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How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China?
How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? By Moteki Hiromichi Society for the Dissemination of Historical Facts © 1 Introduction In the so-called "apology issue," which concerns Japan's conduct in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, there exists two opposing points of view: "I guess the only thing we can do is to keep on apologizing until China tells us, 'The problems between us may not be settled, but for now you have sufficiently apologized.'" -Murakami Haruki1 "A grateful China should also pay respect to Yasukuni Shrine." -Ko Bunyu2 Mr. Murakami's opinion is based on the belief that Japan waged an aggressive war against China, a belief shared by many Japanese even if they don't know the reason why. This belief holds that the Japanese should be completely repentant over that act of aggression for the sake of clearing our own conscience. There are two major problems with this point of view. First of all, it rests on the conventional wisdom that Japan was guilty of aggression towards China. Many people will perhaps respond to that by saying something like, "What are you talking about? The Japanese Army invaded continental China and waged war there. Surely that constitutes a war of aggression." However, let's imagine the following scenario. What if the Japan Self-Defense Forces launched an unprovoked attack on American military units, which are stationed in Japan in accordance with the provisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty, and a war broke out on Japanese territory? Because the fighting would be taking place in Japan, does that mean that, in this scenario, the US Army is undeniably the aggressor? No matter how distasteful a person might find the US military presence to be, under international law, Japan would be deemed the aggressor here. -
Confucianism, "Cultural Tradition" and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century
China Perspectives 2007/3 | 2007 Creating a Harmonious Society Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century Sébastien Billioud Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Sébastien Billioud, « Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/3 | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2010, consulté le 14 novembre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 © All rights reserved Special feature s e v Confucianism, “Cultural i a t c n i e Tradition,” and Official h p s c r Discourse in China at the e p Start of the New Century SÉBASTIEN BILLIOUD This article explores the reference to traditional culture and Confucianism in official discourses at the start of the new century. It shows the complexity and the ambiguity of the phenomenon and attempts to analyze it within the broader framework of society’s evolving relation to culture. armony (hexie 和谐 ), the rule of virtue ( yi into allusions made in official discourse, we are interested de zhi guo 以德治国 ): for the last few years in another general and imprecise category: cultural tradi - Hthe consonance suggested by slogans and tion ( wenhua chuantong ) or traditional cul - 文化传统 themes mobilised by China’s leadership has led to spec - ture ( chuantong wenhua 传统文化 ). ((1) However, we ulation concerning their relationship to Confucianism or, are excluding from the domain of this study the entire as - more generally, to China’s classical cultural tradition. -
Walter H. Judd: Spokesman for China
WALTER H. JUDD: SPOKESMAN FOR CHINA IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES By FLOYD RUSSEL GOODNO l' Bachelor of Science Phillips University Enid, Oklapoma 19,52 Master of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1962 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May, 1970 \' \Cl"):.) C I~.):}' ~J. I / I .,,l · l/ / ...._ .,...., ' ~,,_ WALTER H. JUDD: SPOl<ESMAN FOR CHINA''"' / IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OP "', ./ REPRESENTATIVES Thesis Approved: Dean of the Graduate College ii PREFACE Dr. Walter Henry Judd won the Republican nomination for the Fifth Congressional District in the Minnesota primaries of 1942. Winning the general election in November, he con tinued to occupy a seat in the United States House of Representatives for twenty years. In the House he soon emerged as the most vocal spokesman in Congress for Chiang Kai-shek and the importance of Asia in emerging world 9 £.:_, fairs. American foreign policy, particularly in Asia, served as the overriding interest of Judd's Congressional career. In 1947 Judd obtained a seat on the Foreign Affairs Committee and at the time of his defeat in 1962 he was the senior Re publican member of the ~ar East and the Pacific Subcommittee. Judd occupied a much more significant role in directing attention to East Asia and its many problems than any other single individual in Congress. Prior to entering politics in 1942, Judd had served as a Congregationalist medical missionary to China for ten years. -
A Contemporary Witness' Journal Account of the 1941 Invading
