struction of identity is not a novelty. In required this of them, no doubt, but fact, it was born to contribute to the also with the idea of consolidating con- The evolution of forms and the diver- foundation and grounding of identi- sumer loyalty), improved access and sity of discourses have brought us ties. The novelty, in any case, is that services, and turned merchandising to a point where heritage discourses this association has spread out into all and hospitality into profitable com- and exhibitions can be produced, in spheres. We are living in convulsive plements that have continued to grow a broader sense, without heritage. times, and this is so in terms of iden- and diversify up to the present day. For Exhibition language, to term it this tity as well. A number of phenomena the first time ever, furthermore, they way, has become a new form of cultural have given rise to the need for ratifica- began to advertise their exhibitions communication, a new art, that can be tion, for total re-situation: globaliza- and other similar activities in the same applied a little to heritage, a lot to her- tion, with its corresponding reaction way as other shows are advertised. It itage, or not to heritage at all. We are where local specificities are reaffirmed; was at this time as well that heritage witness to a new phenomenon, what internal and external migratory move- institutions began to diversify: muse- Hainard calls expology, with more and ments; the segmentation of society into ums themselves took on new forms, more presence, independence, natural- self-referential groups, largely products as it became common to speak of ness and acceptation in our society. It of the market; the overlapping of local, ecomuseums, economuseums, muse- even has its own profession, its own sub-local, county, regional-national, ums of society, museums of civiliza- tendencies and its own star system, national-state, supranational and tion; there also emerged information with Hainard himself leading the way. supra-state identities; and phenomena like international terrorism, crisis and marginalization. Heritage, even if it is intangible or simply involves a bunch of rocks, a festive expression or an ancient craft, has become an essential instrument in this process. In such an ever-widening context it would be difficult to come across some place that did not claim or carry out some sort of activation of some part of its heritage, or that did not reinterpret some collection brought together at some time in the past by some local erudite, influenced by the example of large museums and excavations. We could say that heritage (and expology as well) is contributing in drawing up a much more complex and multidimensional map of present-day reality as lived out Culture Forum. Alternative exhibition on urban planning in the La Mina neighbourhood by its very agents, a map in necessary of Barcelona, in the lobby of the main exhibition on world cities. LLORENÇ PRATS, 2004. evolution. COMPILATION 129

The activation of heritage is also very available more or less nearby? If a tour- since heritage has two characteristics often seen in terms of resources for the ist spends a weekend in any city with a that make it highly appealing for politi- development or sustainability of a local strong heritage component, what will cal power: it helps sustain ideological economy. This happens especially in he or she choose from amongst the discourses with an efficacy that can- the search for tourists, both for those many icons and cultural attractions not be surpassed by any other habitual staying for more or less longer periods available? In these situations certain medium; and it allows political power or those coming for a day (that is, those heritage activations will always end up to leave its mark on history. The temp- that come from nearby to spend the on the short end of the stick. tation is for governments and those day, or some shorter period of time, governing to create their own muse- and then return home). Much has been There are correcting factors for the eco- ums, to do their own territorial her- said about this, though with a lack of nomic viability of heritage, such as the itage planning, to leave reflected in rigour, since there are many interests aforementioned concurrence of availa- stone, if possible, their own vision of involved that veil its reality. In fact, bility or the factor of scale: from a small the country. These types of procedures the relationship between costs (execu- activation not a lot can be expected, go way back, even though in the past tion and maintenance) and benefits though if the cost and expectations they were not thinking so much of (ticketing, merchandising, indirect are minimized, it is easier to ensure heritage as of unabashed ostentation benefits to the town in question in it can be maintained. That heritage (nowadays we are more subtle). There the form of lodging, restaurant sector activations, in general terms, might is also the temptation to inscribe one- and shopping) tends to lead to rather be maintained by means of their own self in history with the help of monu- unprofitable results in relation to the resources would not be a negligible fac- ments and monumentality, whether cost of heritage activation. Normally tor, since, in the end, heritage lives off in ancient Egypt or modern France, heritage institutions are profitable in the public coffers and thus competes in Barcelona or in the most out-of- only three cases: when dealing with with other optional objectives which the-way corner of Catalonia or any activations of extraordinary interest, are also of public interest (such as cul- other place. Great pharaohs make for able to attract visitors from wherever tural objectives). This should never great pyramids; minor pharaohs, lit- to wherever (there are very few such be lost sight of. Nor should we forget tle pyramids –even though, if there is cases); when the heritage activation that it is possible to work with heritage nothing more to be culled from them, is found in a tourist area that already while keeping the values of identity in little pyramids could end up being a has a guaranteed clientele based on mind, for example, without this having festival, a fair, a declaration of Intan- other assets (sun and beach, or snow, to imply economic expectations. This gible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, for example), casually taking advan- means working with low-cost activa- anything that might be handed down tage of their stay in a given moment tions, as is often done in other areas of for posterity. This is where a heated to visit the heritage institution; and, culture when not up against large com- conflict arises (sometimes erupting, finally, when the heritage institution is mercial productions or those focussed sometimes not) regarding the owner- found in a large enough city to ensure a on prestige. The specific characteristics ship of heritage. Who does heritage potential public nearby. Beyond these of ethnological heritage might enable belong to? Leaving aside respect for three cases, it is very difficult for a herit- it to lay out more or less new paths to private property and while upholding age institution to produce a profitable be followed in this way. strict controls, I take it that everyone operation, and even in cases where it will agree that heritage belongs to the is possible the factor of concurrency The intervention of public powers people, to society in general. It is true and competition has to be taken into complicates all of this. I refer to public that we live in imperfect democracies consideration. Concurrent opportuni- powers because for economic powers (those of us who are lucky enough to do ties are positive, especially in less-than- heritage is of interest in creating brand so) where people delegate vast powers optimal rural or peripheral areas, that image, as well as in projecting a well- to their governors, yet perhaps we have is, in areas that would be otherwise minded image in the service of society; made some people overly accustomed unviable. Yet in potentially viable cases, it is, in sum, a marketing strategy that to wielding it and others overly used competition could reduce the number has been proven to be highly success- to not controlling it. Politicians are in of visitors to one or another location. ful. Political power, be it local, national charge of what they are in charge of, If a tourist is on the beach and takes or from any level, has the mission of which, in the capitalist system we live two or three days for cultural visits, providing leadership for society, but in, is not at all as much as we often what will he or she decide to see from it cannot substitute it. This is where a think or the politicians themselves amongst the many cultural possibilities point of conflict with heritage arises, would have us believe. Yet there are 130 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 spheres, such as certain areas of culture, The result has been that the social con- where politicians and those govern- struction of heritage has often ignored ing have a broad field of action (just this aspect of it. When attention has as there are areas of culture that are been paid to it, it has either been to totally or almost entirely controlled provide evidence of states that have by the market). One of the areas those been surpassed by evolution, of ways governing still control in its majority of life that were swept aside by the is heritage, and when they have a wide unstoppable and unarguable march of range of action they are required to civilization, or (especially and above all) seek out societal consensus and not when dealing with one’s own under- solely their own personal or ideologi- class, presenting it as the unconscious cal political gains. This form of abuse depository of national essences in herit- is especially flagrant in the local arena, age discourses used in the construction where proximity and scale require soci- of national identity. This has been and etal participation, though this role is still is the case in all places where it has rarely given or respected, even when been necessary to construct a national it comes to initiatives of heritage pres- identity. For this reason, ethnological ervation or activation. Unfortunately, heritage is still most frequently seen it continues to be true that without in terms of its rural forms, as it is in power there is no heritage, in the sense places far from the city where the con- Museu de la Mineria (Mining Museum), that if political power does not take on fluence between the past and nature Cercs. Advertising language used on a poster promoting a museum section/ a certain project or leaves it undone, it can be seen. For a long period of time, activity. LLORENÇ PRATS, 2011 will never come about. This is in spite the basis of what was understood as of the fact that citizens have a growing ethnological heritage was set out by role in this regard when it comes to call- folklore experts (and for a much longer leads us to the idea of static, monolithic ing for action, at least on a local level. period than most would be willing to identities. Yet nothing could be further admit). Let us recall that specialist in from the truth. Identities are changing All of these tendencies we have seen up folklore gathered the knowledge of the in time and are structurally complex to now refer as well to the present and people, which they considered could and permeable. Even if one wishes to future of ethnological heritage, since be found most genuinely uncontami- understand identity as a strategic space ethnological heritage participates in nated in rural areas. In fact, the most of encounter and affirmation, this all traits here brought to the fore. Let widely held definition of ethnological would not eliminate its historical and us look at them briefly so as to fur- heritage was set out by Isaac Chiva and evolutionary character; it would not fix thermore see the specific characteristics adopted by the French Mission du Pat- the referents forever, and in this case they might have in a number of areas. rimoine Ethnologique, spreading out there is no way it can be confused with from there. It insisted on this idea of cultural legacy, which is a much wider We might say that ethnological her- the Volksgeist, of the spirit of the people: and more diverse concept (as well as itage is the heritage of the poor and “The ethnological heritage of a people being equally ungraspable). Ethnologi- marginal, of subaltern classes and peo- is made up of the specific modes of cal heritage is much more than the sys- ples (being primitive, exotic, other, first material existence and social organiza- tematic reflection of society; rather, it is nations, or however they have been tion of the groups composing it, their used habitually for the representation identified in any given moment), as knowledge and their representations of discourses fundamentally linked to well as, in line with this logic, the herit- of the world, and in a general sense, identity, though to highly diverse iden- age of definitively underground reali- of the features that ground the identity tities that are not necessarily national ties, those that are the least noble and of each social group and differentiate and may not even have roots in a given the most common in public and pri- it from others.” (La Mission du Patri- territory. Ethnological heritage can be vate life. We are referring to a heritage, moine Ethnologique, 1993, Ministère used as a way to speak of a people, no to a certain degree, of what is rejected, de Culture et de la Francophonie.) doubt, but also of cultural diversity, a heritage that even today many would violence, gender, food, faith, leisure, consider to be overly undignified to This central notion, then, of “features and so on. Identities and discourses allow into a museum not strictly per- that ground the identity of each social (whether related to identity or not), taining to the area in question. group and differentiate it from others”, and expology, are more notoriously COMPILATION 131 important in this heritage field than ing it the ideal form of local heritage, trial heritage (I leave aside artistic in classic spheres of heritage such as both on the level of identity and for heritage) is the most reticent of all to art and archaeology, since ethnologi- its political and economic effects. As go down this path, likely enamoured cal heritage and the objects making it a consequence ethnological heritage by the grandiosity of its factories and up do not have value in and of them- has gradually transcended the rural machinery, though I do feel it will be selves, unlike what does occur with world, though without abandoning a matter of time (and benefits) before artistic and archaeological objects; for it. Neighbourhoods and cities of all reason has its way and these two ways this reason it is more easily moulded. sizes and condition also claim their of seeing things are merged together, Ethnological heritage even includes a own specificities, their material and allowing such structures to be com- great many manifestations and kinds of immaterial legacies, and in this way not pletely reinstated into the society that heritage that are intangible, making its only urban memory but also craft tra- gave rise to them. magmatic character even clearer, from ditions, sites, festivals and habits have which any structure might be designed. come to be included, once activated, The diversification of ethnological Undoubtedly, it is possible to speak of in the pool of ethnological heritage, heritage facilitates activations, in the the aesthetic value of a given form of which is no longer solely conceivable same way that activations give way to exotic, ethnological heritage. This is a as an immense collection of farming diversification. This opens the way to tendency that has been visible for years, tools and sundry equipment. Indus- unheard-of possibilities, mentioned above all in the market, though more recently it has come to the foreground, especially with the insistent and highly arguable choice of the Musée du Quai Branly in this regard. Yet if this is so, in any case, perhaps we are not speaking in truth of ethnological heritage: a transformation has been undergone, turning it into artistic heritage.

