Cruising for Cash: Prostitution on Grindr ⇑ 6 Joseph Brennan

DCM 152 No. of Pages 8, Model 5G 11 March 2017

Discourse, Context & Media xxx (2017) xxx–xxx 1 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Discourse, Context & Media

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4 5

3 Cruising for cash: Prostitution on Grindr ⇑ 6 Joseph Brennan

7 Department of Media and Communications, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Sydney, Sydney, New South Wales 2006, Australia

8 9 article info abstract 2511 12 Article history: This article employs textual analysis in the cultural studies tradition to analyse Reddit discussion forums 26 13 Received 21 January 2017 dedicated to the use of Grindr to solicit sex in exchange for cash, which is in violation of Grindr’s terms of 27 14 Received in revised form 23 February 2017 service. Of particular interest is a canvasing of the motivations behind amateur use of the app for paid 28 15 Accepted 27 February 2017 sexual encounters. More than six hundred comments from twenty-two relevant threads are selected 29 16 Available online xxxx for analysis, drawn from the popular ‘Gaybros’ subreddit forum. I nominate three key ‘scripts’ from the 30 discourse. Namely, from the perspective of the individual seeking payment: ‘cash strapped student’ 31 17 Keywords: and ‘alternative to porn’; and ‘naïve millennials’ from a community responder perspective. These scripts 32 18 Cultural studies offer insight into the proﬁt-seeking motivations behind exploiting a popular sex-seeking tool, in partic- 33 19 Discourse 20 Geosocial apps ular by participants who would not otherwise engage in ‘cruising for cash’. 34 21 Grindr Ó 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 35 22 Homosexuality 36 23 Prostitution 24 37 38

39 1. Introduction ing to the category of ‘those who charge’ for sex on Grindr.1 The 62 central aim of this study is to canvas perspectives on the topic of 63 40 Grindr is currently the world’s leading gay geosocial smart- sex for cash on Grindr as presented by those directly implicated in 64 41 phone app. Its popularity has been accompanied by much scholarly it, while also accounting for more community-wide reactions. I 65 42 interest, in particular regarding its spatial, interactional, and prox- acknowledge that the reasons behind a decision to seek payment 66 43 imity characteristics (Bumgarner, 2013; Tziallas, 2015; Licoppe for sex solicited via Grindr are likely numerous, and so the scripts 67 44 et al., 2016); its impact on the mental health and self-image of presented here are not deﬁnitive, but have been selected as the most 68 45 users (Fox, 2014; Duncan et al., 2016); instances of discrimination dominant across the sample, and limited to three to allow appropri- 69 46 on the platform (Raj, 2011); and of unsafe sexual practices that ate qualitative detail. These scripts are, from the perspective of the 70 47 may be resulting from its ‘hook-up culture’ (see Goedel et al., individual seeking payment: ‘cash strapped student’ and ‘alternative 71 48 2016). Some scholars (i.e., Ryan, 2016) have also noted the poten- to porn’; and from a community responder perspective, ‘naïve mil- 72 49 tial impacts of Grindr on sex work, yet none have considered how lennials’. These scripts offer insight into both Grindr as a tool for 73 50 otherwise ordinary users might be incentivised to make use of ‘self-pornographic representation’ (Phillips, 2015; Tziallas, 2015), 74 51 smartphone technology to solicit sex in exchange for cash, which and into the motivations of exploiting such a tool, in particular by 75 52 is in violation of Grindr’s terms of service, not to mention illegal participants who would not otherwise engage in ‘cruising for cash’. 76 53 in most jurisdictions. In making sense of the expressions of interest in ‘cruising for cash’ 77 54 To address this, this article employs textual analysis in the cul- on Grindr, I also argue that these young men conceive of themselves 78 55 tural studies tradition to analyse Reddit discussion forums dedi- as ‘mobile pornographers’, a concept underpinned by the affordances 79 56 cated to the use of Grindr for such purposes. Of particular of mobile technology, and a willingness of men who have sex with 80 57 interest is a canvasing of the motivations behind amateur use of men (MSM) to exploit the proﬁts to be gained from youth and sex, 81 58 the app for paid sexual encounters. More than six hundred com- without the digital traces left by more traditional pornographic 82 59 ments from twenty-two relevant threads are selected for analysis, forms. 83 60 drawn from the popular ‘Gaybros’ subreddit forum. The discourse 61 analysed is organised into themes or ‘scripts’ and discussed accord-

⇑ Address: Department of Media and Communications, Level 2, John Woolley 1 Though what motivates those who pay for sex on Grindr is also an interesting Building, University of Sydney, Sydney, New South Wales 2006, Australia. object, such motivations are generally beyond the scope of the present study. I do, E-mail address: [email protected] however, brieﬂy address such motivations at the end of this article.

