CO:L\ CORDIA THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY

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CO:l\ CORDIA THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY

The Presence of Christ's Body and Blood in the Sacrament of rhe Altar According to Luther NORMAN NAGEL

The Theology of Communism MARTIN H. SCHARLEMANN

Thomas More and the Wittenberg Lutherans CARL S. MEYER

Pietism: Classical and Modem - A Comparison of Two Representative Descriptions EGON W. GERDES

Homiletics

Brief Studies

Book Review

VolXXXIX April 1968 No.4 Thomas More and t~1e Wittenberg Lutherans

CARL S. MEYER

man for all seasons" was also a po few scholars about the 16th century4 have A lemicist, although this is not gen told in some detail the story about the re erally noted. Some of Thomas More's lations between More and Luther. Only biographers,l writers about the relation Sister Gertrude Donnelly investigated these ships between Henry VIII and Martin Lu relations comprehensively.5 One can learn ther,2 one biographer of Luther,S and a something about some aspects of these re lations from secondary sources, although 1 Algernon Cecil, A Portrait of Thomas the accounts may be distorted. Sometimes More: Scholar, Statesman, Saint (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1937), pp.193-207. How reference is made to the polemic More ever, R. W. Chambers, Thomas More (London: wrote against Bugenhagen.6 No writer Jonathan Cape, 1935), p. 193, has only a brief seems to have noticed, or at least has not reference to this topic. W. E. Campbell, Eras mus, Tyndale and More (London: Eyre and thought it worthwhile mentioning, that Spottiswoode, 1949), pp.148-52, 220-22, More never wrote against the Wittenberg does not mention More's work, under the pseudonym of Wr::___ ::-.... , against luther. E. E. ~hilipp Melanchthon. The pres Reynolds, Saint Thomas More (London: Burns ent investigation is an attempt to sum and Oates, 1953), pp.163-66, has noted the marize the relations between Thomas book by "Ross." Christopher Hollis, Sir Thomas More (London: Sheed and Ward, 1934), pp. More and the Wittenberg Lutherans, not, 124-28, 139-46. Theodore Maynard, Hu however, including More's attacks against manist As Hero: The Life of Sir Thomas More (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947), pp. mand, ed. Luigi Cappa delta (London: Kegan 139-47. Thomas Stapleton, The Life and Il Paul, Trench, Tiibner & Co., Ltd., 1915), III, lustrious Martyrdom of Sir Thomas More, trans. 70; IV, 9; V, 110; VI, 246. Philip E. Hallett, ed. E. E. Reynolds (New York: Fordham University Press, 1966), p.31. 4 E. g., Robert P. Adams, The Better Part of Valor: More, Erasmus, Colet, and Vives on Hu 2 Neelak S. Tjernagel, Henry VIII and the Lutherans: A Study in Anglo-Lutheran Relations manism, War, and Peace, 1496-1535 (Seattle: from 1521 to 1527 (St. Louis: Concordia Pub University of Washington Press, 1962), pp. 195, lishing House, 1965), pp. 24-25; Erwin Doem 274-76; H. Maynard Smith, Henry VIII and berg, Henry VIII and Luther: An Account of the Reformation (London: Macmillan & Co., Their Personal Relations (London: Barrie and Ltd., 1948), p. 412. Rockliff, 1961), pp.35-37; Preserved Smith, 5 Sister Gertrude Joseph Donnelly, A Trans "Luther and Henry VIII," English Historical Re lation 0/ St. Thomas More's Responsio ad Lu view, XXV (October 1910), 656-69; William therum with an Introduction and Notes, vol. Dallmann, "King Henry Attacks Luther," Con XXIII of the Catholic University of America cordia Theological Monthly, VI (June 1935), Studies ;n Medieval and Renaissance Latin Lan 419-30. guage and Literature (Washington, D. c.: The 3 Hartmann Grisar, Luther, trans. E. M. La- Catholic University of America Press, 1962)_ Printed too late for consideration by this writer The author is professor in the Department was John Headley, "More against Luther: On of Historical Theology and director of the Laws and the Magistrate," Moreana, XV (1967), School for Graduate Studies at Concordia 211-23. Seminary, St. Louis. He is a Fellow of the 6 Tjernagel, pp. 28-30; Reynolds, Saint Royal Historical Society. Thomas More, pp.166, 167. 246 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS 247 his countrymen who were in Wittenberg, published under the pseudonym of Ferdi William Tyndale and Robert Barnes? nand Barvellus,11 and then under the pseudonym of William ROSS.12 In it, in I accordance with the polemical style of the Martin Luther took notice of More's day, More quoted the verba Lutheri and Utopia in 1518; the Wittenberg scholar then brought counterarguments.13 A fa- was alive to the world of books,s at least at this stage of his career as a 34-year-old Gibson, St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bib professor of theology. There is no record liography of His Works and Moreana to the Year 1750 (New Haven and London: Yale Uni of his reaction to More's work, however. versity Press, 1961), No. 171, pp. 170, 171, in Thomas More took notice of Luther, cludes a one-line summary. Cited as Gibson, particularly of his attack on Henry VIII, Bibliog1·aphy. Grisar, III, 237, comes to the de fense of More's language, which, however, he after the latter had penned the Assertio does not translate. See also F. and M. P. Sulli Septem Sacramerztorum. 