Indigenous Movement of the Zeliangrong Nagas in the North

Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the Zeliangrong Nagas in the 50 North East India

Aphun Kamei

Contents Introduction ...... 908 Conclusion ...... 922 References ...... 922

Abstract Today, more than ever, the need for economic development and progress is felt much stronger by any group or community. This means that all groups or communities enter into direct or indirect competitions and conﬂicts at all times. As a result of this, each community is compelled to search for new technology and new cultural practices in order to acquire more wealth and prosperity. The widespread education and the process of modernization accelerates the economic growth and prosperity which ultimately connects every culture through circulat- ing global markets, and this process helps people to come closer and increasingly found interlinked with one another. However, in such process, we see either a community being merged with the “mainstream” losing its identity or in the course of time assimilating within that same community. Therefore, this chapter deals with a particular community in the quest for economic progress and search for sustaining its identity and in the process leading to identity crisis. Major factors such as migration, colonialism, religious conversion, Meitei expansionism or “Meiteization,” modernization, and globalization are identiﬁed for the causes of identity crisis which ultimately led to the emergence of distinct and independent ethnic identities such as the Zeme, Liangmai, Rongmei and Inpui from a generic identity known as the “Zeliangrong.”

A. Kamei (*) Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected]

Keywords Ethnicity · Identity · Migration · Colonialism · Meiteization · Religious conversion · Modernization globalization

Introduction

Today, all human societies have become increasingly interlinked with one another through global markets and the spread of a universal consumer culture. The need of development, which probably every country faces, creates a search for modern technology. This makes possible the development of the backward societies and accumulation of material wealth, and more importantly this process results in an increasing homogenization of all human societies, regardless of their origin or cultural inheritances. This process dictates inescapable unification of education pattern and replacement of traditional institutions like tribe, clan, or family by new economic units, in some cases resulting in progressive modernization or westernization of many societies (Saraswati 1996, p. 83). But, in this process of modernization and global markets, it is unfortunate to witness some societies or tribal groups being merged with the mainstream or consequently, losing their cultural identity. Therefore, it is pertinent to know what identity is and how it is formed. Identity formation is a process through which people are made conscious of their distinct characteristics and group loyalty is established on that basis (Upreti 2001, p. 15). This formation is found in all societies, but the dominant cultural streams usually could not assimilate various smaller cultural groups within the majoritarian cultural streams. The smaller cultural groups fear their submergence in the larger culture. Hence, they try to assert on the basis of their distinct cultural identities. Such is the case in Pakistan, where Muhajirs have been struggling for their distinct cultural identity. Likewise in Sri Lanka, the clash of Sinhala and Tamil cultures has thrown the country in the vortex of serious ethnic conflict. In Bhutan too the problem of Nepali migrants emerged with the imposition of “cultural code” based on Drukpa culture on them. In Nepal, the hill people have been considering themselves as the repository of Nepal culture while Taraians as outsiders. This has brought the two communities, having distinct regional identities, into sharp conflict. The Nepalese ruling elite followed policy of “Nepalization” of the Tarai region: which is often seen as the cultural hegemony of the hill people over the immigrant Tarai people. The Mongolians are also resenting against the Hindu cultural domination. The Tribal communities in South Asia, on the other hand, have also asserted their distinct identities. It is strange that while these communities aspire for modernization and development at par with other regions of the country, they do not want to lose their distinct cultural identities. The Baluch and Pakhtoon movements in Pakistan; Naga, Khasi, Mizo, in India; movement of Chitagong hill tribals in Bangladesh; “Limbuvan,”“Kiratavan,” and “Magarantik” movements in Nepal; etc. are such tribal cultural assertions (Ibid., pp. 18–19). 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 909