Please cite this article in press as: Brennan, J. Cruising for cash: Prostitution on Grindr. Discourse Context Media (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. dcm.2017.02.004 DCM 152 No. of Pages 8, Model 5G 11 March 2017

2 J. Brennan / Discourse, Context & Media xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

84 2. Reading discourses about Grindr on Gaybros service in charging for sex. (For an in-depth consideration of the 140 restrictive wording of Grindr and other gay geosocial apps’ terms 141 85 This article performs textual analysis on discourse posted to the of service policies, see Roth, 2015.) 142 86 ‘Ask’ section of Gaybros, a popular gay discussion forum on Reddit The term ‘scripts’ is used in place of themes as a gesture to the 143 87 (known as a ‘subreddit’, or ‘r/gaybros’). Roland Barthes (1972) ‘social processes’ that underpin sexual identities and practices dis- 144 88 argues that texts are comprised of a complex set of discursive cussed on the selected threads. Nominating dominant ‘sexual 145 89 strategies situated within a particular cultural context. Within this scripts’ in the discourse is appropriate given the sample’s connection 146 90 Barthesian tradition, the textual analyst goes beyond manifest con- with gay culture and the sharing of personal perspectives on ‘cruis- 147 91 tent to consider underlying ideological implications of the dis- ing for cash’ on Grindr. Simon and Gagnon (1986) seminal paper 148 92 course. Twenty-two relevant Gaybros threads spanning a period ‘Sexual Scripts: Permanence and Change’ provides a useful introduc- 149 93 of almost four years (January 2013–October 2016) were identified tion to scripting theory. Of particular relevance for our purposes 150 94 using keyword searches. All relate to the exchange of sex for here is what Simon and Gagnon term ‘interpersonal scripting’, 151 95 money on Grindr and have garnered in excess of six hundred com- whereby the subject of the study becomes ‘a partial scriptwriter or 152 96 ments collectively (correct as of 1 December 2016). The textual adaptor as he/she becomes involved in shaping the materials of rel- 153 97 analysis aims to identify and discuss the central implications of evant cultural scenarios into scripts for context-specific behaviour’ 154 98 the discourse. To this end, the discourse is organised into dominant (1986: 99): a useful metaphor for the role of OPs and community 155 99 themes, or ‘scripts’. I then strategically select and present quoted responders in the present study. Recently, Joseph Brennan (2016) 156 100 excerpts from the analysed discourse as evidence for the overall identifies sexual scripts as part of an analysis of online discourse 157 101 argument (Fürsich, 2009). on Olympic diver and gay celebrity Tom Daley. Brennan identifies 158 102 Gaybros was selected as a particularly interesting, yet contro- four key scripts—dancer body, bottom, slut, and daddy’s boy—that 159 103 versial, forum on which to canvas this topic. The Subreddit was support his argument that ‘Daley is objectified and aligned with cer- 160 104 created in 2012 and now draws a subscriber base just shy of tain stereotypes’ in the online forum analysed (2016: 853). I take a 161 105 65,000 (as of December 2016), which is of average size for a similar approach here, identifying three dominant scripts (from 162 106 subreddit (Jiang et al., 2014: 140). The ‘Ask’ section of Gaybros two perspectives: authors and responders) in discourse dedicated 163 107 (r/askgaybros) promises a forum ‘where you can ask the manly to amateur use of sex for cash on Grindr. 164 108 men for their opinions on various topics’. Such a promise hints at 109 the site’s intentions too. In the words of its founder Alex Deluca, 3. Male sex work on Grindr 165 110 to ‘break down stereotypes and promote the idea that you could 111 be a gay man and still be exactly who you’ve always been’ The impact of technology on male sex work has been a key area 166 112 (Lowder, 2013). By ‘exactly who you’ve always been’, Deluca of scholarly interest of late.3 In particular, scholars have noted the 167 113 means a place for men who enjoy traditionally masculine pur- attractiveness of the internet for male sex workers over more tradi- 168 114 suits—‘gear, grub, guns’ (Albo, 2013)—but who are also interested tional outlets, such as the street, or a brothel/agency (see McLean, 169 115 in another g-word: ‘guys’. This philosophy has led to a reputation 2013). The internet has become a popular place for men who sell 170 