It now seems that Barcelona would seek to imitate this operation on a more modest level with the so-called Museu de les Cultures del Món (Museum of the Cultures of the World), an as-yet unrealized project that would deprive the still being renovated Ethnological Museum of Barcelona of its comparative dimension and thus of its raison d’être, converting it into a fossil, as a kind of flask containing the essences of what is Catalan. Meanwhile the Museum of the Cultures of the World would become a showcase for the chef- d’oeuvres des arts premiers, perfect for a high-end boutique on Barcelona’s Passeig de Gràcia. Two crackpot ideas in one: we will never learn.

It is this very magmatic character of ethnological heritage that makes it possible to utilize it in an almost infinite diversity of social discourses. It also means it can be found everywhere, in a Museu Etnològic de Barcelona (Ethnological Museum of Barcelona). Exotic heritage tangible or intangible state, thus mak- fully wrapped and ready to be sent into storage or to another destination. LLORENÇ PRATS, 2012. 132 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 previously only in passing, to create genius, which though already ruled out have: the magma of heritage; the pre- synergies. The capacity of attraction of by Milà i Fontanals in rejecting the idea dominance and growing independence a given territory, if it is able to coordi- of anonymous, collective authorship, of expology; and a great diversity of nate and add diversified heritage acti- is useful in sustaining the metonymic interests. From here on we are obliged vations, is considerable (even if being relationship between what is meant to to think of ethnological heritage not more or less dependent on other fac- be presented as heritage and the cul- as an ontological entity but rather a tors, such as location, truth be said). tural context that legitimizes it as such. body of resources to design strategies In this sense, perspectives can indeed relative to cultural and identity-related be opened up, if not in local develop- Thus ethnological heritage comes to reflection, exchange and mutual ment then at least in local economic us as a world of possibilities open to knowledge, communication through benefit from heritage. This logic, in any all kinds of interests (all kinds: both visitors wherever they may come from, case, all too often comes up against the legitimate and spurious). We could say and economic sustainability and social interests of political ambition and of that ethnological heritage approaches reproduction. rivalry between nearby towns. in practice the definition of intangible heritage proposed by UNESCO: “The The main question pending is social This does not mean that ethnological ‘intangible cultural heritage’ means the participation, in the sense of social heritage, like memory or other emerg- practices, representations, expressions, agency in the entire process of herit- ing heritages spheres has renounced its knowledge, skills –as well as the instru- age management. To get to that point sacralised character, its identity as a ments, objects, artefacts and cultural it would be much more recommend- reliquary of cultural externality. Two spaces associated therewith– that com- able to encourage small or moderate social constructions that would be munities, groups and, in some cases, initiatives closer to home and synergy hard to explain if it were not for these individuals recognize as part of their between them, rather than recurring symbolic effects, tradition and popular cultural heritage.” (Convention for the to large infrastructures that can never wisdom (this latter often made mani- Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural do nothing but obey political interests. fest in what is called popular culture Heritage, Paris, October 17, 2003.) For we must not forget that a special- or popular-traditional culture), refer ized anthropological perspective in this objects, places and ethnological mani- This is as far as we come, leaving aside field should be present and should have festations to a real or imaginary past. ulterior motives, so as to not stray from a role in any heritage process, above all They also refer it to a kind ofcollective the literality of the facts. This is what we when done on a large scale. n

BIBLIOGRAPHY NOTES 1 The reflections set out in this paper are indebted Aguilar, E. (coord.) (1999) Patrimonio etnológi- Prats, L. (1997) Antropología y patrimonio. to the groundwork set out on the characteriza- co. Nuevas perspectivas de estudio. Granada: Barcelona: Ariel. tion of present-day cultural heritage, instrumen- Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico - Co- tally inscribed in research project CSO2008- Prats, L.; Iniesta, M. (coord.) (1993) El patri- mares.. 03315, “Nuevo turismo y desarrollo territorial monio etnológico (vol. 6 de VI Congreso de sostenible. Análisis y evaluación de la inten- Anico, M.; Peralta, E. (coord.) (2008) Heritage Antropología). Tenerife: Federación de Asoci- sificación y extensión espacial del turismo and Identity. Engagement and Demission in aciones de Antropología del Esdtado Español. en la Cataluña Interior” (“New Tourism and the Contemporary World, Londres i Nova York: Sustainable Territorial Development: analysis Routledge. Quintero, V. (2009) Los sentidos del patrimo- and evaluation of the intensification and spa- nio. Alianza y conflictos en la construcción del tial spread of tourism in Interior Catalonia”), Hernández, E.; Quintero, V. (coord.) (2003) patrimonio etnológico andaluz. Sevilla: Funda- financed by the Spanish Ministry of Education Antropología y patrimonio. Investigación, do- ción Blas Infante. and Science. cumentación y difusión. Granada: Junta de Andalucía (Cuadernos Técnicos del Instituto Rivière, G. H.; et al. (1993) La museología. Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico). Madrid: Akal.

Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. (1998) Destination Santana, A., Prats, L. (coord.). (2005) El en- Article originally published in Culture: tourism, museums and heritage. Ber- cuentro del turismo con el patrimonio cultural: keley: University of California Press. concepciones teóricas y modelos de aplicación. Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia X Congreso de Antropología. Sevilla: Fundación de Catalunya (no.39. year 2014) Mairesse, F. (2002) Le musée, temple spec- El Monte. under the title El caràcter taculaire. Lió: Presses Universitaires de Lyon. magmàtic del patrimoni  Monet, N.;,Roigé, X. (coord.) (2007) «El museus etnològic. etnològics: nous desafiaments, noves perspectives» (dossier). Mnemòsine, núm. 4. COMPILATION 133

Centre of Critical Heritage and Museum Studies, School of Archaeology Laurajane Smith and Anthropology, the Australian National University. CAMBERRA_AUSTRALIA Professor of heritage and museum studies, director of the Centre of Critical Heritage and Museum Studies, School of Archaeology and Anthropology, at the Australian National University, Canberra. She is working on a long-term research project concerned with identifying the memory and identity work visitors undertake while visiting heritage sites and museums. She is editor of the International Journal of Heritage Studies and co-general editor of Routlege’s Key Issues in Cultural Heritage Series. Intangible Heritage: A challenge to the authorised heritage discourse?