Any scholarly attempt to understand identity cannot ignore the works of Erik H. Erikson. As Ernest Hess rightly pointed, “Erik Erikson has been the person most responsible for bringing the concept of ‘identity’ and ‘identity-crisis’ into the common parlance.” (Hess 1991, pp. 22–23). Erikson’s concern centers mostly on the psychological aspect of an individual identity formation, but he relates “per- sonal” identity closely with “cultural” identity recognizing the dynamic impact of the society on the individual’s identity formation. Identity formation, Erikson said, “deals with a process ‘located’ in the core of the individual and yet also in the core of his (or her) communal culture (Erikson 1968, p. 22). Though his psychological definition aims at an individual’s identity formation and development, his definition is helpful in comprehending the essential features of group identity as it provides us with a framework to devise the patterns and characters of group identity formation. Identity is, therefore, complex since it requires one to ask, initially, questions about the “self” and the “other.” It means covering a whole range of variables and definitions: the notions about the self-individual and collective and the cultural “other” in terms of whether one referring to economic, social, or cultural dimensions. These debates are very active in the contemporary societies where development and progress has taken deep roots. Unlike the concept of community, identity has not been a major preoccupation with mainstream western sociology. Among the classical theorists of sociology, it is perhaps in the writings of Mead and Cooley that one finds detailed references to the question of identity. However, they too approached identity in a socio psychological manner rather than a politico-sociological one. They talked about identity while trying to understand the formation of an individual self in a collectivity through the experience of meaningful interactions as part of the socialization process (see Cooley 1962; Mead 1934). The most crucial point that Mead and Cooley made in their discussions on the subject was the significance of “others” in the formation of an individual’s self-identity. Later sociologists emphasized that it was not sufficient for an individual or a collectivity to merely assert an identity. It also needed to be validated (or not) by those with whom one had dealings (Jenkins 1996, p. 210). Barth, in his classical work on ethnicity, insisted that sending a message about the distinctiveness of one’s identity was not enough. The message to be accepted by significant others before an identity could be said to have been “taken on.” Identities were therefore to be found and negotiated at the boundaries of the internal and external (Barth 1969, p. 23). It was only in the 1970s and 1980s, with the rise of “new” social movements, including those by women and the subordinate ethnicities, that the question of “identity” acquired a political status in the western societies and academia. While it was in the 1970s that the west experienced what Anthony D. Smith called the “ethnic revival” (Smith 1981, p. 11), it was in the 1980s that the questions of identity and ethnicity came to acquire the center stage in Indian politics (Jodhka 2001, p. 20). The two most significant political movements that brought this about were the “crises,” experienced almost simultaneously, in the northeastern of Assam and the northwestern state of Punjab. A separatist’s movement in the border of Kashmir and the rise of a pan-Indian Hindutva identity followed soon after. 910 A. Kamei

