Deterrence, Nuclear Strategy, and the Post-Attack Environment
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Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil Mcelroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961
Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of MassiveSEPTEMBER Retaliation 2012 Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Cover Photos: Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, Thomas Gates, Jr. Source: Official DoD Photo Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense September 2012 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Contents Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense, the Historical Office of the Office of Foreword..........................................vii the Secretary of Defense, Larsen Consulting Group, or any other agency of the Federal Government. Executive Summary...................................ix Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. -
Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: Coalition Situations and Government Transitions
SIGMA Papers No. 22 Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: OECD Coalition Situations and Government Transitions https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kml614vl4wh-en Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques OLIS : 10-Feb-1998 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Dist. : 11-Feb-1998 __________________________________________________________________________________________ Or. Eng. SUPPORT FOR IMPROVEMENT IN GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES (SIGMA) A JOINT INITIATIVE OF THE OECD/CCET AND EC/PHARE Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA Cancels & replaces the same document: distributed 26-Jan-1998 ( 98 ) 1 MANAGEMENT CHALLENGES AT THE CENTRE OF GOVERNMENT: COALITION SITUATIONS AND GOVERNMENT TRANSITIONS SIGMA PAPERS: No. 22 Or. En 61747 g . Document complet disponible sur OLIS dans son format d'origine Complete document available on OLIS in its original format CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 THE SIGMA PROGRAMME SIGMA — Support for Improvement in Governance and Management in Central and Eastern European Countries — is a joint initiative of the OECD Centre for Co-operation with the Economies in Transition and the European Union’s Phare Programme. The initiative supports public administration reform efforts in thirteen countries in transition, and is financed mostly by Phare. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development is an intergovernmental organisation of 29 democracies with advanced market economies. The Centre channels the Organisation’s advice and assistance over a wide range of economic issues to reforming countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Phare provides grant financing to support its partner countries in Central and Eastern Europe to the stage where they are ready to assume the obligations of membership of the European Union. -
How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D
Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Place: The Oval Office, the White House Time: May 1953 The President is in the early months of his first term and he recognizes Soviet military aggression and the How Should the subsequent spread of Communism as the greatest threat to the security of the nation. However, the current costs United States of fighting Communism are skyrocketing, presenting a Confront Soviet significant threat to the nation’s economic well-being. President Eisenhower is concerned that the costs are not Communist sustainable over the long term but he believes that the spread of Communism must be stopped. Expansionism? On May 8, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower has called a meeting in the Solarium of the White House with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Treasury Secretary George M. Humphrey. The President believes that the best way to craft a national policy in a democracy is to bring people together to assess the options. In this meeting the President makes a proposal based on his personal decision-making process—one that is grounded in exhaustive fact gathering, an open airing of the full range of viewpoints, and his faith in the clarifying qualities of energetic debate. Why not, he suggests, bring together teams of “bright young fellows,” charged with the mission to fully vet all viable policy alternatives? He envisions a culminating presentation in which each team will vigorously advocate for a particular option before the National Security Council. -
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5. -
Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 4, Pages 100–109 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i4.3338 Article Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times Rikard Bengtsson Department of Political Science, Lund University, 221 00 Lund, Sweden; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 12 June 2020 | Accepted: 28 August 2020 | Published: 3 November 2020 Abstract A decade ago, Nordic cooperation on security and defence matters gained momentum, having been largely absent from the map of Nordic cooperation during the Cold War and its aftermath. This article analyses developments along three di- mensions of Nordic cooperation: military defence (focusing on the Nordic Defence Cooperation), civil security (in the form of the ‘Haga’ process), and political cooperation (through the implementation of the Stoltenberg report). Three observa- tions stand out as a result: First, that the three dimensions are intimately related against the background of a common Nordic conceptualization of security; second, that there is simultaneously variation in significant respects (such as driving forces, scope, and degree of institutionalization); and third, that Nordic security and defence cooperation has developed in the context of European and transatlantic security dynamics and cooperation. The second part of the analysis seeks to interpret this picture from the analytical perspective of differentiated integration. The article ends with a set of reflections on the future of Nordic security and defence cooperation in light of the Coronavirus pandemic. Keywords civil security; cooperation; defence; differentiated integration; Haga process; NORDEFCO; Nordic; security; Stoltenberg Issue This article is part of the issue “Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation” edited by Anne Elizabeth Stie (University of Agder, Norway) and Jarle Trondal (University of Agder, Norway/ARENA University of Oslo, Norway). -