Introduction sented significant challenges to estab- The Unesco Convention for the lished international understandings hrough its develop- Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural of heritage embedded in the World Heritage has significantly raised ment and imple- Heritage Convention. international and community awareness mentation of a of the legitimacy of the concept of range of Conven- intangible heritage. Although, in raising tions and other The tenth anniversary of the adoption this awareness, the Convention has not of the ICHC has marked assessments yet provided a framework that privileges treaties, UNESCO, the community/sub-national orientation of since the late 1950s, has provided the of the impact of the convention, in intangible heritage. This paper argues that Tdominant intellectual and policy frame- terms of not only its achievements in definitions and ideas of heritage developed work for international understand- safeguarding intangible heritage, but by national and international agencies ings and debates about the nature and also its intellectual impact on heritage such as UNESCO and ICOMOS need value of heritage. The World Herit- debates (see for example, IRCI, 2012, challenging and reconsidering. The 2013). One of the key issues emerg- dichotomy between tangible and intangible age Convention, 1972, in particular heritage needs re-thinking, and indeed, I has not simply influenced manage- ing in this assessment is the problem posit all heritage is intangible. ment practices; it has defined the presented by the way the ICHC has ways in which heritage as a cultural addressed the issue of ‘community’ (Khaznadar, 2012; IRCI, 2013). The La Convenció de la UNESCO per a phenomenon has been understood. la Salvaguarda del Patrimoni Cultural This understanding was potentially issue of ‘community’ had been a central Immaterial ha fet augmentar de manera challenged by the implementation of focus in the development and draft- considerable la consciència internacional the Convention for the Safeguarding of ing of the Convention and the vari- i comunitària de la legitimitat del the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2003 ous debates around it (Blake, 2009). concepte de patrimoni immaterial. Així (hereafter, ICHC). Indeed, Chérif However, the Convention is facing i tot, a l’hora de fer augmentar aquesta increasing criticism over its inability consciència, la Convenció encara no Khaznadar (2012: 18), President, La ha proporcionat un marc que prioritzi Maison des Cultures du Monde, lik- to deal meaningfully with concepts of l’orientació comunitària-subnacional del ened the advent of this Convention community, and this criticism reveals patrimoni immaterial. Aquest document to the opening of ‘Pandora’s Box’, its a range of limitations with the framing planteja que les definicions i les idees implementation he suggested pre- and implementation of the Conven- de patrimoni desenvolupades per les tion. Rather than opening Pandora’s agències nacionals i internacionals, com la Box, the development of the ICHC has UNESCO i l’ICOMOS, necessiten nous Keywords: Intangible Heritage, cultural reptes i consideracions. La dicotomia entre tended to add yet another category to heritage, UNESCO el patrimoni tangible i l’intangible s’ha de established international understand- Paraules clau: patrimoni immaterial, repensar i, certament, jo suggereixo que UNESCO, patrimoni cultural ings of heritage (natural and cultural), tot el patrimoni és immaterial. and has yet to fundamentally redefine 134 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 the conceptual frameworks within re-asserts my point that ‘all heritage is nature and utility of the Convention, which heritage is understood. Indeed, intangible’ (Smith, 2006: 3, 2011a) particularly in the context of Western the drafting of the Convention was and argues that this, rather than UNE- heritage scholarship and practice. For significantly constrained by the dom- SCO ratified definitions of heritage some, this concern focused on what inance of the European Authorized as natural/cultural and/or intangible/ were perceived as the inherent and Heritage Discourse (AHD) within tangible, is a more useful point from highly political nature of intangible UNESCO, and its implementation has which to think about the phenomenon heritage and its potential impact on become restricted by the subsequent that is defined as ‘heritage’. human rights (Logan, 2007); others requirement written into the Conven- were concerned that such a Conven- tion to operate through state parties, Pandora’s Box? tion would lead to the fossilization rather than directly with communi- The opening of Pandora’s Box (or of dynamic cultural practices (for ties and other sub-national groups. In jar), so the tale goes, saw the release example, van Zanten, 2004), while 2004, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett of a range of evils on humanity, and, others found the very concept simply warned that the development of an as such, is a curious metaphor for difficult to grasp or understand (see Intangible Heritage List based on state Khaznadar to have use in assessing Kurin, 2004; Hafstein, 2009; Smith sponsored nominations had the poten- the impact of the Convention. Per- and Waterton, 2009a for a critique tial to create a list that was: ‘a list of that haps the metaphor is illustrative of of this). This unease centred on the which is not indigenous, not minority, the uncertainty that the Convention challenges the Convention posed and not non-Western, though no less has caused in some arenas. While to dominant conceptualisations of intangible’ (2004: 57). This prediction, the Convention was adopted unop- heritage at work within UNESCO, I argue, may well have been realised. posed in 2003, there was nonetheless ICOMOS and other international In developing this argument, the paper some trepidation expressed about the agencies.

Celebració del Nowruz, que cada 21 de març assenyala l’inici de l’any nou dins una gran zona geogràfica repartida entre els països d’Azerbaidjan, la Índia, Iran, Kirguizistan, Pakistan, Turquia i Uzbekistan. L’any 2009 el Nowruz fou inclòs a la Llista Representativa del Patrimoni Cultural Immaterial de la Humanitat de la Convenció 2003 de la UNESCO. Abril de 2011. JIM.HENDERSON. WIKIMEDIA COMMONS (CC0 1.0). COMPILATION 135

As I have argued elsewhere (2006, identity. This understanding of her- countries to address this omission 2011b), the conceptualisation of heritage became entangled with dis- (Aikawa-Faure, 2009). The ICHC, itage and the practices and policies that courses of nationhood, citizenship it was hoped, offered a remedy to this flowed from that conce´ptualisation and nationalism. Within the AHD exclusion, and aimed to champion a were, and continue to be, framed heritage is primarily understood wider and more inclusive understand- by the authorised heritage discourse as being of value to and intimately ing of heritage. (AHD). This professional discourse linked to national identities or collec- emerged from nineteenth century tives. Heritage needs to be protected, The advent of the ICHC has indeed debates in western European architec- as the AHD intones, as something marked a significant shift in debates tural and archaeological scholarship that will not only ‘speak to’ present over the nature and meaning of her- about the need to protect material and future generations and ensure itage in both academia and profes- culture that scholars deemed to be of their understanding of their ‘place’ sional practice. In drawing attention innate and inheritable value (Smith, in the world, but will define those to intangible heritage, the Conven- 2006). The AHD defines heritage as generations as citizens of particular tion not only added a new category material, non-renewable and fragile. national collectives. However, it falls to material cultural and natural herit- to those experts who are concerned age, it potentially offered a challenge WHAT IS OFTEN AT with the material world, such as to the AHD, not simply by drawing STAKE FOR SUB- archaeologists, architects and art his- attention to the variety of ways in torians amongst others, to reveal and which intangible heritage could be NATIONAL INTERESTS protect the ‘authenticity’, value and expressed, but also by aiming to privi- IN ANY HERITAGE meaning of this fragile material herit- lege the heritage of communities and CONSULTATION age. Within the AHD, these experts other sub-national groups. In doing PROCESS WILL FOCUS are defined as the custodians of the so, the Convention drew attention to human past, whose professional duty the possibility that sub-national herit- ON MORE THAN it is to not only safeguard but to also age (either intangible or material) had WHETHER OR NOT AN provide stewardship for the way the legitimacy within an international INSTANCE OF HERITAGE value of heritage is communicated to arena. Scholars and practitioners IS SAFEGUARDED, and understood by non-expert com- have been working to reconsider and munities. assess the impact the idea of intangible BUT MAY ALSO heritage has had on general heritage INCLUDE CONCERNS The AHD underwrote the develop- practices (see for example Silverman ABOUT CULTURAL ment of the World Heritage Conven- and Ruggles, 2009; Skounti and Teb- SOVEREIGNTY AND tion (Smith, 2006). Consequently, baa, 2011; IRCI, 2012) and museum UNESCO and many of its practices practices (Kreps, 2009; Alivizatou, ACKNOWLEDGEMENT came under sustained criticism for its 2012), and the concept has also been OR RECOGNITION OF Eurocentric understanding of herit- used to reassess ideas of natural herit- IDENTITY CLAIMS age, but also for providing a forum age (Dorfman, 2012). Certainly the within which nation states may assert ICHC has had a significant intellec- (SMITH AND WATERTON, their historical and cultural legitimacy tual impact in widening the debate 2009B:77F) and international worth, a process about the nature and meaning of her- which inevitably favoured western itage, but to what extent the AHD has It privileges aesthetically pleasing Europe (for example, Byrne, 1991; been challenged and to what extent material objects, sites, places and/or Lowenthal, 1996; Meskell 2002; the aims of community inclusion landscapes. Their fragility requires Munjeri, 2004 amongst others). have been met is as yet uncertain. that current generations must care This criticism came not only from Kirshenblatt-Gimblett’s (2004) pre- for, protect and venerate these things scholars, but also from Indigenous diction that the Convention would so that they may be inherited by future communities and countries whose simply produce another list may seem generations. Within this framework perception of heritage tended to be harsh, given the debate that has been heritage is something that is ‘found’, excluded by the AHD generally, and sparked. However, the implementa- it has an innate value, the authen- the World Heritage Convention in tion of the ICHC, and the issues this ticity of which that will ‘speak’ to a particular, indeed UNESCO faced has highlighted, are revealing and sug- common and shared sense of human intense lobbying from a number of gest that she may be right. 136 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Just Another list? particularly when the third party is the seen as an attempt by central govern- In reviewing the impact of the Con- state’ (Lixinski, 2011: 94). As Lixinski ment to control cultural manifesta- vention, the issue of community has argues, China’s successful inscribing of tions and ‘subordinating its political been a key concern (ICRI, 2012, the Tibetan Opera in the Representa- caveats to tourism, promotion, and 2013). Lucus Lixinski’s (2011) recent other economic interests, as well as assessment is particularly telling. In WHILE THE to a larger national Chinese identity, analysing the content and listing CONVENTION WAS ultimately diminishing the political processes of the Convention, Lixin- strength of the Tibetan cultural and all ski points out that the Convention’s ADOPTED UNOPPOSED political claims of Tibetans’ (2011: 96). reliance on State Parties to nominate IN 2003, THERE As Lenzerini (2011: 118) observes, the and assess items for the list results in WAS NONETHELESS ephemeral nature of intangible herit- both the marginalisation of commu- age makes it easily appropriated ‘by the SOME TREPIDATION nity interests and ensures the appro- stereotyped cultural models prevailing priation of community heritage as a EXPRESSED ABOUT THE at any given time’. In effect, the ICHC, state or national asset (see also ICRI, NATURE AND UTILITY much like the World Heritage Con- 2013). As he argues, the requirement OF THE CONVENTION, vention, becomes an arena through for national governments to oversee which nation’s may parade and assert PARTICULARLY IN the nomination and listing process ‘their’ heritage. Moreover, expertise has has meant that in many cases an often THE CONTEXT OF becoming increasingly employed by problematic and cursory process of WESTERN HERITAGE states to ratify and reassure state parties consultation with communities has SCHOLARSHIP AND about the ‘authenticity’ and legitimacy been entered into. While the conven- of community heritage. This recreates PRACTICE tion may be designed to promote the and perpetuates, as Lixinski notes, the development of national measures for prominent role of heritage profession- the safeguarding of intangible heritage, tive list can be seen on one hand as a als over that of heritage bearers set out it is also ‘incapable of offering remedies positive outreach and inclusive initia- under the AHD (2011: 96). In short, for misappropriation by third parties, tive. On the other hand, it can also be the promotion of heritage bearers and