Following Stuart Hall, one can identify two different ways of thinking about “identity.” The first position defines cultural identity in terms of one, shared culture, a sort of collective “one true self,” hiding inside the many other, more superficial or artificially imposed “selves,” which people with a shared history and ancestry hold in common (Hall 1990, p. 223). It was within this framework that, until recently, the question of identity was thought of in many public and academic discourses on culture In reply to India. There is also a second and what Jodhka calls it “open-ended view of culture” that approaches community identities not in the primordialist or substantivist perspectives but as a process of, what Appadurai calls, “conscious mobilization of cultural difference” (Appadurai 1997, p. 15). Like the above framework, Hall also argues, “cultural identity is a matter of ‘becoming’ as well as of ‘being’.” It belongs to the future as much as to the past. It is not something that already exists, transcending place, time, history, and culture. Cultural identities come from somewhere and have histories. But like everything there is historical, they undergo a constant transformation. Far from being eternally fixed in some essentialized past, they are subject to continuous “play” of history, culture, and power. Far from being grounded in a mere “recovery” of the past, which is waiting to be found, and which, when found, will secure our sense of ourselves into eternity, identities are the names we give to the different ways we are positioned by, and position ourselves within, the narratives of the past (Hall 1990, p. 225). Jenkins too makes a similar point when he says, “identity an only be understood as process. One’s social identity (or identities) is never a final settled matter” (Jenkins 1996, p. 5). The question of ethnic identity in North East India, therefore, remains a complex subject on account of several sociological and historical reasons. In several cases, the identity question is intimately tied with the wider political aspiration of the people concerned (Singh 1982, p. 199). The nomenclature, Zeliangrong, is a collective ethno-cultural entity of the people who speak the dialect of Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei (Kabui) including Puimei tribes of North East India. The term was used for the first time in 1947, when the “Zeliangrong Union” was formed to mean the same group of people sharing common origin, language, and culture. It is a combined name of kindred tribes of the Zeme, the Liangmai, and the Rongmei (Kabui) with the prefixes taken together to form the term “ZELIANGRONG” (Ze+Liang+Rong). Many Naga traditions pointed Makhel in north Manipur as their original home- land. The legends, the ritual hymns, and traditions of the tribe refer to their coming out of a hole or cave in the earth, called Taobhei at Ramting Kabin, a deep gorge between the two hills which are deep and dark. Another view on the origin is traced from China with a scanty literature. T.C. Hodson in the beginning of the twentieth century, while officiating as the Assistant Political Agent in Manipur, visited this megalith and wrote, “At Makhel is to be seen a stone now erected which marks the place from which the common ancestors (of the Nagas) emerged from the earth” (1996, p. 13). From this place, they proceeded westward and arrived at Makuilongdi or Nkuilongdi meaning “round big mountain.” Makuilongdi has been known by many names like Chawang Phungning or Guang Phungning. Many Liangmai 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 911 lineages trace their migration from Guang Phungning, which according to them was the main village of the cluster of villages, commonly known as Makuilongdi. Many Rongmei hymns refer to this prosperous village of Guang Phungning as well. It is believed that Makuilongdi became quite prosperous with enough land for agriculture. From a village it had become a cluster of smaller hamlets and settlements. Tradition has that 30 ceremonies of “ornamented ritual house” (locally known as Tarang Kai) were performed at Makuilongdi in a single year. Performance of such costly ceremonies reflected the plentiful harvests in the village and a surplus in food production. At Makuilongdi, a political system was developed under a Chief. It was a cradle of Zeliangrong culture with a total of 7777 households. From here, it was believed that the tribe migrated toward different directions. (There are two schools of thought – immediate cause and long-term one: According to the former, the migration from Makuilongdi was caused by the sudden exodus of the people at the divine warning of violating the law of nature and social discipline of the village by indulging in the performance of 30 sacrificial house constructions (locally called Tarangkai) in a single year without any break forgetting their lunar calendar of agricultural rites and devoted to enjoyment and merry making. Suddenly, insects flew to the village, and being shocked and terrified, the people moved toward different directions. A more rational and scientific reason for their migration was believed to be caused by the pressure on land due to the increase in population and differences on the issue of succession to the hereditary chieftainship.) What is interesting to see is that the tribe came to be known by various names in the course of their migration. The name, Zeme, was derived from their settlement at the hill range, which was the frontier of the Zeliangrong habitat, frontier, or periphery as “Zena” or “Nzie.” From this, the people were known as Zeme or Nzieme. The people who headed toward the northern direction came to be known as the “Liangmai”; the southerners came to be known as the “Rongmei” or the “Maruongmei.” Thus, following the whims of the more powerful and daring adventurers among them, many of them started migrating, batch by batch, to distant hill ranges which attracted them most. The southerners’ (Rongmeis) settlement in the valley of Manipur is worth mentioning here. Since then they are referred to as “Kabuis,” probably a term given by the Meiteis of Manipur. During the pre-British period, when Manipur was under the Meitei Rajas, the Rongmei settlement in the Manipur valley started from the days of Maharaja Garibaniwaj (1709–1749). According to the Meitei Puyas (Meitei Chronicles), the Rongmeis who had rendered help to the Meitei Rajas in their war against the Burmese in 1934 were allowed to settle down on the Chingmeirong (now in Imphal East district) and Langthabal Hills (Imphal-West district). It is said that the Meitei Rajas of those days employed the Rongmei people in several capacities – some for husking paddy in the royal house, some for collecting and supplying fire woods, some in the Royal band party, and others in several other works of life. Therefore, many villages such as Majorkhul, Keishamthong, Mahabali, Kakhulong, Ragailong, Namthanlong, Sangaiprou, etc. started settling in and around the Imphal Valley of Manipur. A large number of Rongmei people living on eastern hill ranges facing the Loktak Lake had come down 912 A. Kamei the valley and started establishing a Rongmei village named “Thienjang” in the Loktak project area. Many of them have employment opportunities under the Loktak project schemes. Some of the Rongmei people from Mukten, Langteng, Daron, Juron, Charungkhou, Sengai, etc. who were, at one time, living on the top and not-easily-accessible-part of the hills moved down toward the plains. Many new villages came into existence in several parts of the Bishenpur area in Manipur. When the Naga underground movements were very active in the hills, life became insecure for many; and consequently, many of them were compelled to migrate to other states in North East India, Dhobi Nulla, Dimapur, Jaluke, Samjuram, and Beikapning, and other parts of Nagaland, while some in the Cachar district of Assam. The existing Rongmei villages in and around the Imphal Valley increased considerably in their household strength due to the influx of the immigrants from the neighboring hills. The process of migration in the valley continued, and it was during the reign of King Garibniwaj that the Meiteis in the valley converted to Hinduism. Since then Meiteization (The process of “Meiteization” is because of the fact that the Meiteis enjoy a high social position in the valley, and the Meitei way of life became the “valley way of life,” and this has led to the formation of the “valley society” in Manipur.) came as a response due to their dominance in economic and cultural sphere. For instance, anything that Meitei did become the “valley way of life.” The Loi/Chakpa (other ethnic groups), Yaithibi started to use “Singh” as their title just like the Meiteis; have sacred places in their houses like them and even the hill tribes followed. The Rongmeis in the valley started adopting a religion like that of the Meiteis. Such process, according to M.N. Srinivas, is known as “Sanskritization.” However, it would be wrong to assume that ethnic groups in the valley converted to Hinduism in its entirety. The Meitei Muslims locally known as the Meitei Pangals adopted Meitei language and culture identified themselves distinctly. They followed “purdah system” and practiced Mohammedan faith. Likewise, the tribals especially the Rongmeis retain their tribal identity and manifested it in festivals, rituals, and ceremonies. It was a “fluid identity” which changes in time and space. Around this time in the early nineteenth century, Christianity came to the neighboring hills of the Zeliangrong region. (The first missionaries who had toured the hill ranges of Manipur were the Jesuit missionaries, Stephen Cacells and J. Gabral, through the Brahmaputra Valley in the North East. The purpose of their tour was, however, exploratory ostensibly to find a route into China and Tibet. Later, there grew up Catholic Churches in many surrounding areas. But the first significant contact with the Hill Tribes of Manipur was made by the Serampore Mission of the British Baptist Missionary Society in the early part of the nineteenth century. Curiously enough, the initiative for starting missionary enterprise came from the government officials. This was because of the realization of the futility of the policy of military expedition which produced jealousy and suspicion culminating in endless wars of retaliation and revenge. Thus, what could not be achieved by the military power could be gained by the power of the gospel. American Baptist Foreign Missionary Society was the next group of Missionaries who landed in the Naga Hills in 1871. Under the leadership of Mr. William Pettigrew, many tribals were converted especially the Tangkhul Nagas of Manipur. The next group of Missionaries who came in contact 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 913 with the Hill Tribes of Manipur was the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Foreign Mission Society (WCMFMS) which were a conglomeration of Anglicans, Welsh Presbyterians, and Congregationalists (Independents) under Jacob Tomlin, an ex- missionary of London Missionary Society in India. These missionaries, in the course of time, succeeded in converting the Hill Tribes of Manipur. The single most important development that made the imagining of Nagas as a collectivity possible was their conversion to Christianity. Although they followed several sects and denominations, their conversion is considered as the most massive movement to Christianity in all of Asia, second only to that of the Philippines, in the words of historian Richard Eaton. Today, Christianity has become an essential part of Naga identity. But this conversion to Christianity was the result of their incorporation into a larger political, economic, and cultural universe, so was their journey on the road to Nationhood. For details see Dena (1988), p. 18; Bhuyan (1948), p. 3; Barpujari (1970); The Baptist Missionary Magazine, Boston, Vol. LXXV, pp. 308–309; F.D. Secret Proc., Nos. 24–24, January, 1895; Fortis Jyrwa (1980), p. 20; Eaton (1997).) The British conquest of the people was completed with their annexation of