9 No attempt will van, Moreana, G-M, p. 55. One of the most dis be made here to give all the details of torted comparisons between More and Luther came from the pen of T. Meyrick, "Unknown More's writings against Luther. Only a Works of Thomas More," Month, XIII (1870), few facts will be noted to make this sum 295-304, 709-14, summarized in F. and mary more rounded. M. P. Sullivan Moreana, G-M, pp. 320-22. is severest k "Luther delighted less in muck than many of In 1523 Mor the literary men of his age; but if he did in '38inst Luther.lO It "V8S a Latin work, first dulge, he excelled in this as in ev~,y other area of speech." Roland H. Bainton, He1'e 1 Stand 7 Tjernagel, p. 57: "More's bitterest invective (New York and Nashville: Abingdon-Cokes was to be reserved for Barnes and Tyndale." See bury Press, 1950), p.298. also pp. 63, 124, 125, 146. 11 Gibson, Bibliography, No. 62, pp. 82 to 8 Luther to John Lang, Wittenberg, 19 Feb. 83. The present writer has not seen the copy 1518, D. Martin Luthers Werke: Briefwechsel, which Gibson lists. Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimar: Herman 12, Eruditissimi viri Guilielmi. Rossei opus Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1930), J, 147, No. 60. Lu elegans, doctttm, /estiuum, pium quo pulcher ther's works are cited as WA. Gottfried G. Kro rime retegit, ac l'e/ellit insanas Luther;' calumnias: del did not translate this letter in Luther's quibus iniuctissirnttm Angliae Galliaeque regem Works: Letters I, vol. 48 of the American edition Henricvm eius nominis octauum, Fidei de/en (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963). Luther sorem, haud literis minus q (quam) regno referred to the Utopia and Epigrammata pub clarum scurt'a turpissimus insectatur: excusum lished by Froben in Basel in March 1518. Frank denuo diligentissime, digestumque in capita, and :1vfajie Padberg Sullivan, Moreana: Materials adiunctis indicibtlS opera uiri doctissimi loan for the Study of Saint Thomas More, G-M (Los nis Carcellij (London: R. Pynson, 1523). Brit Angeles, Calif.: Loyola University of Los An ish Museum press-marks 1211. (2.) and 697. geles, 1965), p.25l. d.12. Cited as Ross. A. W. Pollard and G. R. 9 See references in n. 2 above. Redgrave, A Sho'l't-Title Catalogue 0/ Books Printed in England, Scotland, & Ireland and 0/ 10 Francis Atterbury, "An Answer to Some English Books Printed Abroad, 1475-1640 Considerations on the Spirit of Martin Luther (London: The Bibliographical Society, 1926), and the Origin of the Reformation ..." (Ox No. 18089. Cited as S. T. C. Gibson, Bibliog ford, at the theater, 1687, included in Atter raphy, No. 63, pp. 84-85. Donnelly, passim. bury's Sermons, 1727), had some very dis paraging remarks about More's book. See the 11- 13 Rainer Pineas, "Thomas More's Use of line summary in Frank and Majie Padberg Sul the Dialogue Form as a Weapon of Religious livan, Moreana: Materials for the Study of Saint Controversy," Studies in the Renaissance (New Thomas More, A-F (Los Angeles, Calif.: Loyola York: Renaissance Society of America, 1960), University of Los Angeles, 1964), p. 33. R. W. VII, 193-206. 248 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS vorable reference to Erasmus14 and an un Among the Wittenbergers, besides Lu favorable reference to Wyclyf, Hus, Hel ther, More attacked Bugenhagen directly. vidius, Arius, Momanus, and all the pesti John Bugenhagen (d. 1558), also known lent Lutherans15 are contained in this work. as Pommer or Pomeranus, J\{artin Luther's No good purpose is served in rehears pastor and father-confessor in Wittenberg, ing the details of More's arguments against addressed a letter to the English people Martin Luther, and to recite the invectives in 1525 under the title Epistola ad he hurled against the German reformer Anglos.ls It was reprinted in 1526 with (who was capable of returning blow for a response from John Cochlaeus,19 and blow) would not enhance the prestige of again in 1530. either More or Luther. More seems to The English translation of Bugenhagen's have had an especially bitter animosity letter was published in 1536 by an un against Luther, which did not allow him named and unknown printer as A com to state luther's position correctly.16 He pendious letter.20 More, who was be did not know Luther personally, but the headed in 1535, did not see this transla leadership role played by Luther in a tion. However, he answered the Witten cause which More totally disavowed, Lu- berg pastor's letter (likely in 1526) with ther's 2.ttacks cr: Henry and his writ- an epistk _~ ~_~~ ~ .. _. :.~~ __ ' ~ reply re- ings a6~--~- ~ = 1 partial ex- planation {Oi LUis animosity. John Coch one of the cotmsaylZ of 0... soueraY7le tarde the laeus, Luther's bitter German foe, was kY17g and chauncelloure of hys Duchy of Lan caster. W heryn he treatyd dyuers maters / as More's chief informant about Luther. 