Actors de l’Òpera Tibetana, espectacle teatral i musical que l’any 2009 va ser inclosa a la Llista Representativa del Patrimoni Cultural Immaterial de la Humanitat de la Convenció 2003 de la UNESCO. circa 1932. WIKIMEDIA COMMONS. COMPILATION 137 their communities that was aimed for Consultation at stake for sub-national interests in by the development of the Conven- One of the significant issues faced by any heritage consultation process will tion appears to have been increasingly the implementation of the ICHC cen- focus on more than whether or not marginalised by national priorities. tres on the idea of ‘consultation’. What an instance of heritage is safeguarded, Moreover, it reaffirms that heritage is is meant by consultation is often not but may also include concerns about not only ‘naturally’ the responsibility of clearly defined. However, a significant cultural sovereignty and acknowledge- national agencies, but is also reinforces body of literature now exists that has ment or recognition of identity claims the AHD’s assertion that heritage is explored the relationships between (Smith and Waterton, 2009b:77f). representative of ‘the nation’. communities and heritage profes- The degree to which consultation often sionals, particularly around the vexing fails is the primacy of place given to Lixinski (2011) calls for a reconsidera- concept of ‘consultation’. A frequent expertise within the AHD; this makes tion of the operational guidelines for observation that emerges within this it hard for expertise to engage with con- greater community involvement and literature is the degree to which the sultation practices that incorporate a re-framing and strengthening of the discourse of ‘consultation’ is often iden- sense of negotiation. obligations of state parties to engage in tified by community and other sub- more effective and meaningful consul- national interests as simply a cynical Ideas of community tation with communities. This was a exercise of ‘box ticking’ (see Lagerkvist, The idea of community is also not call echoed by many of the chapters in 2006; Tlili, 2008; Drake, 2009; Smith clearly defined in the Convention as the IRCI (2013) report, which stressed and Waterton, 2009b; Waterton and various commentators have noted that the role of expertise should focus Watson, 2010). Consultation without (Blake, 2009; Khaznadar, 2012). on ensuring that State Parties under- negotiation becomes simply an exercise However, there is nonetheless an took effective and fully informed unacknowledged and problematic consultation with communities and IN ANALYSING THE definition at play in the Conven- heritage bearers to be affected by pro- CONTENT AND LISTING tion. Commonly used words, such as posed listings. However, any increase in PROCESSES OF THE ‘community’, can take on ‘common the role of experts at the international sense’ definitions. Community, at least CONVENTION, LIXINSKI level should concurrently see, as Lix- within European and larger Western inski (2011) argues, an increase in the POINTS OUT THAT contexts, has, as Zygmunt Bauman participation of sub-national interests THE CONVENTION’S (2001) notes, taken on a warm, feel and representatives in not only the pro- RELIANCE ON STATE good sentiment. ‘Community’ is often cesses of the convention, but also in the mobilised as a catch phrase within cul- PARTIES TO NOMINATE development of policy and guidelines tural and other forms of public policy and inscription criteria. AND ASSESS ITEMS as it promotes a sense of doing ‘good FOR THE LIST works’. As ‘community’, as Bauman While Lixinski (2011) has identified RESULTS IN BOTH THE observes, feels good, whatever the term some of the operational problems may actually mean, it feels good to be MARGINALISATION OF with the Convention, there are four in a community, to have a community conceptual issues, linked to the AHD, COMMUNITY INTERESTS or to be working with a community: that have also worked to impede the AND ENSURES THE Community is a ‘warm’ place, a development and implementation APPROPRIATION OF cosy and comfortable place. It is like of this Convention, and that stand a roof under which we shelter in in the way of increasing community COMMUNITY HERITAGE AS A STATE OR heavy rain, like a fireplace at which parity in participation. In addition, we warm our hands on a frosty day. these issues have limited the wider NATIONAL ASSET (SEE Out there, in the street, all sorts of conceptual impact of this Conven- ALSO ICRI, 2013) dangers lie in ambush…In here, in tion. These issues stem from the way the community, we can relax – we UNESCO and wider heritage practices are safe… (2001: 1-2). and debates address issues of consul- in canvassing opinion. The importance tation, community, politics and the of dialogue and the ability to negotiate To what extent can we regard the ICHC economic valuation of either material are key issues in any heritage consulta- as UNESCO’s ‘good works’? This ques- or intangible heritage. I will look at tion process (Lagerkvist, 2006; Smith tion may seem overly sceptical, but each of these in turn. and Fouseki, 2011). What is often nonetheless it raises a serious issue: how 138 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40 seriously and to what extent can the issues tied to questions over the dis- have the same meaning to all cultures ICHC influence wider UNESCO and position and management of either or peoples. The discourse of universal other international understandings material or intangible heritage as sim- value championed by UNESCO is and heritage practices? The universalis- ply ‘identity politics’. The idea that the a rhetorical device designed to give ing importance of the World Heritage cultural phenomenon that is heritage legitimacy to World Heritage listing. list is effectively insulated from any is inherently political should be under- However, what it also does is mask the sense that the ICHC represents out- stood, after all conflicts over heritage political nature of heritage – if some- reach to non-Western conceptualiza- abound. However, an understanding thing is of universal value, there cannot tions of heritage because it is perceived of these conflicts, and the dissonant be dissonance, there cannot be conflict and handled as a ‘special’ project. The nature of heritage, continually fail to and thus it is not political. advent of the idea of intangible heritage has not challenged assumptions about THE ADVENT OF THE To understand the political nature of the legitimacy or inherent universal IDEA OF INTANGIBLE heritage it is useful to consider the poli- relevance of the World Heritage List, tics of recognition. There is consider- as intangible heritage has been treated HERITAGE HAS able debate in political philosophy over as another concept to be tacked on to NOT CHALLENGED the conceptualisation of the ‘politics of existing definitions. There is a sense ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT recognition’. For some this recognition that it is treated as something ‘special’ THE LEGITIMACY OR centres of a desire or emotional need for to certain non-western groups, rather recognition (Taylor, 1992; Honneth, than as something more universally INHERENT UNIVERSAL 2005 [1995]). However, recognition as applicable. Research with non-expert RELEVANCE OF THE defined by Nancy Fraser (2000, 2001) communities is starting to reveal that WORLD HERITAGE and Iris Young (2000), is conceived public or community understanding LIST, AS INTANGIBLE as addressing more than a human of the concept of ‘heritage’ in Western need, and is understood to be explic- contexts does not necessarily share the HERITAGE HAS BEEN itly linked to negotiations over social core definitions offered by the profes- TREATED AS ANOTHER justice issues. Indeed, the recognition sional AHD, and often incorporates CONCEPT TO BE TACKED or misrecognition of identity claims understandings of heritage that finds by marginalised or disenfranchised ON TO EXISTING synergy with the concept of ‘intangible groups and communities is understood heritage’ (see Smith, 2006; Robertson, DEFINITIONS as having direct consequences for that 2012; chapters in Smith et al., 2011). group’s inclusion or exclusion in policy The degree to which engagement with be addressed in the way that herit- negotiations over the distribution of community or sub-national groups in age is defined, valued and managed. resources. Appeals to heritage and the the ICHC is compromised by issues During and following the drafting past, or in Sharon Macdonald’s’ (2013) of, or at least rhetorical claims to, state of the ICHC there was considerable terms, making the past present through sovereignty is in part an international debate by academics and practitioners heritage, lend historical and cultural administrative problem, but also a about the so-called inherently politi- legitimacy to claims to difference and problem of commitment to the idea cal nature of intangible heritage, and particular claims to identity. Within of heritage as non-material and as a that such heritage had immediate the politics of recognition claims to legitimate non-national project. implications for human rights issues identity cannot be dismissed as iden- (see commentary in Aikawa-Faure, tity politics as the aim is not to simply The issue of politics 2009; Logan, 2007). What was inter- cultivate mutual identification (Young, Complicating the above issues further esting about this debate was that it 2010: 107). Rather, identity claims is the way in the question of politics and was carried on in such a way that that seek recognition seek legitimisa- power is dealt with within the AHD. strongly implied that in some way tion not only of identity, but also of Within this dominant discourse, tangible heritage did not suffer from the special claims to redress the expe- heritage professionals are defined as these political issues. But of course, riences and material consequences of objective actors in the management all heritage is dissonant (Smith, 2006: injustices that being a member of a process, and ‘politics’ is something 82; see also Graham et al., 2000) and particular identity group may have communities have but professionals it is so because no heritage site, place entailed. This does not mean that do not. Indeed, there is a tendency or intangible event can be universally all claims for recognition of identity to relegate and thus dismiss political or uniformly valued or perceived to claims need necessarily be listened COMPILATION 139 to or addressed. As Fraser contends, age’, whether intangible or material, of all forms of heritage or as a threat not every claim to recognition should cannot be ‘protected’ or safeguarded to the physical fabric of tangible her- necessarily be legitimised, and those unless it is used, and made meaning- itage. This issue links back to the way requiring recognition must show, ful, in the context of contemporary the AHD tends to frame the relation- firstly, that majority cultural norms needs and aspirations of the commu- ship between expertise and other users deny justice and, secondly, that any nities to whom it is significant. Her- of heritage. The idea of the expert as remedies to injustice do not them- itage management, as I have argued steward, facilitates the way other users selves deny equality to group or non- elsewhere (Smith, 2004), becomes interact with either intangible or tan- group members (2001: 35). The a process of de-politicising recogni- gible heritage, and other users need to important point for understanding the tion claims as the focus of concern be managed so that they do not alter political nature of heritage is that firstly, becomes issues of safeguarding the the values of heritage that have been the politics of recognition allows for the ‘authenticity’ of a heritage item or defined by the expert. The relationship observation that different community event. Heritage management is a tends to be conceived by the AHD and groups, with different histories, needs, process in which not only cultural associated heritage practices as a one- aspirations and identities, make claims change is ‘managed’ through the way for recognition in both symbolic and items, events and ideas of heritage THROUGH ITS material forms, and that these claims are controlled, but it is also a pro- for recognition will have material con- cess fundamentally concerned with DEVELOPMENT AND sequences for equity and justice. Sec- ‘managing’ and regulating cultural IMPLEMENTATION OF A ondly, heritage in both material and conflicts. The