North Cachar in 1854, the establishment of the Naga Hills District in 1886, and the conquest of Manipur in 1891. During this period there were reasonably good numbers who have converted, and this gave rise to two faiths among the Zeliangrong Nagas. In the words of Prof. Gangmumei Kamei, “In the Zeliangrong area, there was not much help from the foreign missionaries. The Christian missionaries in their mission to spread Christianity tried to destroy the social and cultural life of the people. By bans on dance and music, on the dormitory system, rejection of the authority of the traditional village council, Christianity had caused great damage to the Zeliangrong culture” (2004, p. 300). The newly converts considered everything anti-Christian and started challenging their traditional faith and cultural practices. Probably, the greatest damage done to the people was the abolition of the Morung system (dormitory system). This institution was considered to be the center of their indigenous culture and practices. The abandonment is responsible for the disinte- gration of traditional values, music, and dances. This means that the British brought along many constructive changes (It would be wrong to say that the missionaries did not bring any constructive changes in the society. It was during the British colonialism that many developmental activities and opportunities were given to the hilly tribes: the introduction of formal education in schools and colleges and better transport and communication system, such as telegraph, telegram, radio, automo- biles, electricity, and hospitals, and water supply and drainage system. It was the missionaries who introduced the art of writing which at later resulted in developing many distinct languages with proper grammar and pronunciation.); they brought a new religion with a new identity of the people. This is because the early converts started asserting their ethnic identity through Christianity which most often contra- dicts and challenges the traditional culture and practices of the people. The traditional chorus, drums, music, folksongs, and dances are replaced by the modern Christian hymnals, with guitars, keyboards, and western drums. The translation of the English Bible (Translation of the English Bible into Rongmei came in 1979, Zeme in 1979 and Liangmei in 1982.) into the vernacular dialects though encourage 914 A. Kamei reading and writing produced three distinct languages in the course of time which challenged the very foundation of the common ethnic identity. Many writings on the culture and people were found during the colonial period by the British administra- tors, officials, and political agents. These writings were more of their experiences with the tribals of the North East India. (Though references to the people are found in the Chronicles of Manipur, the first English account of the Zeliangrong Nagas was given by Captain R.B. Pemberton, in his Report of the Eastern Frontier of British India (1835). He was the first European to have visited the Zeme, Rongmei, and Puimei villages. He used the term “Koupooees” to mean the people. The second writer who refers to the same people of the present Manipur, Nagaland, and North Cachar was John Butler in his Travels and Adventure in the Province of Assam (1855). But the pioneer work on the tribe was Col. William McCulloch’s Account of the Valley of Munnipore and the Surrounding Hill Tribes published in 1859. McCulloch was a British Political Agent posted in Manipur for many years. He was known at that time as an expert on the state of Manipur and the surrounding hill tribes. But his use of Pemberton’s term “Koupooee” and the Puimei term of “Songboo and Pooeeron” as the two subdivisions of the tribe has left behind a trail of identity confusion. Otherwise his account reproduced elsewhere in this work is very important. In 1874, the Statistical Account of Manipur written by another distinguished British Political Agent, Dr. R. Brown, continued to add more to the knowledge of the “Koupois” tribe. He divided the tribe into three subgroups – Songbu (Rongmei), Koireng (Liangmei), and Koupui (puimei).) What is disturbing is that many of the writings were undertaken simply for administrative efficiency and used “theory of simplification” (This theory is a self-composition. It means that the colonizers did not see things as they are. They consider it as the version of previously known things and interpreted them. In the context of the whole North East India, the British used a very simple and random tool (which is not accurate) while classifying the various ethnic groups of the regions including Manipur. No doubt, this avoided complexities of the ethnic groups or tribes, but later it led to serious problems when their writings became officially recognized and used in all administrative accounts and official purposes. The classification of Nagas as “Kacha Naga,” and the “Puimei” term of “Songboo” and “Pooeeron” as the two subdivisions; use of “Koupooees” for “Kabui” or “Rongmei”; and “Quireng” or “Koireng” for “Liangmei”; use of “Empeo” to refer the “Zeme” tribe becomes a serious problem, which led to identity confusion in the study of the tribe.) which produced confusion of identity for the tribe when time came to rewrite their own history. Independent India witnessed resurfacing of ethnic assertion from village identity to communitarian Zeliangrong identity. This is because of the fact that under this new political system, the various ethnic groups who had diverse culture, language, faith, and beliefs had to come together under the same rule of law. When such diversities are bounded under common territory (India), a crisis of adjustment soon follows. (It is because of the fact that each tribal village acted like a “little republic” quite independent and self-sufficient. The new political system challenged the hereditary chieftainship, customary laws, and practices of the people.) Under the new political setup, each ethnic group competes and struggles for ethnic survival. 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 915