116 for controversy, accusations of ‘femmephobia’ for instance, and a sex and their clients to meet, due particularly to the anonymity 171 117 degree of notoriety for the forum. Such notoriety as is demon- the web offers visitors and workers (Ridder-Wiskerke and 172 118 strated by feature stories in the gay press (Albo, 2013; Lowder, Aggleton, 2015: 21–22), but also the higher rate that can be charged 173 2 119 2013), as well as more scholarly consideration. in comparison to street work (Ellison and Weitzer, 2016: 9). Scholars 174 120 My analysis is confined to all relevant ‘threads’ on Askgaybros. have also noted the attraction of mobile-based apps such as Grindr 175 121 These threads consist of a question posed by the ‘OP’ (original pos- as an alternative to more traditional client locating avenues (see 176 122 ter) and responses to this question from members of the Gaybros Ellison and Weitzer, 2016: 9). In his interviews with South American 177 123 community. The discourse analysed in this study exists in the pub- male sex workers based in Dublin, Ireland, for example, Paul Ryan 178 124 lic domain and is available to view without having to register with (2016: 1713) finds that Grindr is valued by the men for ‘offering 179 125 the Gaybros community, and hence constitutes ‘public discourse’. greater flexibility and control’. In a particularly interesting and 180 126 Additionally, as Martin L. Shelton et al. (2015) argue, Reddit is a timely thought piece, Logan (2017): 204–226) ‘Every man a sex 181 127 ‘relatively anonymous’ forum that does ‘not require users to share worker?’ chapter compares commercial and non-commercial sexual 182 128 personal information’ (3). Those posting to the Gaybros forums markets for gay men, nominating Grindr as an example of the latter. 183 129 tend to adopt pseudonymous usernames, and this study does not Yet, no study has considered in detail how otherwise ordinary 184 130 include these pseudonyms with quoted text. users might be incentivised to make use of smartphone technology 185 131 I began my analysis by manually sorting these twenty-two to solicit sex in exchange for cash. Cenk Özbay’s ethnographic work 186 132 threads into two categories based on the nature of the question into male sex workers in Istanbul, Turkey, does offer some insight 187 133 being asked. These categories are: ‘General observations’ (four on this topic. In an interview with a twenty-year-old student 188 134 threads) and ‘Those who charge’ (eighteen threads). These cate- named Tamer, the young man’s decision to seek payment for sex 189 135 gories form the structure of this article, within which a range of is connected with both the realisation that ‘nobody in Turkey looks 190 136 ‘scripts’ are explored based on the OP’s question and the responses for love’ (in Özbay, 2015: 61) as well as the ease offered by plat- 191 137 given. These scripts offer us insight into Grindr as a dominant sex- forms such as Grindr: 192 138 seeking tool among MSM, and more specifically, into the motiva- It just occurred to me, what if I charged money for sex? It was 193 139 tions behind those who contemplate violating the app’s terms of an idea that came up instantaneously. [...] That’s how I started 194 to ask for money when somebody approaches me for sex 195 2 See Boka En et al. who include Gaybros in their analysis of how sexual identities through the Internet or Grindr [...] Sometimes they agree and 196 are constructed in Reddit sidebars, pointing to the language employed as an example sometimes they don’t. If I really like [the guy] then I can have 197 of how ‘r/gaybros appeals to an outside ideal of what constitutes masculinity and puts it in contrast to stereotypical ideas of ‘‘gayness”’ (2013: 10); Lik Sam Chan, who uses sex without money, too. I don’t have to do this as a job. 198 Gaybros to source participants for his survey exploring the relationship between gay [in Özbay, 2015: 61] 199 identity confusion and outness in sex-seeking gay apps, Grindr included (2016: 5). Also see Daniel Tillapaugh’s interviews with same-sex attracted college men, from which Gaybros emerged as a commonly nominated ‘affirming virtual space’ for the 3 Of course, the rise in ‘cyber-prostitution’ also impacts on female sex work (see exploration of these men’s sexuality and masculinity (2015: 68). Ashford, 2008).

Please cite this article in press as: Brennan, J. Cruising for cash: Prostitution on Grindr. Discourse Context Media (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. dcm.2017.02.004