European AHD itself RANGE OF CONVENTIONS intangible forms has become taken up can be viewed as a project in main- AND OTHER TREATIES, as a specific resource in the negotiations taining, and indeed recognising and of recognition and identity claims; it is legitimising, a particular understand- UNESCO, SINCE THE LATE a political resource. ing of human history and the role of 1950S, HAS PROVIDED particular regions within that history. THE DOMINANT UNESCO is a project of legitimiza- INTELLECTUAL AND tion, an authorizing institution that Economic values provides recognition and authority The forth issue that helps to impede POLICY FRAMEWORK to certain expressions of culture and the conceptual impact of the idea of FOR INTERNATIONAL heritage. As such, UNESCO is daily intangible heritage is that of the con- UNDERSTANDINGS AND engaged in political acts of recognis- cept of the economic value of herit- DEBATES ABOUT THE ing and/or misrecognising claims age. Tourism is often reviled in the to identity and cultural diversity. UNESCO listing processes – it is NATURE AND VALUE OF Heritage, entangled as it is in the seen as something that, through com- HERITAGE contemporary politics of diversity modification, will inevitably debase the and recognition, is a concept or a dis- purity of intangible or tangible herit- course that has acquired the power age (Ashworth, 2009). State parties are way linear flow of communication and to represent and legitimise senses of criticised for listing as a cynical aim to information rather than as a dialogic place and belonging, all of which are raise tourist revenue. The idea of the interaction one over a shared interest. embroiled in conflicts within the pol- tourist is dominated by the image of The point to stress here is that visit- itics of recognition. However, rather shallow and gullible seekers of entering heritage sites and intangible cul- than engage with these issues, herit- tainment, banal, loud, naïve and, most tural practices is an integral part of the age practices and the Conventions damning of all, uncultured (Graburn heritage moment, which also serves a and other treaties that frame those and Barthel-Bouchier, 2001:149). This political and cultural purpose for both practices work to de-politicise man- perception appears to drive expert reac- visitors and those visited. Tourism can- agement practices. In focusing herit- tions to tourism, which while often not be simply dismissed as something age practices on the management of economically driven, nonetheless also that ‘happens’ to world heritage sites or the material or intangible heritage poses a complex cultural and political expressions of intangible heritage once element, the wider political context engagement with heritage. The AHD they appear on an international list, but within which the heritage item or defines ‘tourism’ associated with herit- rather heritage tourism is an integral event may sit becomes obscured or age as a ‘problem’ to be solved, a threat process of heritage making (Smith et deemed irrelevant. However, ‘herit- to the sustainability and authenticity al., 2012). Indeed, the cultural as well 140 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Cartell que anuncia que l’any 2003 la UNESCO va declarar el treball artesanal de la fusta del poble Zafimaniry (Madagascar) Obra Mestra del Patrimoni Oral i Immaterial de la Humanitat. Novembre de 2007. AQUINTERO82. WIKIMEDIA COMMONS. as economic ‘work’ that tourism does useful ways of understanding heritage. works to focus concern on safeguard- is not well understood, but the vari- Various commentators have argued ing particular visions and memories ous ways in which non-expert groups that heritage may be more usefully about the past; if heritage is simply a use and engage with heritage is key to understood as a ‘verb’ (Harvey, 2001). ‘thing’ it can not only be ‘found’, it can understanding why heritage matters. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1998) has be defined, measured, catalogued, and The concept of intangible heritage explored heritage as a form of cultural thus its meanings are more easily con- opens up interesting and new ways to production, Dicks (2000) makes the trolled and confined. The idea of her- consider how tourists and other visi- point that it is a form of communica- itage, however, as a cultural processes, tors interact and engage with cultural tion and Macdonald (2013) explores rather than a ‘thing’ or an ‘intangible heritage, however, the sense to which the processes of negotiation that occur event’, allows an opening up of the criti- the AHD defines and regards visitors with the interplay between memory cal gaze and facilitates an examination of to heritage sites and events continues and heritage. The idea that heritage is an the consequences of defining or making to impede this possibility. active process underlies these analyses, certain things heritage. and is crucial for broadening under- All heritage is intangible standing of the heritage phenomena, Heritage is not the thing, site or place, Given the limitations imposed by the moving it away from a concern with rather all heritage is intangible, as it is AHD outlined above, it becomes nec- technical issues of management in order the processes of meaning making that essary to move away from the binary to understand the cultural and political occur as heritage places or events are divide between tangible and intangible contexts and consequences that phe- identified, defined, managed, exhib- heritage (and for that matter cultural/ nomena may have. The definition of ited and visited or watched (Smith, natural heritage) to consider more heritage as a thing, place or single event 2006). Heritage can be usefully under- COMPILATION 141 stood as a subjective political nego- AHD occur continually through the vention has not yet provided a frame- tiation of identity, place and memory, ways in which sub-national and com- work that privileges the community/ that is it is a ‘moment’ or a process of re/ munity groups use and define heritage. sub-national orientation of intangi- constructing and negotiating cultural Research that focuses on understand- ble heritage. This is perhaps because and social values and meanings. It is a ing expressions of heritage that sit out- UNESCO, and international herit- process, or indeed a performance, in side of, or in opposition to the AHD, age practice more generally, draws too which we identify the values, memories and/or western conceptualisations is much on established cannons within and cultural and social meanings that expanding (see for instance; Ashworth the AHD that heritage is ‘naturally’ help us make sense of the present, our et al., 2007; Smith et al., 2011; Winter reflective of national identity (Smith, identities and sense of physical and and Daly, 2011; Howard, 2012; Rob- 2006). The Convention’s support of social place. Heritage is a process of ertson, 2012). What is also emerging, community heritage needs re-evalua- negotiating historical and cultural however, is research revealing the ways tion, as the expertise driven AHD does meanings and values that occur around in which community or other interests not appear to have been sufficiently the decisions we make to preserve, or and groups are working not only to challenged or modified. Indeed, the not, certain physical places or objects express their own understandings of paper has argued that definitions and or intangible events and the way these heritage, but how that is itself being ideas of heritage developed by national are then managed, exhibited or per- safeguarded and protected in ways and international agencies such as formed. They also occur in the way that do not reference amenity socie- UNESCO and ICOMOS need chal- visitors engage or disengage with these ties, national or international expert lenging and reconsidering. The dichot- things and events. Places and intangi- organisations. As several research- omy between tangible and intangible ble events of heritage are given value by ers have begun to document, online heritage needs re-thinking, and indeed, the act of naming them heritage and forums such as YouTube, Flickr and I posit all heritage is intangible. n by the processes of heritage negotia- other social media sites are providing tions, performances and re/creations platforms for individuals and groups that occur at them. ‘Heritage’ is thus to assert, document and showcase their a discourse involved in the legitima- heritage (Pietrobruno, 2009, 2013; tization and governance of historical Freeman, 2010; Giaccardi, 2012). In and cultural narratives, and the work particular, Pietrobruno (2013) docu- that these narratives do in maintaining ments how YouTube has allowed a or negotiating societal values and the number of different expressions and hierarchies that these underpin. Con- readings of the intangible heritage of sequently, the AHD is itself a process the Mevlevi Sema (or whirling dervish) of heritage making and of regulating to be expressed and displayed, reveal- and governing the political and cultural ing gender issues not identified in the meaning of the past, and the role that official documentation and listing by BIBLIOGRAPHY the past then plays in defining certain UNESCO in 2005. The ability of users Aikawa-Faure, N. (2009) «From the Proclama- social problems or issues. The AHD to develop, control and continually tion of Masterpieces to the Convention for the is just one, albeit the dominant, her- update the content of web sites finds Safeguarding of Immaterial Heritage». A SMITH, L.; Akagawa, N. (eds) Immaterial Heritage, 13- itage discourse, but the heritage that not only synergy with the changeable 44. 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(1996) The Heritage Crusade (2000) A Geography of Heritage: Power, Cul- and the Spoils of History. Cambridge: Cam- Tlili, A. (2008) «Behind the policy mantra of the ture and Economy. Londres: Arnold Publishers. bridge University Press. inclusive museum: receptions of social exclusion and inclusion in museums and science centres». Hafstein, V. (2009) «Immaterial heritage as a Macdonald, S. (2013) Memorylands. Londres: Cultural Sociology, 2(1): 123-147. list: from masterpiece’s to representation». In Routledge SMITH, L.; Akagawa, N. (eds) Immaterial Heri- van Zanten, W. (2004) «Constructing new termi- tage, 93-111. Londres: Routledge. Meskell, L. (2002) «The intersections of identity nology for immaterial cultural heritage». Museum and politics in archaeology». Annual Review of International, 56(1 and 2): 36-44. Harvey, D.C. (2001) «Heritage pasts and heritage Anthropology, 31: 279-301. presents: Temporality, meaning and the scope of Waterton, E.; Watson, S. (eds) (2010) «Herita- heritage studies». International Journal of Heritage Munjeri, D. (2004) «Tangible and immaterial ge and Community Engagement: Collaboration Studies, 7(4): 319-338. heritage: from difference to convergence». or Contestation?». Special issue, International Museum International, 56(1-2): 12-20. Journal of Heritage Studies, 16(1-2). Honneth, A. (2005 [1995]) The Struggle for Pietrobruno, S. (2009) «Cultural Research Recognition. Cambridge: Polity Press Winter, T.; Daly, P. (eds) (2011) Routledge and Immaterial Heritage». Culture Unbound, Handbook of Heritage in Asia. Londres: Rout- 1: 227–247. HOWARD, K. (ed.) (2012) Music as Immaterial ledge. Cultural Heritage. Farnham: Ashgate. Pietrobruno, S. (2013) «YouTube and the social Young, I. (2010) Inclusion and Democracy. archiving of immaterial heritage». New Media & Oxford University Press. IRCI (2012) The first ICH-Researchers forum: Society, DOI: 10.1177/1461444812469598. The implementation of UNESCO’s 2003 Con- vection. Osaka: IRCI. Robertson, I. (ed.) (2012) Heritage from Below. Farnham: Ashgate. IRCE (2013) IRCI Meeting on ICH – Evaluating the inscription criteria for the two lists of UNES- Silverman, H.; Ruggles, D.F. (eds) (2009) He- CO’s Immaterial Cultural Heritage Convention. ritage Embodied. Nova York: Springer Article originally published in Osaka: IRCI. Catalan in Revista d’Etnologia Skounti, A.; Tebbaa, O. (eds) (2011) De l’im- de Catalunya (no.39. year 2014) Khaznadar, C. (2012) «Ten Years After – Pan- matérialité de patrimoine culturel. Marràqueix: dora’s Box». In The first ICH-Researchers fo- UNESCO under the title Patrimoni rum: The implementation of UNESCO’s 2003 immaterial: un repte per al Smith, L. (2006) Uses of Heritage. Londres: Convection, 18-20. Osaka: IRCI discurs de patrimoni Routledge  autoritzat? COMPILATION 143