ISSN 1712-8358[Print] Cross-Cultural Communication ISSN 1923-6700[Online] Vol. 11, No. 9, 2015, pp. 9-13 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/7524 www.cscanada.org A Contemporary Witness’ Journal Account of the 1941 Invading Japanese Army’s Fatigue Bombing of Chongqing GUO Chuan[a],* [a]Associate Professor, College of Historic Culture & College of in The Chongqing Bombing: “Of the The Army, Navy, Nationalities, Southwest University, China. and Airforce coordinated implementation of Operation *Corresponding author. 100 (1939), Operation 101 (1940), and Operation 102 Received 8 June 2015; accepted 5 August 2015 (1941), Operations 101 and 102 in particular reduced Published online 26 September 2015 the old downtown area of Chongqing to ashes. As the Japanese army and navy planes continuously bombed the Abstract citizens of Chongqing, they simply could not leave their In 1941, on the basis of Operation 101, the Japanese bomb shelters. This kind of bombing was called “fatigue Army continued carrying out Operation 102, a deliberate bombing” and continued until Autumn of 1941. The kind “fatigue bombardment” against Chongqing civilian of fatigue bombing was only relieved until the eve of war targets, in an attempt to cause popular confusion at the between Japan and the US (Maeda, 1989). rear of the war, disintegrate the wartime morale of the From July 27 to August 31, 1941, the Japanese Army, soldiers and civilians, so as to achieve the establishment on the basis of the 1940 Operation 101, continuously of a beachhead. However, the army and civilians of implemented Operation 102. However, the plan was then Chongqing endured suffering during the bombing, aborted due to the transfer of Japanese naval aviation exhibiting the spirit of total war. -
Rechtsgeschichte Legal History
Zeitschrift des Max-Planck-Instituts für europäische Rechtsgeschichte Rechts R Journal of the Max Planck Institute for European Legal History geschichte g Rechtsgeschichte Legal History www.rg.mpg.de http://www.rg-rechtsgeschichte.de/rg27 Rg 27 2019 207 – 221 Zitiervorschlag: Rechtsgeschichte – Legal History Rg 27 (2019) http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg27/207-221 Fupeng Li * Becoming Policy. Cultural Translation of the Weimar Constitution in China (1919–1949) * Max-Planck-Institut für europäische Rechtsgeschichte, Frankfurt am Main, [email protected] Dieser Beitrag steht unter einer Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License Abstract During the drafting process from the 1920s to 1940s, the Weimar Constitution (WRV) played a decisive role in shaping Chinese social(-ist) con- stitutions, especially the part related to the social- economic issue. Through the lens of cultural trans- lation, this paper seeks to explain how the WRV was adapted, reinterpreted, and recontextualized throughout several rounds of constitution making in China. By focusing on the roles played by the translators, legislators, and interpreters, this paper discusses how the social rights created by the WRV were translated into the fundamental policy of the 1947 Constitution of the Republic of China. More- over, regarding »policy« as the legal instrument for regulating the social-economic life, and even broader fields, it triggers the modern transforma- tion of Chinese meritocracy and reinforces the national legal tradition depicted in its modern form. To some extent, this case study on cultural translation of constitutional law discloses the mechanism, both temporarily and spatially, for the intercultural communication of the normative information. -
Osaka University Knowledge Archive : OUKA
Title 1940年代中国史年表 Author(s) 田中, 仁 Citation Issue Date 1995-03-31 Text Version publisher URL http://hdl.handle.net/11094/75544 DOI rights Note Osaka University Knowledge Archive : OUKA https://ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/ Osaka University CHINA Before 1940 Oct.1938 21 Japanese troops occupied Guangzhou. (15) 27 Japanese troops occupied Wuhan. (15) 28 The 2nd meeting of the 1st People"s Political Council was held in Chongqing. (15) Nov.1938 3 (Japan) Prime Minister Konoye Fumimaro announced the establishment of an East Asian New Order. (6) 6 The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) adjourned the 6th Plenum of the 6th Congress. (21) 7 (Japan) North China Development Co. Ltd. and Central China Promotion Co. Ltd. were established. (16) 12 The Changsha Conflagration (90% of the entire city was burned down) . (15) 17 The National Government announced that the number of areas engaged in war by October was 796 counties in 9 provinces; and of those counties, 59 were unable to exercise the administrative power. (8) 25 The National Government Military Commanding Department held a military conference in Nanyue. [19] 30 (Japan) The Imperial Conference adopted the "Policy to Coordinate the New Relations between Japan and China ... [16) Dec.1938 6 (Japan) The Ministry of Army decided to discontinue the invasion operation, and to alter the policy into the one of the protrac- tion of the war. (6] 15 A $25-million loan agreement was reached between China and the Unaited States (US) (the Palm Oil Loan) . (20] 16 Japan founded the Koa-in (the Asian Development Authority) in order to coordinate the policy toward China. -
Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923
Voter Education: Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923 Joshua Hill, Ohio University Abstract Beginning in 1909, mainland Chinese governments routinely held elections, and lawmakers devoted considerable resources to writing and revising election laws. The earliest elections, held under the late Qing and the early Republic, utilized laws based on restricted electorates and indirect voting. By contrast, election laws designed during the provincial autonomy movement of the 1920s and the post-1927 Nationalist government featured direct voting in elections with (near-)universal adult suffrage. Each of these two systems of electoral law incorporated different elements of foreign electoral practice with concerns and ideas that arose from the experiences and ideals of late imperial Chinese political thought. The transition between these two systems highlights the surprising influence of the short-lived provincial autonomy movement on the legal structures of the centralized one-party states that followed. Keywords: Republican China, election law Introduction: A Question for John Dewey Three months before the end of a lengthy sojourn in China, American educator and philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952) met with members of the Jiangsu Education Association (Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui) for a conversation on “current global trends in elections.” Among the Republic of China’s most influential voluntary associations, this Shanghai-based group included many of the nation’s most prominent political, intellectual, and business leaders. The first questioner at this April 9, 1921, event asked Dewey to comment on an election that had just taken place in China: Of course, republics ought to have parliaments, but the Chinese parliament—both the old one [elected in 1912, but disbanded and reconvened multiple times since] and the new one [elected in 1918 and permanently dissolved in 1920]—is a bankrupt institution. -
A RE-EVALUATION of CHIANG KAISHEK's BLUESHIRTS Chinese Fascism in the 1930S
A RE-EVALUATION OF CHIANG KAISHEK’S BLUESHIRTS Chinese Fascism in the 1930s A Dissertation Submitted to the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy DOOEUM CHUNG ProQuest Number: 11015717 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11015717 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 Abstract Abstract This thesis considers the Chinese Blueshirts organisation from 1932 to 1938 in the context of Chiang Kaishek's attempts to unify and modernise China. It sets out the terms of comparison between the Blueshirts and Fascist organisations in Europe and Japan, indicating where there were similarities and differences of ideology and practice, as well as establishing links between them. It then analyses the reasons for the appeal of Fascist organisations and methods to Chiang Kaishek. Following an examination of global factors, the emergence of the Blueshirts from an internal point of view is considered. As well as assuming many of the characteristics of a Fascist organisation, especially according to the Japanese model and to some extent to the European model, the Blueshirts were in many ways typical of the power-cliques which were already an integral part of Chinese politics. -
Proquest Dissertations
The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu Qiang Li A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University College London Abstract This thesis is intended to provide a new interpretation of the social and political thought of Yen Fu (1854-1921). Yen Fu was the first person to introduce Western social and political ideas systematically into China, and consequently played a major role in furthering intellectual change in modem China. The received interpretation of Yen Fu’s thought emphasizes the influence of social Darwinism on his preoccupation with state power and with China’s ability to survive an international struggle for existence. This established interpretation considers that Yen Fu deformed Western liberalism as a means to achieve state power. This thesis argues that Yen Fu did not adopt social Darwinism to justify ruthless struggles within society or between different societies. Rather he drew from Darwinist thought the idea of a universal law of social evolution and concluded that China must change its traditional culture and system by following the model of the modem West. This thesis presents Yen Fu as the pioneer of modem Chinese liberalism. It argues that Yen Fu’s ideas on liberty and democracy were influenced by both British liberalism and the Confucian tradition. At the core of his liberalism were proposals to define a sphere in which the individual can act freely without interference from the state or society, to establish the mle of law in order to prevent the tyrannical power of the state, and to limit state power both in the sphere of moral education and in the sphere of economic activities. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