'JVil 0/ the Veneracyon & worshyp 0/ ymagys & liam Tyndale's affinity with Luther might relyques / praying to sayntis / & goynge on be adduced as still another reason for pylgrymage. Wyth many other thyngys touchyng the pestylent secte 0/ Luther & Tyndale / & by More's feelings. More's Dialogue was di the tother laboryd to be brought in to England rected specifically against Tyndale and (Newly ouersene; London: W. Rastell, 1530), LutherP He did not mention Melanch S. T. c., No. 18085. It was first published in 1529, S. T. C, No. 18084. Gibson, Bibliog thon. raphy, Nos. 53, 54, pp.73-74. The title indi cates that it is directed against Luther. No at 14 Ross, fo1. H. 17V. tempt is made to list the pages on which Luther 15 Ibid., fo1. HH 2v-3'. More developed his is named directly, but see especially ch. xxi of concept of the church between the Baravellus' the first book, the first seven chapters and the edition and the Rosseus' edition of his 1523 at twelfth chapter of the fourth book. tack on Luther. John M. Headley, "Thomas 18 The British Museum copy, press-mark Murner, Thomas More, and the First Expression 3265.a.22 (1.), was destroyed by bombing in of More's Ecclesiology," Studies in the Renais World War II. Gibson, Bibliography, No. 212, sance (New York: Renaissance Society of Amer p.182. ica, 1967), XIV, 73-92. 19 Epistola Iohannis BvgenhagU Pomerani ad 16 More wholly distorted Luther's doctrine Anglos. Responsio Iohann;s Cochlaei (s.n.s.L, of justification and did not grant that Luther taught that the believer should do good works. 1526). B. M. press-mark 3906.f.21. The B. M. His statements about Luther's position on the press-mark for the 1530 edition is 3907.a.40. Eucharist are inadequate. He attacked Luther 20 A compendious letter which fohn Pom severely for his contradictions. See, e. g., Don erane curate of the congregation at Wittenberge nelly, pp. 224-29, p. 296, n. 97; Stapleton, sent to the fayth/ull christen congregation in Life of More, ed., Reynolds, pp. 121-22. Englande (s.n.s.l., 1536). S. T. c., No. 4021. 17 A Dyaloge of syr Thomas More knyght: B.M. press-mark C.25.d.16(2.). THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS 249 mained in manuscript, it seems until 1568, works as fruits of faith. Bugenhagen at when it was printed in Louvain.21 tacked no one by name, and his tone is In his reply More cited Bugenhagen's anything but severely polemical. Perhaps letter verbatim in sentences or sections and it was because of Bugenhagen's prestige then brought his own counterarguments, and the relatively wide circulation of his again using a kind of verbal charge and tract that More decided to answer him.26 countercharge technique. Repeatedly he At any rate Bugenhagen did not know addressed his opponent personally, Pom about More's answer. erane. He polemicized against Martin Lu More may have written his reply to ther directly also in this letter. In it, too, Bugenhagen late in 1525 or early in 1526. he mentioned Carlstadt, [Francis} Lam Early in 1526, too, he took a direct hand bert, and Oecolampadius.22 Then he at in the action against the merchants of tacked Carlstadt and Zwingli, Luther and the Hanseatic League residing in the Oecolampadius because of their doctrines Steelyard in London. It is an interesting of the Eucharist.23 He indicted Witten but little noted episode in More's life;27 berg University because it is, he said, for that reason it will command more against sacred letters, the doctrine of the space in this account than it may seem to saints, and the established customs of the deserve.28 whole church.z4 More also polemicized 26 Tjernagel, pp.28-30, calls Bugenhagen's against the Lutheran doctrines of the letter "mild in tone" and suggests that it was church, Scripture and tradition, and justi due to Bugenhagen's importance that More at fication. Melanchthon is not included tacked him. Reynolds, Saint Thomas More, pp. 166-67, finds More's reply to Bugenhagen im among the individuals attacked by name. portant "for the dear statement More makes Bugenhagen's letter was short, consist there of his attitude towards the papacy." ing of 10 pages. He encouraged those who 27 One of the few accounts is found in Doernberg, p. 11, with due regard for More's were suffering persecution in England, role in it. For his account Pauli did not have saying, "Christ is oure ryghteousnesse."25 the documents pertaining to More. Reinhold He included an exhortation to do good Pauli, "Die Stahlhofskaufleute und Luthers Schriften," Hansische Geschichtsblatter (Leip zig: Verlag von Duncker & Humbolt, 1874), 21 Doctissima D. Thomae Mori Clarissimi. I, 155-62; idem, "Das Verfahren wider die ac Disertiss. Viri Epistola, in qua non minus Stahlhofskaufleute wegen der Lutherbucher," facete quam pie, respondet Literis loannis Pom ibid. (1878), pp. 157-72. erani, hominis inter Protestantes nominis non obscuri (Louvain: John Fowler, 1568). B.M. 28 The most comprehensive treatment of press-mark 4136.a.68. Gibson, Bibliography, this episode is found in M. E. Kronenberg's ar No. 61, p.81. The Correspondence of Sir ticle "A Printed Letter of the London Hanse Thomas More, ed. Elizabeth Frances Rogers Merchants (3 March 1526)," Oxford Biblio (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947). graphical Society Publications, New Series, Vol. This edition will be cited because of its greater I, fase. i (1947), pp. 25-32. Kronenberg trans availability. lates the letter and reproduces a facsimile of it. Gibson, Bibliography, no. 332. The present 22 Rogers, More's Correspondence, p. 326, writer has a Xerox copy of the original letter 55, to p. 327, 61. in the British Museum, press-mark C.18.e.1. 23 Ibid., p. 361, 1351, to p. 363, 1412. (94.). Kronenberg, p.28, n.1, notes a manu script letter to Lubeck, dated 1 March 1526, 24 Ibid., pp. 332, 233-241. almost identical with the Cologne letter of 25 Compendious letter, Sig. Aiiii'. 3 March 1526, from Hanserecesse von 1477- 250 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS

The Hansa merchants reported to the King's subjects and they knew that the mayor and council of Cologne that on 26 Steelyard received them [the books] first. January 1526, while they were at dinner, After giving orders that a list of the several members of the Royal Council with Hansa merchants should be brought to their retainers invaded the Steelyard. After him on the morrow, More and his com the place and the merchants were put under pany departed. guard, Sir Thomas More addressed the The next day, 27 January 1526, Sir group, reminding them that one of their Thomas appeared again; this time there fellows had been arrested for clipping were two clerks (tzwene doctore) in the English coins. He also upbraided them for company. Sir Thomas More again was in bringing Luther's books into the country. charge of the proceedings. He called for The account of More's role in this affair the Lutheran books in possession of the reads as follows: merchants. The merchants were divided So a knight, Sir Thomas Moir [sic), arose into two groups (one group for each of and addressed the Alderman and the whole the clerks) and each one was required to group and said that they should not be give an oath that he would destroy such frightened by their coming after they books. The merchants' quarters were then learned about the commands of his Royal searched.29 On 11 February 1526 four Highness (Henry VIII] and were sum merchants had to carry faggots in penance, moned by the Lord Cardinal [Wolseyl while Lutheran books were being burned And with that he told about the discovery at St. Paul's Cathedrapo of the Lord King's gold and silver coins in More's activities against the Hansa mer the possession of one of our men, that now at last he had been imprisoned. At the chants go beyond the mere forbidding of time his Royal Majesty did not take the importation of Lutheran books into this as seriously and severely to heart, as England.31 They were an aggressive mea he did the creditable report which came to sure, motivated in part, it seems likely, by his Grace that many of our merchants were Bugenhagen's direct address to the English, guilty of obtaining Martin Luther's books a piece of propaganda not to be ignored, and daily bringing more of them into En and the printing of Tyndale's New Testa- gland. Thereby a great error of the Chris tian faith was being spread among the 29 B. M., press-mark C.18.e.1.(94.). 30 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, 1550, ed. Dietrich Schafer and Friedrich Techen from the Reign 0/ Henry VIII, eds. J. S. Brewer (Munich-Leipzig, 1913), IX, 402-4. Kronen and James Gardiner (London, 1870 fl.), IV, i, berg, p. 27, believes that the Cologne letter was 1962, pp.884-86. Kronenberg does not con printed by Melchior von Neuss in Cologne. He nect the events of 26 and 27 January with those agrees with Conrad Borchling and Bruno Claus of 11 February. sen, Niederdeutsche Bibliographie: Gesamtver 31 S[idney] L[ee], "Thomas More (1478 to zeichnis der Niederdeutschen Drucke his zum 1535) ," Dictionary 0/ National Biography, Jahre 1800 (Neumiinster: Karl Wacholtz Ver XXXVIII (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1894), lag, 1931), I, 390, No. 874. Kronenberg does 434, describes the printed circular of the Hansa not agree with the S. T. C. entry, No. 16778, merchants, with reference to the B. M. copy which assigned the printer to London. Kronen cited above in n.29, in this way. Perhaps the berg's arguments for placing him in Cologne are Low German gave him difficulty. He dated the convmcmg. Gibson, Bibliography, No. 332, circular incorrecdy as March 1527 instead of agrees with Kronenberg. 1526. THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS 251 ment. More gave evidence for his zeal rome, Ambrose, Augustine, Basil, Chrysos for the preservation of the Roman Catho tom, and Gregory with "frere Luther & lic faith in England by trying to stop up his wyfe, prieste Pomerane & his wife, one of London's chief outlets of Lutheran frere Huiskin & his wife, priest Carlas books. tadius and his wyfe, Dan Otho monke & More's zeal was recognized by Bishop his wyfe, frere Lambert & his wife, frantike Tunstal, who granted him a license to Colins, & more frantike Tindall." 36 Me read heretical books in order to refute lanchthon was a layman, and so he would them.32 Of course, this was also a recog not be included in this list, but More was nition of his literary abilities and his not intent on enumerating or perhaps knowledge of theology, although he was a even knowing all the Wittenberg theo layman. logians. Justus Jonas seems to have been A direct outcome of this license was passed over simply because he was un 37 More's A Dietlogue Concernynge her known to More. esyes.33 In it he lumped the Wittenberg More was also greatly disturbed by Lu ers together as "blasphemouse heretiques" ther's attitude toward the Turkish wars, because they burned "the lawes of the perhaps not understanding Luther's view church ... singinge in derision a Dirige of history. Lr~hA~ *cgarded the Turks as about the fire for the Iawes soule." 34 Twice a visitation of '-JUG,3S classifying happen i. ..lOle named Johann Bugenhagen, using ings according to the dichotomy of judg his Latinized name Pomeranus as a sym ment and grace, wrath and love. bol of Luther's followers; "... he [Lu More praised the Lutherans of Ger ther} and other Lutheranes," he said once, many for their readiness to defend Chris but more to the point, ". . . Luther & tendom against the Turks in the Dialogtte Pomerane, & all ye archheretikes of that of Comfort, written during his final im sect ...." 35 He contrasted Cyprian, Je- prisonment. He prayed that God would "bring them together in the truth of His 32 Gilbert Burnet, History of the Reforma faith," and especially his readiness to "let tion (London, 1679), I, 31; Gibson, Bibliog God work" and to "leave off contention" 39 raphy, No.215, p.183; ibid., No. 158, pp.162 to 163. English Historical Documents, 1485- is in strong contrast to his earlier bitter- 1558, ed. C. H. Williams (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, Ltd., 1967), pp. 828 f. 36 Dialogue, p. 287,. Modern Version, p. 323. 33 S. T. c., No. 18084; d. also S. T. c., No. 37 More was not always careful in weighing 18080. his evidence when he attacked the Lutherans. Citing Wolsey as his authority, he blamed the 34 The Dialogue concerning Tyndale b'Y Sir Thomas More ... ed. W. E. Campbell (Lon Lutheran Landsknechte, mercenaries, for the hor don: Eyre and Spottiswoode, Ltd., 1927) , rors of the 1527 sack of Rome, calling them "those uplandish Lutherans." Adams, p. 266. p. 251; Modern Version, p.271. This edition is cited because of its greater accessibility; both 38 Adams, pp.274--76, has a comprehen the reprint of the original and the modernized sive statement of More's criticism, although he, edition are cited for completeness' sake. The too, like More, failed to understand Luther. reference is to the burning of the papal bull 39 Thomas More, A Dialogue of Comfort and the canon law at Wittenberg on 10 Dec. Against Tribulation, ed. Leland Miles (Bloom 1520. ington and London: Indiana University Press, 35 Dialogue, p. 267; Modern Version, p.289. 1965). p. 36 (Part I, 12). 252 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS

ness.40 He still did not favor the Lutheran entirely neutral in their reporting.46 More disparagement of fasting and "other bodily received a report from Cochlaeus about afRictions" as works meriting salvation.41 Melanchthon's stand at Augsburg and the Lutherans argued against sorrow for sin, Con/essio Augustana delivered to Emperor he stated, and used ridicule in arguing that Charles V (1530),47 but there is no ex they cheerfully got drunk and then "letting tant record that More found it necessary Christ's Crucifixion pay the bill." 42 But to attack Melanchthon personally either even this was much milder than many for this document or its Apologia (1531). things More had written against the Lu What is perhaps a parallel of More's therans previously. Despite his relative attitude toward Melanchthon can be found mildness, however, More still did not un in his treatment of Simon Grynaeus. Al derstand Lutheranism or Luther's doctrine. though Grynaeus was an avowed Protes If More failed to understand Luther, he tant, yet More tolerated him when he had an affinity for Me1anchthon. At least visited London in 1532. "I am keenly his silence about Melanchthon seems to aware of the risk involved in an open have been deliberate. When he referred door policy toward these newfangled to him, it was in noncommittal terms. sects," More wrote Erasmus in explaining There is no indication that More knew t'---~ L --- - on his against ':":_ / that Melanchthon had reissued Linacre's naeus.4S Grynaeus showed his appreciation De si tura latini sermonis libros VI in of More's kindness to him by dedicating Wittenberg in 1531 with a preface ad the second edition of his Plato (1534) to dressed to Wilhelm Reiffenstein.43 It was John More, Sir Thomas' son.49 He referred Melanchthon's tribute to English human ism. And even though More paid no versity Press, 1961), ep. 46, p. 179; Opus epi tribute to Melanchthon's humanism di stolarum Erasmi, ed. P. S. Allen (Oxford: Clar rectly, he respected his learning. More endon Press, 1908-58), X, 259, ep. 2831. knew about the brief reference to Me 46 The reference to "those people" who are lanchthon in Cochlaeus' reply to Bugen fretting about the Eucharist refers to Tyndale and his kind and not to Melanchthon. Rogers' hagen.44 The references More made to footnote, Selected Letters, p. 179, n. 5, is cautious Melanchthon in one of his letters to Eras in describing Melanchthon's doctrine of the mus45 can be described only as objective, Eucharist as "Consubstantiation"; the term is one which Melanchthon himself would not have allowed of his doctrine. 40 Ibid., p. 38, n. 5; p. xxxvi. 41 Ibid., pp. 77-81 (Part II, 6). 47 John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Dres den, 26 April 1531, Rogers, More's Co"espon 42 Ibid., pp. 81-82 (Part II, 7). dence, ep. 184, pp. 431,432. 42 Corpus Refo,mato,um: Philippi Melan· 48 Rogers, Selected Lette,s, ep. 44, p. 176; tbonis Opera quae supe'Junt, eds. C. G. Bret Allen, X, 33, ep.2659. The letter is dated 14 schneider and H. E. Bindseil (Haile/S., 1833 if.), June 1532. 11,481-84, No. 962. 49 Grynaeus to John More [Basle}, 1 March 44 See n. 19 above. Sig. B.l!. 1534, Rogers, Mo,e's Correspondence, ep. 196, 45 More to Erasmus, Chelsea {June? 1533), pp. 470-80; Rogers, Selected Letters, p. 176, St. Thomas Mo,e: Selected Letters, ed. Elizabeth n.2; Stapleton, Life of Mo,e, ed. Reynolds, pp. F. Rogers (New Haven and London: Yale Uni- 58-59. THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS 253 also to his associations with John Harris, "vir doctrina atque dignitate praestans." 