Director of Institut Ramon Muntaner M. Carme Jiménez Fernández _CATALONIA She has degrees in Bachelor of Arts from the Pompeu Fabra University (UPF) and master in History for the Institute Universitari d’Història Jaume Vicens Vives (IUHJVV ). Between years 1996 and 2003 she was linked to the Archaeology Laboratory from the UPF, and between the 2000 and 2003 she was coordinator of the Ancient Middle East Doctorate of the IUHJVV. She was also a researcher in the Museum of Badalona. Since 2003 she is the director of the Institute Ramon Muntaner. Nowadays she is member of the editorial board of the publication “Folders of Local History”, member of the Council of Culture of the UPF and member of the Council of Popular Culture of the Generalitat of Catalonia. Local and regional research centres: a community-based research network1

Introduction thanks to their members’ implication Local and regional research centres and voluntary work and just a few work within the Catalan linguistic area form a he Catalan linguis- as professional organizations. The pro- rich associative network system with a tic area2 is charac- file of their associate members, board strong attachment to the local community. terised by a strong members, and researchers is heterogene- The research, cultural diffusion, and the and active asso- ous, too. We can find people of all ages study, valuation, and vindication of the region’s heritage are among their main ciative network (from 25 to 70) and educational back- goals. One of their reseach fields has to system that influ- grounds (in the last few years, mainly do with the ethnological heritage of the ences different aspects of our social and people holding a university degree or area. Tcultural life and with a strong presence studying graduate or postgraduate in the community. The basis of Catalan courses at university) but they all share Els centres de recerca locals i regionals culture is organised into very different an interest in the local world. de l’àrea lingüística catalana formen una types of associations, but they all have rica xarxa associativa amb un fort vincle something in common: the will of a Together with universites, museums amb les comunitats locals. La recerca, group of people to work, in an altruistic and archives, research centres make a la difusió cultural, i l’estudi, la posada and inclusive way, towards some com- major contribution to the study of his- en valor i la reivindicació del patrimoni d’aquest àmbit territorial figuren entre mon goals that redound to the benefit tory, language, heritage, literature, eth- els seus principals objectius. Un dels of the whole society. nology ... from the community itself, seus camps de recerca té a veure amb el in an interdisciplinary and transverse patrimoni etnològic de la zona. It is within this associative context where way, with rigour, within the local and local and regional research centres are regional context. They study, evalu- found. They are mainly private non- ate, and promote local heritage. Their profit organisations which work on production reaches a diverse audience cultural research and diffusion. This is and their activity also contributes to a very heterogeneous group, both for generating a feeling of identity and their organizational management and belonging. for the type of studies and research fields they work in. Most of these centres are This is a well-structured cultural and directly linked to a specific geographical research network with an intense activ- area but, in the last few years, there has ity. It has been calculated that this net- Keywords: research, research centres, local culture, regional culture, cultural heritage been the proliferation of centres that work consists of around four hundred Paraules clau: recerca, cultura local, cultura are linked to a specific research field. A centres that, only in Calatonia, have regional, centres d’estudi, patrimoni cultural high percentage of these centres work about forty-five thousand members. 144 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

This phenomenon is without much centres themselves. We can now say to create a Federation of Catalan Lan- parallel in other European countries. that these conventions were a powerful guage Centres. What was the driving stimulus to local research and helped force behind the founding of this Fed- Origin and development of the foster the contact among researchers, eration of Centres? Knowing there are centres3 in a very incipient attempt of creation a hundred centres in Catalonia, with Back to the end of the 19th and begin- of the network of research centres.5 younger members, with an increading ning of the 20th century, local research, number of university-degree holders, which had a strong development and During Franco’s dictatorship there is, and a conceptual and methodological local presence, was undertaken by dif- on the one hand, the founding of cen- renewal. There were differences among ferent kinds of professionals –doctors, tres that later on, in the eighties, set an all the centres, both at structural and lawyers, pharmacists, ...–, and just occa- example because of their structure and territorial level, but the inclusive idea sionally by social science professionals. goals and, on the other hand, there are of a common culture necessary to carry There were also groups that played an organizations promoted by the public out the project prevailed. important role in local research at that administration with the aim of con- time. One of the most relevant ones trolling and denationalising catalan During the congress, a meeting was was that taking scientific explorations culture. Some of the latter institutions held where it was decided to set up an although other groups like those of have undergone substantial reforms interim committee in charge of the ecclesiastics, folklorists, musicians, and in democracy and others have disap- eventual creation of the Coordinadora geographers were also significant. peared. In the last years of dictatorship de Centres d’Estudis de Parla Catalana there is a new process of foundation of (Coordinating Committee of Catalan The figure of the local expert appeared new centres, which leads, in the eighties, Language Research Centres, CCEPC in the mid-19th century as somebody to the appearance of numerous organi- in Catalan), which finally took place somehow connected to the country’s zations that are legally registered and in the town of Vic in 1992. cultural life and to general histori- democratilly managed. These organi- cal and local research that gradually zations also show a growing interest in The CCEPC6 is a federal entity based in became more and more relevant. Quite coordinating among themselves and the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (Institute often though, because of its novelty, combining their efforts. of Catalan Studies) thanks to an agree- the valorization of our historical and ment that brings together one hun- architectural heritage is unacknowl- In 1991 the 1st Congrés de Centres dred and twenty-five research centres edged within its own local community. d’Estudis de Parla Catalana (Congress all over the Catalan linguistic area. Its of Catalan Language Research Centres) main functions are the coordination It is in the period covering from post- was held. One of the main conclusions and support of the member organiza- war to transition4 when there is an eclo- reached in that congress was the need tions. With its activities it has fostered sion of research centres. The figure of the local expert no longer makes sense since they do not have to work on their own, they now can join these associations. But it is in the period towards democracy when the number of centres grows exponentially and it has been like this ever since.

If we have a look at those years, there is a landmark: the creation of the Assem- blees Intercomarcals d’Estudiosos (Interregional Research Conventions). Forty-four of them were held. They started in 1950 in the town of Mar- torell and the last one was in 2001 in Sant Vicent de Castellet. These conventions have become a reference both for local researchers and for research 5th CCEPC Congress: Landscape, territory, and society. Maó 2005. IRMU ARCHIVE COMPILATION 145 reseach, with different congresses, the consequence of the good understand- information about 302 research centres promotion of all the projects and tasks ing and cooperation between public in the Catalan linguistic area. done by the centres through different administration and civil society. publications like the journal Frontissa, The activity of research centres8 the coordination of diffusion research The Institut Ramon Muntaner is at The activity of research centres can be projects from a vast number of organiza- the service of research centres and its summarised in the following sections: tions and regions by means of exhibi- main goals are: tions. An example of these is the first • Support and disseminate the 1) Research, application, and return Lluís Com- joint itinerant exhibition: research and cultural projects carried to society panys and his time . The CCEPC is an out by the local and regional research example of how, with scare resources Research projects. Often the internal centres in the Catalan linguistic area organization of the centres promotes but concentrated efforts, work can be by means of: done rigorously and competently and interdisciplinary teams. how collaborative work contributes to a --Projects that can benefit all research --For example, there is a study, cur- greater visibility of the different existing centres, e.g. the creation of a web por- rently in progress, on the subject of realities. The fact that its members are tal, the digitalization of their biblio- ethnopoetics in the Penedès area by quite a heterogeneous group is of great graphical material, the organization the Institut d’Estudis Penedesencs benefit but it has also been a drawback of the annual RECERCAT meeting, (Institute of Studies in the Penedès) at times when it was necessary to find or the promotion of debates. that integrates researchers from dif- interlocutors or resources. --Grants for research, activities, pub- ferent backgrounds. lications and infrastructures: In its Research promotion with local and eleven years of existence, IRMU Being finally coordinated was a decisive regional grants and awards. factor to be offered the opportunity, by has issued 9 calls for research pro- the Catalan government (Generalitat jects; 13 for activites, and 10 for --At present, 33 grants and awards are de Catalunya), of creating a foundation publications. Almost 200 research given annually, 9 of which are research that would support research centres and/or cultural projects, over 400 awards for secondary schools. Around and institutions. activities and more than 500 pub- 90,000€ are earmarked for this. It lications have been granted. must be said that very often getting That is how in 2003 the Institut Ramon --Logistic support for projects and an award means having the research Muntaner was founded. It is a private activities. project published, which very clearly foundation of the Centres i Instituts helps promotion. • Another main goal is to promote d’Estudis dels Territoris de Parla Cata- Research transfer linked projects. The Institut Ramon with different pub- lana (Catalan Language Research Cen- Muntaner aims to encourage com- lications (monographs, scientific and tres) (IRMU)7 based in Móra la Nova munication and cooperation among cultural journals), and their digitaliza- (Ribera d’Ebre). IRMU is a foundation research centres. Sharing experi- tion and inclusion in reference reposi- participated by the Catalan govern- ences, activities, and studies enriches tories like RACO (Open Access Cata- ment and the CCEPC equally. The 9 and greatly helps any individual lan Journals) to make them widely Departament de Cultura de la Gen- work done by each and every centre available. eralitat de Catalunya (Department of and it also helps give them visibility --Research centres are second only to Culture of the Generalitat of Catalo- in the scientific and academic world Universitat de Barcelona in providing nia), through the Direcció General and in society. data for the RACO repository so that de Cultura Popular, Associacionisme their research can be made public and i Acció Culturals (Directorate Gen- The Institut Ramon Muntaner is in internationalised (RACO is linked eral for Popular Culture, Cultural contact and collaborates with many with EUROPEANA and OAISTER, Action and Associativism), provides institutions and organizations, both currently part of OCLC). support to research centres thanks to to generate useful tools for research the implication and resources offered centres and to coordinate and facilitate By the end of 2013 there were 49 to Institut Ramon Muntaner clearly the participation of these centres in journals, amounting to 1,398 issues encouraging any project carried out by bigger projects. and 16,816 full articles. this institution and recognising their The number of visits to consult importance to the Catalan culture. The At present, the Institut Ramon Mun- these journals in 2013 amounted to results achieved along these years are a taner web portal, www.irmu.cat, offers 730,103. 146 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Localization of research centres. The map shows only 300 centres and 216 towns hosting a research centre. There are two centres that are not shown: Centre d’Estudis Socials d’Osona (Osona’s Social Research Centre), which is closed but still a member to make its publication Vicgrafies available, and the Associació Germano-Catalana (German-Catalan Association), which is based in Germany. Source: Institut Ramon Muntaner using a map of the Catalan Countries (Països Catalans). COUNTY AND MUNICIPAL MAP, COURTESY OF THE INSTITUT CARTOGRÀFIC DE CATALUNYA (CARTOGRAPHIC INSTITUTE OF CATALONIA) COMPILATION 147