Land becomes the exclusive property of the State. Laws and rules are then formu- lated and enforced. Those groups who adhere to these rules and regulations are accepted and recognized. Therefore, politics of identity start interfering with the society. However, the setback still remains as the tribe was divided in the various states of Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam and even in some parts of present-day Burma. The distance in interaction is thus widened, and the dream of unifying kindred tribes of Zeme, Liangmei, and Rongmei (Kabui) including the Puimei remains unrealistic. Today constitutionally, Zeliangrong is recognized as Kabui (for Rongmei and Puimei), Kacha Naga (for Liangmei and Zeme) in Manipur, and Zeliang in Nagaland state. The struggle for unification of these three kindred tribes was first started in the early 1920s by a visionary man called Jadonang. Born at Kambiron (or Puiron) in the present-day Tamenglong District of Manipur, the village was a strategic place as it served as one of the resting places on the Manipur Cachar Road. On a regular basis, he observed the British officials, missionaries, soldiers, and traders from Manipur, Assam, and neighboring regions moving to and fro through the highway route and understood them. Around the same time, the hill tribes (with the British conquest of Manipur in 1891) were directly administered by the British officials. The British started imposing “house tax” which the people had never paid even to the Manipuri Maharaja. New systems such as Pothang Bekari (sometimes written as Begari) and Pothang Senkhai (Pothang Bekari was a kind of forced labor introduced by the British. Whenever any official of the State went on the tour in the hills, the villagers in those areas had to carry the goods and luggages without any payment. On refusal, they were usually punished mostly by whipping. Pothang Senkhai was a kind of forced contribution mostly in the form of money imposed by the British to feed the touring officials and other employees of the government.) were also institutionalized by the British which really hurt the sentiments of the Zeliangrong people. These systems of free services and taxes greatly affected the economic life of the already poverty-ridden people. Furthermore, these hilly people were imposed with oppres- sive forest laws (by declaring “restricted forest” or “reserved forest”) which pre- vented them to use and consume forest products such as bamboo, cane, and other useful trees which are used for making houses and other domestic purposes. This also displaces history and culture of the people because tribals are known by their social environment. Their habitat is a source of identity which any individual could easily relate to. Moreover, the people were asked to render free services for repair and maintenance of government roads, bridges, and dams, and the British Government failed to protect the Zeliangrong people when the Kuki rebellion (1917–1919) broke out in Manipur. (The famous Kuki rebellion of 1917–1919 was fought by the Kuki tribes against the British Colonialism. It was officially stated that the Rebellion started as a violent reaction against the non-recruitment of Kukis to the Manipur Labour Corps No. 22 by the British for the services in France during the First World War. There was a conflict in the style of recruitment. The rebellion started against the British and later targeted the Nagas, specially the Zeliangrong in the North West of Manipur and the Tangkhuls in North Eastern Manipur and in some tracts of Upper Burma. For details see Kamei (2004), pp. 132–141.) By this time, 916 A. Kamei there was huge Kuki migration into the land of Zeliangrong regions. This had created huge insecurity in the minds of the people. On the one hand, there were disunity, intertribal, and inter-village feuds, and on the other, the social and religious practices of the people were full of taboos and superstitions. Meanwhile, Christian missionaries had already gained momentum in the hills of Manipur, and as a result of it many people have converted to Christianity. In the valley, there was huge Meitei expansionism who began their rule by acts of invasion and subjugation on the hill tribes. They imposed duties and demanded payment of tributes, rendering of forced services to the Maharaja. The hierarchy in the society left many people hurt when they were labeled with derogatory names such as “Haos,”“Chingmis,” and “Amangba” (a notion of purity and pollution). Against these prejudices and discriminations, Jadonang started a movement which came to be known as the Zeliangrong Movement in 1925. The Movement which began in the early 1920s by Jadonang was perceived and described differently by many writers. J.P. Mills, the then Deputy Commissioner of Naga Hills and well-known anthropologist, romanticized Jadonang as “the Messiah King” of the Nagas. Robert Reid, a British Governor during that time described the movement as “Zeliangrong Uprising” (Reid 1942). However, he contradicted his very own writings in the book Winds of Change (1962) on the movement and called it “an outburst of a highly superstitious people and not as freedom fighters.” Ursula Graham Bower in her book Naga Path (For details, see Bower 1950) made a sympathetic reference to Jadonang as the religious mystic who visualized a kingdom for his people. J. Roy in History of Manipur (Roy 1958) described the movement as a challenge to British Imperialism. F.S. Downs in Mighty Works of God (Downs 1971) described the movement as heathen and anti-Christian. According to N. Joykumar Singh (1992), it was a millenarian tribal movement. Many leaders and writers like A.Z. Phizo, A. Dasgupta, Khuswant Singh, D.P. Stracey, B.B. Ghosh, and Hamlet Bareh referred to the movement as a “Naga revolt against British colonialism” (For details, see Gangmumei Kamei (1997), p. 3). Likewise many others have written and opined on the movement till date. However, what we need at the hour is to see how the movement started, reached the peak, and continued in different shapes and forms. It means to say that the movement is seen rather as a process of continuity and change. The earlier writers have concentrated the movement confining during the times of Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu. As it coincided with India’s struggle for independence, the movement in that period gained definite attention. However, what is lacking is that they failed to notice the movement which even today is struggling after 69 years of India’s Independence. The aims and objectives can be broadly divided as:

(i) Reformation of traditional religion by abolishing irrational customs and superstitions (ii) By integrating tribes such as Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei (Kabui) including Puimei. (iii) Establishment of “Makam Gwangdi” (Makam Gwangdi, the kingdom of the Makam, refers to the establishment of Zeliangrong Kingdom. This was described by the British as “Naga Raj,” a concept of the present-day Sovereign 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 917

State. The term was ﬁrst used by J.C. Higgins, the then British Political Agent of Manipur in his report to the Chief Secretary of Assam. The Makam Gwangdi of Jadonang was also referred to by Graham Bower in her work, “Naga Path,” as a “millenium on earth” where there would be prosperity, no war, and no suffering. It soon became a political ideology which made Jadonang clashed with the colonial authorities, and his political struggle made his movement relevant to the Indian freedom struggle going on in other parts of India.) or proclamation of “Naga Raj” (a Sovereign State) by driving out the outsiders such as the British and the Kukis.

The outbreak of the movement was renaissance to the Zeliangrong people because it touched almost all aspects of the collective life of this tribe. However, Jadonang was arrested and imprisoned by the British for proclaiming himself as the King and for declaring the impending end of the British Raj. He was then released but rearrested on 19 February 1931 and hanged on 29 August 1931 for the alleged murder of four Manipuri traders. Jadonang was succeeded by his disciple Gaidinliu when she was barely 17 years old. She used Gandhiji’s name and Jadonang’s songs in order to mobilize the people. She propagated that the British would be soon driven out with the help of Gandhiji and Nehru. It was believed that she had contacts with the Indian National Congress, the Bengali Congress Workers of Cachar District, Assam, and sympathizers from various other tribes such as Mao, Maram, Thangal, and Angamis of Khonoma. Pandit Nehru came to know of Jadonang and Gaidinliu’s movement during his tour to Assam in the winter of 1937. In his article, “The Surma Valley: The Daughter of the Hills,” he described the rebellion against the British Imperialism and called Gaidinliu, the “Rani.” Since then she has been called Rani Gaidinliu. Rani Gaidinliu followed the aims and objectives of the movement which was left unfulfilled by her mentor Haipou Jadonang. She propagated for securing socio- economic development of her people, trained young boys and girls, and fought the British with courage and vigor. In February 1932 they attacked the Assam Rifles patrols in North Cachar Hills in a broad daylight, and this has received a huge attention among the British. The British armed forces in retaliation burnt down several villages including the village of Bopungwemi in Naga Hills. The Manipur Government announced a reward of Rs.200/– later increased it to Rs.500/– and exemption of house tax for 10 years for anybody or any village who would give information leading to her arrest (Kamei 1997, p. 69). Finally, she was arrested on 17 October 1932 under the leadership of Captain Macdonald of Assam Rifles at Pulomi village and awarded life imprisonment. During her imprisonment, the movement continued in different forms under the leadership of Haido of Pabram and Ramjo of Bopungwemi. They took over the movement and asked the Zeliangrong villages not to pay taxes to the government. Unfortunately, Haido was arrested in May 1934 by the Assam Rifles at Henima (Tening) in Naga Hills and was killed. Likewise, Ramjo was arrested in July 1934 and died in the jail. Several leaders like Dikeo, Gomhai, and Areliu were also imprisoned by the Assam Rifles. The matter of movement against the British and the arrest of Gaidinliu came up for discussion in the British 918 A. Kamei