53 More's secretary and John's tutor. 50 Likely But what about Luther? Sir Thomas More would have been tolerant Luther did not know that William Ross to a greater humanist than Grynaeus, was Sir Thomas More. At least there is Philipp Melanchthon, although More did no indication of this fact in his letters or not express himself in this way. The com writings. Perhaps he did not even know ment of More's 16th-century biographer, about More's book against him under this Stapleton (he was not speaking about pseudonym. He mentioned More at least Melanchthon), has some bearing on a twice in his "tabletalk," the records of conjecture dealing with More's possible which need not be regarded as always re attitude to Melanchthon: liable. The remark, as given in Henty Of these learned men, then, More, him Bell's 17th-century translation, was to the self eminent in learning, was the intimate question: "Whether Thomas More was friend. To these both at home and abroad, executed for the Gospel's sake, 01' no?" for the sake of their virtue and their schol Luther answered, No, in no wise; for hee arship, he was bound by the closest of was a notable Tyrant: Hee was the king's bonds. chiefest Counsellor, a very learned man But what is astonishing in so fervent a and a wise man: Hee shed the blood of Catholic and so zealous a defender of the many innocent Christians that confessed Catholic faith is that he honoured men of the Gospel, those hee plagued and tor learning so highly, solely with an eye to mented with strange instruments like an their literary attainments, that even to Hangman or Executioner; First hee exam heretics eminent in literature he did not ined them in words under a green tree, refuse his favour and his good offices. 51 afterwards with sharp torments in prison. At last, hee learned himself against the II Edict of the King and whole Kingdom, was disobedient, and so punished.54 Now to look at the other side of the coin, what were the attitudes of the Wit 53 ]. Camerarius, De Vita Philippi Melan tenbergers towards Sir Thomas More? Did thonis Narratio, ed. G. T. Strobel (Halle, 1777), p. 143. This writer was not able to verify Gib they retaliate or answer his polemics? son, Bibliography, No. 221, p. 185, although he Bugenhagen seems to have ignored saw a copy of John Molle's The Living Librarie More.52 Joachim Camerarius called him (London, 1621), B. M. press-mark 122.g.18. Hence the epigram, noted by Gibson, No. 413, p.238, also escaped him. 50 Rogers, More's Correspondence, ep. 196, p. 479, 314-18; Rogers, Selected Letters, 54 DriB Martini Luther; Colloquia Mensalia: p.176, n. 2. or, Dr Martin Luther's Divine Discourses at his Table, &c., trans. Henrie Bell (London: William 51 Life of More, Stapleton, ed. Reynolds, Du-Gard, 1652), p.464. Gibson, Bibliography, p.58. no. 401, p.234. Luther's denial that Sir Thomas 52 There is no reference to Thomas More in More was a martyr for the Gospel was recorded Bugenhagen's published works, not even in his by Anthony Lauterbach on 29 May 1538. Lu letters. Dr, Johannes Bugenhagens Briefwechsel, ther's Works: Table Talk, ed. Theodore G. Tap ed. O. Vogt for the Gesellschaft fur pommersche pert, Helmuth Lehmann, general editor (Phila Geschichte und Alterthumskunde (Stettin: Leon delphia: Fortress Press, 1967), XL VIII, 288, Sanier, 1888). No. 3887. Luther condemned Henry VIII for 254 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS

If Luther did indeed say all of this - VIII for the execution of More. He men Bell's account is embellished 55 - then this tioned rumors of More's death by the end is evidence of misconceptions and wrong of August 1535, eight weeks after the information about More. Likely Luther event.58 In the meanwhile he had dedi simply said that More had gone against cated the 1535 edition of his Loci com God in opposing the Gospel, but Henry munes to Henry.59 At the end of that did not do justly in killing him. year the negotiation in Wittenberg be 60 Er [Henry VIII] hatt den Thomam Marum tween Henry's envoys and the Lutherans vmbbracht, qui utcunque erga Deum fuit found Melanchthon a bit C001;61 he had not reus, attamen erga suum regem iustus.56 forgotten More's death and was still af fected by it.62 Grisar was wrong when he A much more reliable indication of Lu said that "Melanchthon took no offense at ther's attitude toward More is the remark the cruel execution of Sir Thomas he penned in 1540 that Henry wanted to More.... " 63 be God and make articles of faith arbi There is no record that Luther or Me trarily, condemning More and Fisher be lanchthon saw the Flugschriften that cir cause they would not subscribe.57 Five culated in Germany about More's death; years after the event Luther had no kind but it is likely that they did. At least words for More's executioner. three different German translations were Melanchthon, too, condemned Henry made of the Paris newsletter reporting it.64 putting More to death. So Lauterbach again recorded it under date of 10 July 1539. Ibid., 58 Melanchthon to Joachim Camerarius, 31 XLVIII, 362, No. 4699. August 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, II, 918, no. 1309; 1. and P., IX, 222, p. 74. 55 Bell is based on the version of Anthony Lauterbach and arranged by John Aurifaber. 59 Corpus Reformatorum, II, 920-30, No. This is found most conveniently in Weimar 1311; 1. and P., IX, 223, p.74; see also 1. and Ausgabe, Tischreden, III, 488-89, No. 3887. P., IX, 1067, p. 368. 56 Ibid., IV, 437, No. 4699. Cf. Doernberg, 60 Tjernagel, pp. 135-89; Doernberg, pp. p. 115, who does not give a reference. 97-120. 57 Bekantnus des Glaubens: Die Robertus 61 ". . . Phylippus videtur nobiscum esse, Barns / Der Heiligen Schri/ft Doctor (inn ..." Robert Barnes to Thomas Cromwell, 28 Deudschen Lande D. Antonius genent) zu Lun Dec. 1535, L. and P., IX, 1030, p.354. den inn Engelland gethan hat. Anno M. D. xl. 62 "Mod causa afficior. . . ." Melanchthon Am xxx. tag des Monats Julii / Da e1' zum to Camerarius, 24 Dec. 1535, Corpus Relorma Fewer one vrteil vnd recht / vnschuldig / torum, II, 1028, No. 1381; L. and P., IX, 1013, vnuerhorter sach / gefurt vnd verbrannt worden p.344. ist. Aus der Englischen sprach verdeutscht. Mit einer Vorrhede D. Martini Luthers (Witten 63 Grisar, Luther, IV, 9. berg, 1540), Sig. A.iij.2r: "Denn was juncker 64 B. M. press-mark 187.£.5 and Ac.9925/- Heintz wil / das sol ein Articke1 des glaubens 141. The German translations were not com sein / beide zum leben vnd tod / Denn D. pared with either of these French versions. For Barns sagt mir se1bs alhie / Das Morus vnd dec reference to the MSS in the Bibliotheque Na Bishoff von Roffen / auch fast darumb vom tionale see Frank and Majie Padberg Sullivan, Heintzen hingerichtet seien / Das sie nicht Moreana, 1478-1945: A Preliminary Check willigen wolten jnn Heintzens Artikel / so er List 01 Materials by and About Saint Thomas gestellet hatte." Weimer Ausgabe, LI, 449-51. More (Kansas City, Mo.: Rockhurst College, Cf. Doernberg, pp. 125, 126. 1946) . THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS 255