There are currently ten journals pend- Educational material is produced with diverse study fields from a local ing incorporation. so that it can reach a wider audience. perspective. Examples of some journals on the --A considerable effort is being made --A recent example addressed to all the RACO web: in order to transfer research results to centres and with a deep involvement TERME, edited by the Centre the field of education. Many of these from the academic world is the 9th d’Estudis Històrics de Terrassa projects include the production and CCEPC Congress, entitled “After (Terrassa Centre for Historical distribution of this material to schools the Nova Planta decrees: changes Studies). www.raco.cat/index. and education centres. and continuity in the Catalan lan- php/terme An exciting project that is being cur- guage territories”, which studies the Aguaits, edited by the Institut rently carried out is “The profession consequences of the Spanish succes- d’Estudis Comarcals de la Marina triangle” promoted by La Galera, sion war in the catalan speaking area Alta (Marina Alta Regional Mas de Barberans, and La Sénia town during XVIIIth century, that took Research Institute). www.raco. councils, located in the south area of place in Cervera on 21st and 22nd cat/index.php/Aguaits Catalonia, and the Centre d’Inter- February 2014. pretació de la Terrissa de la Galera Eivissa, edited by the Institut 2) Heritage revitalisation and mana- (La Galera Pottery Interpretation d’Estudis Eivissencs (Eivissa gement Research Institute). www.raco. Centre), the Associació Cultural lo “Lliscó” (Lliscó Cultural Associa- Research centres revitalise, assess, and cat/index.php/Eivissa sometimes manage heritage. Dovella, edited by the Cen- tion), and the Centre d’Estudis Seni- tre d’Estudis del Bages (Bages encs (La Sénia Research Centre). The Revitalisation of heritage equipment Research Institute). www.raco. aim of this project is to promote some and elements. cat/index.php/Dovella artisan crafts so that their continuity --Research centres have enormous can be ensured: woodworking, wick- potential within this field since their We are now working on a project that erwork, and pottery. In this kind of aims to allow research centres to be management of heritage elements projects, it is important to underline offers the visitor a high-quality ser- part of the repository in the Depar- the importance of web 2.0 resources tament de Cultura (Department of vice. Research centres can ensure the since they have a fundamental role Culture), Calaix10, where all their safe-keeping of cultural heritage. This in spreading knowledge and attract research can be stored. should allow having more heritage wider audiences. --Another ongoing project aims to elements open to the public and plac- distribute all the publications by the Debates are promoted in congresses, ing more importance on them so that different research centres through conferences, and seminars and they are they can be better exploited both at an Nus de Llibres and offer them for often connected with the academic educational and touristic level. sale on its web page www.bestiari. world: --There exist some research centres that net and the book shops part of the --Annually research centres schedule manage cultural equipment and her- Bestiari Group. about a hundred congresses and itage elements, for example the Patro- conferences with the aim of dealing nat d’Estudis Osonencs (Research Exhibitions to make the research done by the centres public. Most of these exhibitions are itinerant. The data related to the exhibitions presented in 2013 are: Total number of exhibitions presented or arranged by 189 exhibitions research centres in 2013 Own production 155 exhibitions exhibitions External exhibitions 34 exhibitions Centres that 60 centres Activity held at the Roman temple of Vic, managed by the Patronat d’Estudis Osonencs organized exhibitions (Research Foundation of Osona). IRMU ARCHIVES 148 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

Foundation of Osona) is in charge can be used when there are schools Management of archives of the Roman Temple of Vic or the visiting. This collaboration of Grups --Many research centres are in charge Amics del Castell de Gelida (Asso- de Recerca de Barcelona (Barcelona of archives and it is important that ciation Amics of Gelida Castle) is in Research Groups) has consolidated they are catalogued, digitalised, and charge of the cultural promotion of and new tours of the Spanish Civil available to researchers. The collabo- the castle. War and of the tercentenary of the ration between research centres and Promotion of the safe-keeping of War of Succession in 2013-2014 local archives is also very important. have been designed. heritage 3) Online work --Research centres raise awareness of Participation in the European Heri- The following are some examples of the importance of the safe-keeping tage Days this collaborative work: of heritage. --The close link established by the --The web portal www.irmu.cat is a Tour design centres between heritage and its reference tool for local and regional promotion makes them an essential --Research centres design tours in order research and cultural activity. It contributor to the European Herit- to get to know our local heritage and brings information of 302 organi- age Days. Moreover, the members any research related to it. zations and it is constantly growing. of the different organizations are the --Regional meetings of research centres An example of these tours is the main audience in these events. In the series of tours designed by Grups (there are 14 annual meetings with previous editions about fifty different an average of 25 institutions each). de Recerca de Barcelona (Barcelona activities were proposed. Research Groups) in commemora- --Recercat, congress on local culture tion of the centenary of the Tragic Creation of working groups for heri- and research in the Catalan linguistic Week (1909-2009). This project led tage study, assessment, and protec- area, in which about 120 institutions to the publication of a book and the tion. take part. In 2014 it was held in Cen- presentation of an exhibition. The --Many centres have specific sections tre Arts Santa Mònica in Barcelona. tours can now be found at http:// for any issues related to heritage. In 2015 it will be held in Vilafranca www.irmu.org/projects/patrimoni- These sections organise exhibitions, del Penedès. alItineraries and some educational debates, tours, and publish their --Collective exhibitions like “The resources were created so that they research. rural world in the Catalan linguistic

Tour in the districts of Clot-Camp de l’Arpa in Barcelona. SOURCE: TALLER D’HISTÒRIA DEL CLOT-CAMP DE L’ARPA (HISTORY WORKSHOP OF CLOT-CAMP DE L’ARPA) COMPILATION 149 area”. It is a joint project led by three but it has also stimulated an intense --Edition of Plecs d’Història Local,11 instituions: the Coordinadora de cultural activity with conferences, supplement of L’Avenç Centres d’Estudis de Parla Catalana round-table discussions, guided tours In 2007 the Institut Ramon Mun- (Coordinating Committe of Cata- and congresses. taner and the Coordinadora de lan Language Research Centres), the The total cost of the project was Centres d’Estudis de Parla Catalana Institut Ramon Muntaner, and the around 50,000€. Taking into account (Coordinating Committe of Cata- Fundació del Món Rural (Founda- the number of venues and all the lan Language Research Centres) took tion of the Rural World). The project activities it has brought with it, we can over the direction of Plecs. consists of different parts: conclude it has proven to be highly In July 2013 Plecs reached the mile- An image database available at profitable. stone of 150 issues and a special edi- Memòria Digital de Catalunya (The Another example of online work is tion was published on the role of the Digital Memory of Catalonia). This the compilation of the Inventari del journal in the local history of the repository has become a useful tool Patrimoni Festiu de Catalunya (Festi- Catalan linguistic area. for researchers and on some occasions val Heritage Inventory of Catalonia). Plecs d’Història Local is still a source of we have been asked to manage image The project has been completed in a reference for Catalan historiography. rights so that some pictures can be year and a half and around 10,500 published. files have been collected. 5) Cultural, social, and economic revi- A travelling exhibition of which talisation two copies have been made. 4) Communication --With all their activity, research centres A catalogue. --The number of participants in social contribute, directly and indirectly, to Images from 180 different repo- networks and the number of digital local economic development (new sitories were collected, both from journals is constantly increasing. jobs, revitalisation of local cultural institutions and individuals. --Agreements with different means industries, etc). This is exemplified by The exhibition will tourover sixty of communication to promote the the data obtained from the publica- towns and villages, most of them in research carried out by research cen- tions subsidised by IRMU in 2013 Catalonia. One of the copies is still tres. For example: doing reviews of the (data gathered from the 47 publica- on tour in 2014. different publications generated by tions of that year): It has been a complement to other research centres in the Culture Sup- The total amount spent for all the activities like fairs or local festivals, plement of the newspaper Punt Avui. publications is 38,450€.