Evolving DPRK Nuclear Doctrine
Evolving DPRK Nuclear Doctrine By Dong-hyeon Kim ISSUES & INSIGHTS WORKING PAPER V O L . 1 9 , WP11 | S e p t e m b e r 2 0 1 9 Pacific Forum Based in Honolulu, the Pacific Forum (www.pacforum.org) is a foreign policy research institute focused on the Asia-Pacific Region. Founded in 1975, the Pacific Forum collaborates with a broad network of research institutes from around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating project findings and recommendations to global leaders, governments, and members of the public throughout the region. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic, and maritime policy issues, and works to help stimulate cooperative policies through rigorous research, analyses and dialogues. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................... iv INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... 1 THE DPRK’S NUCLEAR DOCTRINE ............................................. 1 PREVIOUS WORK ON NUCLEAR STRATEGY AND DOCTRINE ........... 2 REVISITING FRENCH AND PAKISTANI NUCLEAR DOCTRINE ........ 3 DPRK’S NUCLEAR DOCTRINE ................................................... 4 EVOLUTION OF THE DPRK’S NUCLEAR DOCTRINE ...................... 6 MAKING CREDIBLE THREATS WITH INSUFFICIENT MEANS ........ 7 CONCLUSION ......................................................................... 9 ABOUT THE AUTHOR ............................................................. 10 iii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This paper investigates how an emerging nuclear weapon state—the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)—establishes and develops its nuclear doctrine upon completion of its nuclear arsenal. Since DPRK’s first nuclear crisis in the early 1990s and its first nuclear test in 2006, the nuclear nonproliferation community has focused on how to dismantle DPRK’s nuclear weapons program. Only recently have scholars focused on managing to live with a nuclear North Korea, shifting attention from nonproliferation to defense and deterrence. -
The Day After: Action Following a Nuclear Blast in a US City
Ashton B. Carter, Michael M. May, and William J. Perry The Day After: Action Following a Nuclear Blast in a U.S. City Ever since the United States lost its monopoly on nuclear weapons in 1949, the possibility of a nuclear attack on U.S. soil has been regarded as the gravest of all imaginable threats to U.S. national security. Today, nonstate terrorist actors such as al Qaeda have pledged to carry out an “American Hiroshima” of a significantly greater magnitude than the attacks perpetrated against the United States on September 11, 2001. Armed with the recognition that prevention offers by far the best protec- tion against nuclear terrorism, the U.S. national security establishment has long sought to ensure that nuclear weapons and fissile materials do not fall into new and threatening hands, especially those of terrorists. Through ini- tiatives such as the Nunn-Lugar program, which has provided U.S.-funded assistance to the former states of the Soviet Union to secure and dismantle their nuclear weapons programs, Washington has led international efforts in cooperative threat reduction resulting in the deactivation of more than 7,000 nuclear warheads since 1991. In spite of these successes, the threat of a nuclear attack against the United States has not yet been eradicated, nor has the spread of weapons of mass de- struction been effectively curtailed. The serious setbacks to nuclear terrorism prevention in recent years are particularly disturbing, as evidenced by North Korea’s new nuclear weapons arsenal, Iran’s unchecked nuclear developments, continuing political risk in nuclear-armed Pakistan, and inadequately safeguard- ed weapons and fissile materials still remaining in Russia and elsewhere. -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. -
Prevent, Counter, and Respond—A Strategic Plan to Reduce Global Nuclear Threats
Prevent, Counter, and Respond—A Strategic Plan to Reduce Global Nuclear Threats FY 2018–FY 2022 Report to Congress November 2017 National Nuclear Security Administration United States Department of Energy Washington, DC 20585 Department of Energy/National Nuclear Security Administration | November 2017 Message from the Administrator The Department of Energy’s (DOE) National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) Fiscal Year 2018 report, Prevent, Counter, and Respond—A Strategic Plan to Reduce Global Nuclear Threats, outlines DOE/NNSA’s plans and programs to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, counter the threat of nuclear terrorism, and respond to nuclear and radiological incidents around the world. The report is a companion to the Fiscal Year 2018 Stockpile Stewardship and Management Plan, which describes DOE/NNSA’s activities to ensure the reliability of the U.S. nuclear stockpile and maintain its foundational capabilities and infrastructure. In keeping with our commitment to transparency, updated versions of these reports are published each year. Maintaining the U.S. nuclear stockpile and reducing global nuclear threats—two missions that are often thought to involve different technical expertise and pursue disparate goals—are far more interconnected than they may appear. Many activities within these two DOE/NNSA mission pillars are mutually reinforcing and supportive of common objectives. The facilities and scientific knowledge that underpin stockpile stewardship, for example, are harnessed for a range of nonproliferation and counterterrorism missions, from assessing foreign weapons programs and potential terrorist devices to managing the proliferation risks posed by civil nuclear applications. Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons around the world yields considerable benefits for the U.S. -
United States Tactical Nuclear Doctrine: Developing a Capability
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1979 United States tactical nuclear doctrine: Developing a capability Christopher Michael Cooke College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Military and Veterans Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cooke, Christopher Michael, "United States tactical nuclear doctrine: Developing a capability" (1979). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625067. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-zset-zj41 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. United States Tactical Nuclear ii Doctrines Developing A Capability A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillmait Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Christopher Cooke 1979 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Christopher Cooke Approved, August 1979 ar Magaret Hamilton ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express his appreciation to Professor Alan J. Ward, under whose guidance this study was conducted, for his very helpful advice and, especially, for his considerable editorial skill. The author is also indebted to Professors Margaret Hamilton and George Grayson for their careful reading and criticism of the manuscript. LIST OF TABLES Figure Page A. -
2018 Sartorius Christopher Ma
UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE WARNING INTELLIGENCE IN NUCLEAR CRISIS MANAGEMENT: AVOIDING CATASTROPHIC MISCALCULATION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By CHRISTOPHER M. SARTORIUS Norman, OK 2018 WARNING INTELLIGENCE IN NUCLEAR CRISIS MANAGMENT: AVOIDING CATASTROPHIC MISCALCULATION A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY ___________________________ Dr. Ronald K. Gaddie, Chair ___________________________ Dr. Colin M. Barry ___________________________ Dr. Deven E. Carlson ___________________________ Dr. Jorge L. Mendoza ___________________________ Dr. Shad B. Satterthwaite © Copyright by CHRISTOPHER M. SARTORIUS 2018 All Rights Reserved. This dissertation is dedicated to my family and all intelligence professionals, military and civilian, past and present, who have dedicated their lives to protecting our great nation and our allies. Acknowledgements Working on this doctoral dissertation has been both a joy and a challenge. This work would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of countless individuals. At the most personal level, I would like to thank my wife, Fulvia, for her support over the past three years of this doctoral program and for her care and love over the past 25 years. I wish to thank my son, Konrad, for providing inspiration, much needed breaks in my work routine, and for sharing lunch together at the OU cafeteria followed by our fun table tennis matches. I also would like to thank my parents, Tim and Wanda Sartorius, for instilling in me the value of a great education. I would also like to thank Dr. Shad Satterthwaite, always friendly, open, and upbeat for enthusiastically encouraging me to pursue a doctoral degree at OU and Dr. -
Nuclear-Conventional-Firebreaks
NUCLEAR-CONVENTIONAL FIREBREAKS AND THE NUCLEAR TABOO BARRY D. WATTS NUCLEAR-COnVEnTIOnAL FIREBREAKS AnD THE NUCLEAR TABOO BY BARRy D. WATTS 2013 Acknowledgments The idea of exploring systematically why the leaders of various nations have chosen to maintain, or aspire to acquire, nuclear weapons was first suggested to me by Andrew W. Marshall. In several cases, the motivations attributed to national leaders in this report are undoubtedly speculative and open to debate. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the rulers of at least some nations entertain strong reasons for maintaining or acquiring nuclear weapons that have nothing to do with the nuclear competition between the United States and the former Soviet Union, either before or after 1991. Eric Edelman provided valuable suggestions on both substance and sources. At the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, Abby Stewart and Nick Setterberg did the majority of the editing. I am especially grateful to Nick for vetting the footnotes. Last but not least, Andrew Krepinevich’s suggestions on the narrative flow and the structure of the paper’s arguments greatly clarified the original draft. © 2013 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. COnTEnTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 5 THE AMERICAN SEARCH FOR ALTERNATIVES TO GENERAL NUCLEAR WAR 5 Context 7 Atomic Blackmail and Massive Nuclear Retaliation 11 Flexible Response and Assured Destruction 15 The Long Range Research and Development Planning Program 19 Selective Nuclear Options and Presidential Directive/NSC-59 23 The Strategic Defense Initiative 26 The Soviet General Staff, LNOs and Launch on Warning 29 POST-COLD WAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA 29 Evolving U.S.