One was printed in Niirnberg,65 a second cution of the two Englishmen,7o and re by Johann Faber in Freiburg/B.,66 and a joiced in their death.71 Such an interpre third in 1536 by Heinrich Steines in tation totally disregards the context in Augsburg.67 The Freiburg translation was which Luther's sentence was written, since from the pen of G. Wickgramm (nothing he was inveighing against the greed and more is known about him than his name). rapacity of the prelates of his day.72 His The names of the other translators are not remark about More73 must be taken as a recorded. It would be odd indeed if none condemnation of Henry VIII in the first of these German translations reached Wit instance. If Luther and Melanchthon re tenberg or came to the attention of Lu joiced about the execution of More and ther and Melanchthon. It is possible that Fisher, why did Henry VIII instruct Ed the Latin version,68 too, reached these ward Fox, on a mission to Germany, to university professors. The records say tell John Frederick, elector of Saxony, that More and Fisher were traitors? In the nothing. language of diplomacy he was to inform Misunderstandings and misstatements the Saxon court that the English king about Luther's and Melanchthon's reactions would regard it an unfriendly act if evil to the executions of More and Fisher have reports were believedo74 The Electorate found th<:'- ~.~:- ;-.~ ~~h~l~_l:. works.69 of Saxony and n HC~U~~'6 uHke were Luther particularly hac been loaded with shocked by the executions. calumny; he, it is said, sanctioned the exe- 70 Grisar, Luther, III, 70; ibid., IV, 9; ibid., 65 Beschreybung des vrtheyls und todts, V, 110; ibid., VI, 246; F. and M. P. Sullivan, weiland des Gross Cantzlers in Engenlandt, Moreana, G-M, p.55. Herrn Thomas Morus, Darumb das er desselben 71 Ibid., p.352, from Murray, p.274. Reicbs Ratschlag vnd newen Statuten nit bat wollen anhangen. Auss einem welsch en truck 72 Luther to Melanchthon (in Jena), Wit vertetttscht. B. M. press.mark 1202.c.33. (1.). tenberg, beginning of December 1535, Dr. Mar tin Luther's Briefwechsel, ed. Ernst L. Enders 66 Glaubwirdiger bericht va dem Todt des (Calw. & Stuttgart: Verlag von Vereinsbuch Edlen Hochgelerten Herrn Tbome Mori, vnd handlung, 1903), X, 275, No. 2342, denounced anderer herlicber Memzer in Engellandt getodtet, rapacious and diabolical prelates, to use his dttrch ein Epistel eynen giiten freundt zuge terms, who were depriving the people of their scbicht, attss Latein in Teutsch vertbolmetschet. goods and robbing the churches. nWould there B. M. press-mark 697.e.43. were a few more such kings of England to put 67 Ein glattbwirdiger anzaygung des tods to death these cardinals. . . ." This is the re Herm Thome Mori, vnd andrer treffenlicber mark Grisar quotes with reference in the four manner inn Engelland, geschehen im jar M. D. instances cited in footnote 70 without noting XXXV. B. M. press-mark 699.g.36. their context. There is no shred of evidence for Murray's statement, p.352, that "his [Lu 68 Expositio fidelis de morte D. Thomae Mori et quorundam aliorum insignium virorum ther's] joy arose in part from the circumstances in Anglia. B. M. press·mark 4902.aaa.29. This that the latter [Fisher} had just been created a version is probably by Phil. Montanus, not by member of the Sacred College." Erasmus. 73 See n. 57 f. 69 Robert H. Murray, EraSmltS and Luther: 74 L. and P., IX, 213, p. 70, dated 31 Aug. Their Attitudes to Tolerance (London: S. P. 1535; Tjernagel, pp. 145, 146, with reference C. K., 1920), p. 27 4. See F. and M. P. Sul also to Richard W. Dixon, History of tbe livan, Moreana, G·M, p. 352. Chttrch 0/ England (London, 1895), I, 296. 256 THOMAS MORE AND THE WITTENBERG LUTHERANS

It is regrettable that More and Melanch dialog in the 20th-century sense of the than never met. They might have under term. More's dealing with the Hansa mer stood each other. In spite of More's ani chants was arbitrary. The relationships on mosity to Luther he might have treated all sides suffered from a lack of adequate, him more kindly had he met him. Surely accurate information. his Dialogue conrerwynge heresies was no St. Louis, Mo.