Opening of the 10th edition of Recercat, which took place in 2014 150 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

The total expenses necessary to industries, and offer advantages to Cultural Action, and Associativism) of cover journal edition (layout, the members of research centres in the Department of Culture, has helped design, binding, printing, and cor- compensation for their implication. to make the information gathered or recting) amounts to 198,720€. generated by research centres public. The funds have been distributed Research centres and This has contributed to the multipli- among different kinds of peri- ethnological research cation of data sources in the Catalan odical publications: scientific One of the many research fields linguistic area and consequently the (58.4%), general interest (5%), research centres are involved in is that number of analysis and documenta- and monographs (36.6%). of ethnological heritage. Although it is tion projects has also increased. Moreo- Like in the preceding editions, true that research centres have always ver, the last grant calls by the Institut over 85% of the funds go directly focused on ways of life, traditions, eve- Ramon Muntaner have focused on to local and/or regional printing ryday life, etc. and have contributed to ethnological research in order to foster companies, graphic design agen- their preservation and promotion, it is this field of study in the Catalan lin- cies, and proofreaders. The rest not until the end of the 20th century guistic area. When it comes to grants of needs are covered preferably that research in that field becomes sys- for projects, we try to encourage work- within the province. tematised and some methodological ing groups with members of differ- Most research centres (81.6%) guidelines are established. ent institutions and regions in order are based in Catalonia and they to promote comparative studies. The cover almost the whole country. The incorporation of the Institut results achieved in the research done by Followed far behind, we can find Ramon Muntaner in 2005 into the research centres both in the context of the research centres in the Valen- Observatori del Patrimoni Etnològic i the calls by the Department of Culture cian Country (13.3%), France, Immaterial de Catalunya (Observatory and by the Institut Ramon Muntaner Aragon, and Andorra all get for Intangible and Ethnological Herit- are deposited in the Inventari del Patri- 1.66%. age of Catalonia), point of reference moni Etnològic de Catalunya (Obser- of ethnological research in Catalonia, vatory for Ethnological Heritage of --The Recercat Card has been cre- which is responsible to the Direcció Catalonia) and can be consulted. ated in order to have an identifica- General de Cultura Popular, Associ- tion tool for those connected with acionisme i Acció Culturals (Direc- Research on ethnology uses and com- research centres, promote cultural torate General for Popular Culture, bines different data gathering meth-

Exhibition “The rural world in the Catalan linguistic area” in Santes Creus Monastery. CCEPC ARCHIVES COMPILATION 151

Centre de desenvolupament rural. Museu de la Pauma (Centre of rural development. Museum of La Pauma) in Mas de Barberans. Santi Martorell. SOURCE: MUSEU DE LA PAUMA (MUSEUM OF LA PAUMA) ods. Among the methods used by the Nonasp), the Associació Cultural del papers presented at that congress were researchers of our centres, field work Montserrat (Cultural Association of compiled and edited in 2003 and and databases of oral and documentary Montserrat) or the Grup de Recerca de in 2008 the Direcció General de la sources are two of the main ones. Cervelló (Cervelló Research Group). Memòria Democràtica (Directorate General for Democratic Memory) and It must be noted that a large number Gathering oral data is one of the main the Diputació of Tarragona asked the of institutions keep and manage docu- tools for research centres and many Coordinadora de Centres d’Estudis de mentary collections and ethnological of their interdisciplinary studies are Parla Cataana (Coordinating Com- assets. Very often, these collections based on it. Local research intimately mitte of Catalan Language Research are built up by each centre as a way of involves research centres and oral his- Centres) to publish “Tools for studies documenting and keeping ethnologi- tory. Research centres can easily access on oral memory”. The book became cal information but an important part first-hand accounts, which place a high a reality thanks to the contribution of is the legacy from local people. The value on their research. The privilege many researchers from different cen- inventory and cataloguing of this data of being part of the community often tres and it is now a reference book on has sometimes been the base of some makes them a meeting point for those oral memory since it establishes basic research, on some other occasions, it interested in studying oral history or methodological guidelines. has been the initial step in creating col- everyday life since research centres lections and archives that can eventu- can put them in contact with possi- The major research topics are: ally lead to the creation of museums ble informants and their studies are • The social imaginary: myths, festivi- or ethnological interpretation cen- available to other researchers. The ties, and religiosity. tres. Some examples of institutions importance of oral history was patently that keep their own collection are the obvious in the 3rd CCEPC Con- --the gathering and study of exam- Centre d’Estudis de Sant Cebrià (Sant gress, which took place in 2001 and ples of the social imaginary in the Cebrià Research Centre), the Amics was entitled “Oral Sources. Research community like goigs (religious de Nonasp (Association of Amics de in the Catalan Linguistic Area”. The poetic compositions), songs, say- 152 COMPILATION Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya Juny 2015 Núm. 40

ings, nicknames, tales, myths, leg- There are some outstanding research rigues research centre) and the Centre ends, festive elements, etc. studies that have been carried out in the d’Estudis Locals del Vilosell (the local • Lifestyle and work last years: “Els últims hereus. Història research centre of El Vilosell). --From the initial description of Oral dels propietaris rurals gironins, ways of working and rural sociabil- 1930-2000” (“The last hereus. Oral Conclusion ity (which later on included urban history of rural owners in Girona, Research centres are part of the cul- sociability), widely covered topics 1930-2000”), on oral history, written tural heritage of Catalonia at the service in the 1980s and 1990s, we have by Enric Saguer from the l’Associació of historical, heritage, ethnological, now moved on to the analysis of the d’Història Rural (Association of Rural and social research. Their activity is evolution and research of old trades History) within the programme of the geographically spread but vast and it and occupations and traditional Inventari del Patrimoni Etnològic de la is the base of many studies on local artisan methods that disappeared Direcció General de la Cultura Popular or regional issues. Without their pro- with industrialisation. Industriali- (Observatory for Ethnological Her- duction and their archives and collec- sation processes and workers’ social itage of the Directorate General for tions, a huge part of Catalan historical 12 conditions have also been studied Popular Culture), edited in 2005 . memory and ethnology would be lost. by research centres. “Casa meva no és un problema particular. Satisfacció residencial, limitacions i As stated, in the last few years a con- • Popular architecture and traditional estratègies des de les vivències” (“Home siderable effort has been made to make industrial heritage is not a private problem. Satisfaction our reseach available to the largest pos- --Popular architecture and dry stone with residence, limitations and strate- sible audience and to encourage collab- constructions have been studied gies from one’s own experience”), by oration with other research institutions and catalogued by research centres. Esther Hachuel, Nolasc Riba, Carles like universities, archives or museums. There are publications, seminars, Riba, and José Luis Atienza from the exhibitions, guided tours ... on the Centre d’Estudis Comarcals del Baix But our challenges for the future are topic, which have contributed to Llobregat (Baix Llobregat research many: increase the number of collabo- the knowledge, assessment, and centre), edited in 201013. “L’inventari rations, improve joint projects, raise rehabilitation of this heritage. de campanars i campanes dels muni- the visibility and access to our research, Research centres have also helped cipis de la comarca de les Garrigues” increase the use of web 2.0 tools and promote our traditional industrial (“Inventory of bell towers and bells in encourage their use as reseach and edu- heritage and make people aware of the county of Les Garrigues”) by Cen- cational platforms. n its importance. tre d’Estudis de les Garrigues (Les Gar-

NOTES

1 The members of the Institut Ramon Muntaner 4 By postwar we mean the period that goes from 8 The data in this section are taken from the (Mercè Roca, Núria Sauch, Pineda Vaquer, after the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) until weekly agenda, the analysis of the annual grant Carles Barrull and Elena Espuny) have par- 1975. The transition goes approximately from calls, and the RACO web portal. ticipated in this article summarizing the data 1975 to 1982. 9 For further information: www.raco.cat in it. 5 In 2010 the Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya 10 For further information: www.calaix.gencat.cat 2 The Catalan speaking territories are currently in (Cartographic Institute of Catalonia), the Coor- four different European states: Spain, France, dinadora de Centres d’Estudis de Parla Cata- 11 The full text will shortly be available on www. Italy, and Andorra and within these states, in dif- lana (the Coordinating Committee of Catalan raco.cat ferent regions. Catalonia, the border of Aragon, Language Research Centres), and the Institut the Valencian Country, and the Balearic Islands Ramon Muntaner organized the 1st Josep M. 12 SAGUER, Enric [coord.] (2005). Els últims in Spain; the counties in Northern Catalonia: Domènech i Fargas Research Award in order to hereus: Història oral dels propietaris rurals Capcir, Vallespir, Conflent, and Rosselló, in promote research projects on topics related to gironins, 1930-2000. Barcelona: Generalitat Fance; and the town of Alghero in Sardinia, local and regional research centres. The topic de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura (Temes Italy. In Andorra, Catalan is the official language. selected for the 1st edition is “Les assemblees d’etnologia de Catalunya; 10). 466 p. intercomarcals d’estudiosos” (“Interregional 3 Part of the information in this section is taken 13 HACHUEL FERNÁNDEZ, Esther [et al.] research conventions”). This is an ongoing from: N. Figueras i Capdevila, M. Carme (2010). Casa meva no és un problema par- project. Jiménez Fernández and J. Santesmases i ticular: Satisfacció residencial, limitacions i Ollé (2008), Memòria del Primer Congrés 6 For further information: www.ccepc.org estratègies des de les vivències. Sant Feliu d’Associacionisme Cultural Català, Ens de de Llobregat: Edicions del Llobregat (Estudis; 7 For further information: www.irmu.cat Comunicació Associativa, pp. 194-196. 3). 120 p. More information: Revista d’Etnologia de Catalunya and Etnologia.cat

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