VII THE PERIOD OF THE MONGOLIAN POLITICAL COUNCIL APRIL 1934 - JANUARY 1936 Founding of the Council The approved Eight Articles on Mongolian Local Autonomy became the legal foundation for Mongolian self-rule that Mongolian leaders had desired for years. In ac cordance with these principles, both the Temporary Outline of the Organization of the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Affairs Council and its main personnel were all announced. The hearts of both traditional and more modem-minded Mongol leaders were gladdened, and they also perceived this as an unprecedented event in the history of the Republic of China. Still, the Eight Articles also occasioned a counterattack from the frontier provinces. Fu Zuoyi and his clique tried hard to destroy this great accomplish ment. Because of this. Prince De and other leaders ofthe autonomy movement had no choice but to concentrate their attention and energy on dealing with the pressure from without. But they were unable to make progress solving internal problems and satisfying the desires of the Mongol people because of Japanese westward expansion and changes in China ’s domestic political scene. After the Mongolian delegates returned to Beile-yin sume and submitted their report, both Prince Yon and Prince De took up their positions on April 3, 1934 and then telegraphed the Chinese government that they would go ahead with ceremonies to mark the establishment of the Mongolian Political Council and the inauguration of its mem bers. Princes Yon and De invited General He Yingqin, the Superintendent of Mongolian Local Autonomy, to come and “supervise” the ceremony. On April 23, 1934 the Mongolian Political Council was founded and its mem bers were sworn in. -
The Discipline of International Law in Republican China and Contemporary Taiwan
Washington University Global Studies Law Review Volume 14 Issue 1 2015 The Discipline of International Law in Republican China and Contemporary Taiwan Pasha L. Hsieh Singapore Management University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Courts Commons, International Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Pasha L. Hsieh, The Discipline of International Law in Republican China and Contemporary Taiwan, 14 WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 87 (2015), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol14/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Global Studies Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DISCIPLINE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN REPUBLICAN CHINA AND CONTEMPORARY TAIWAN PASHA L. HSIEH ABSTRACT This Article examines the evolution of international law as a professional and intellectual discipline in the Republic of China (ROC), which has governed Mainland China (1912–1949) and post-1949 Taiwan. The ROC’s centennial development fundamentally shaped modern China’s course of foreign relations and postwar global governance. The Article argues that statism, pragmatism, and idealism define the major features of the ROC’s approach to international law. These characteristics transformed the law of nations into universally valid normative claims and prompted modern China’s intellectual focus on the civilized nation concept. First, the Article analyzes the professionalization of the discipline of international law. -
Chinese Civil War
asdf Chinese Civil War Chair: Sukrit S. Puri Crisis Director: Jingwen Guo Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Contents Introduction: ……………………………………....……………..……..……3 The Chinese Civil War: ………………………….....……………..……..……6 Background of the Republic of China…………………………………….……………6 A Brief History of the Kuomintang (KMT) ………..……………………….…….……7 A Brief History of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)………...…………...…………8 The Nanjing (Nanking) Decade………….…………………….……………..………..10 Chinese Civil War (1927-37)…………………... ………………...…………….…..….11 Japanese Aggression………..…………….………………...…….……….….................14 The Xi’an Incident..............……………………………..……………………...…........15 Sino-Japanese War and WWII ………………………..……………………...…..........16 August 10, 1945 …………………...….…………………..……………………...…...17 Economic Issues………………………………………….……………………...…...18 Relations with the United States………………………..………………………...…...20 Relations with the USSR………………………..………………………………...…...21 Positions: …………………………….………….....……………..……..……4 2 Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Introduction On October 1, 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong stood atop the Gates of Heavenly Peace, and proclaimed the creation of the People’s Republic of China. Zhongguo -- the cradle of civilization – had finally achieved a modicum of stability after a century of chaotic lawlessness and brutality, marred by foreign intervention, occupation, and two civil wars. But it could have been different. Instead of the communist Chairman Mao ushering in the dictatorship of the people, it could have been the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, of the Nationalist