Parliament. Nehru requested Lady Nancy Astor, the first lady member of the British House of Commons, to get Rani Gaidinliu released from jail. Lady Astor informed Nehru in a letter dated 10 May 1939 that the Secretary of State for India had stated that “the movement among the Nagas has not yet died down and would break out if she is released and that she is at present considered a potent source of danger to the peace of Manipur State and Province of Assam.” Pandit Nehru further urged Premier Gopinath Bordoloi of Assam to intervene in the matter and get Gaidinliu released from jail. Bordoloi was helpless as the Naga Hills district was at that time in the excluded area, which was not a part of Assam; and Manipur was a princely state. Likewise, the Akhil Manipuri Mahasabha of Manipur presided by H. Irabot Singh demanded her release in its annual session at Imphal in 1938, but Manipur Govern- ment refused to consider the demand. The Haripura session of Indian National Congress Party in 1939 under the presidentship of Nehru passed a resolution demanding the release of Rani Gaidinliu but again failed. When India got independence, the first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, wrote to the authorities in Assam to release the freedom fighter, and, ultimately, after continuous intervention of the Prime Minister, the officials agreed to release her on one condition that she lived outside Manipur until further orders (Singh 1982, p. 82). Rani Gaidinliu spent the next few years at Yimrap near Mokokchung village in the present-day Nagaland State with a pension of Rs.15/– per month. This was after her 14 years of confine- ment in jail. Thus, there came a point of time when Zeliangrong Movement suffered a big blow with no successor. During this period, a mention can be made of “Kabui Samiti,” an organization that was formed in 1934 which became the highest body on custom, and it became the forum for the unification of the three tribes. It however could not continue to function during the Second World War, and in 1946 it was replaced by the “Kabui Naga Association.” The aim of the organization was to integrate the people by establishing a common organization to safeguard the rights and interests of the people, and this resulted in the formation of “Zeliangrong Council” on 15 February 1947. The meeting was convened at Keishamthong village in the present-day Imphal East District of Manipur and the representatives of all Rongmeis (Kabuis), Liangmei, and Zemes of Manipur, Assam, and Nagaland were attended. The outcome of the conference was that the name “Zeliangrong” was used for the first time to mean the Zemes, Liangmeis, and Rongmeis (Kabuis) including the Puimeis. The former “Kabui Naga Association” was then called as the “Manipur Zeliangrong Union” (MZU). However, due to leadership crisis, the MZU became “Zeliangrong Naga Union, Manipur” in 1960. The objective was aimed to address more on social, economic, cultural, and customary issues. The struggle continued under various organizations demanding for integration of all “Zeliangrong inhabited areas” under one administrative and political unit and recognition of the tribe as “Zeliangrong” in the Scheduled Tribes list in the Indian Constitution. (It is a fact that Zeliangrong is recognized differently in many states. For instance, in Nagaland they are called “Zeliang”; in Manipur, they are known as “Kabui” for “Rongmei” and “Puimei”; “Kacha Naga” for “Zemi” and “Liangmei.” In Assam, the tribe is not even mention. It is only referred to as “Any Naga tribes.” The Meiteis called the Rongmei Nagas living in the valley “Kabui,” and the hilly 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 919

Rongmeis are critical on the term since the term was continued to use in the constitution of India.) The post-independence period witnessed many changes in the Zeliangrong society. The period between 1960 and 1993 was marked with lot of political and religious interfaces. By the end of 1950s, the Naga National Council (NNC) was gaining momentum. (The Naga National Council (NNC) is a Naga Organization demanding for a creation of separate Naga Sovereign State.) The beginning of 1960s witnessed a conflict between Zeliangrong movement under Rani Gaidinliu and the Naga’s struggle for independence under A.Z. Phizo and T. Sakhrie. Rani Gaidinliu was labeled as “Indian Rani,” and her religious beliefs were questioned describing it as “worship of spirits.” Gangmumei Kamei, a noted historian, stated that “the movement was not opposed to the Naga independence movement. However, conflict erupted on religious issues” (Kamei 2004, p. 215). To respond to it, Gaidinliu had to adopt twin objectives of preservation and promotion of the “Heraka cult” (Heraka means a “new cult” believing in one high God in place of many, removing superstitions in beliefs and customs, organizing temples, introducing hymns and discourses, and uniting the tribes to establish an independent kingdom.) against the growing of new faith among the Nagas. However, a clash occurred between Gaidinliu’s forces and the Christians at Tousem in 1966. This incident was mis- interpreted by many as if the movement was against the Naga cause. However the fact remained that Rani Gaidinliu was not against Christianity (as religious institution) but was against the early converts per se who abandoned the rich culture and traditions of the Zeliangrong Nagas. The demand for “Zeliangrong political unit” as a District, Union Territory, or State was expressed by the third conference of the Zeliangrong leaders of Manipur in October 1980. They demanded the integration of all Zeliangrong areas into a political and administrative unit at Tamenglong. The conference elected Rani Gaidinliu (in her absence) as the President of the “Zeliangrong People’s Convention” popularly known as ZPC. On 7 June 1981, ZPC adopted the official slogan “Zeliangrong Ringtelou” which means “Long Live Zeliangrong” and subsequently submitted Memorandums one after another to Prime Ministers of India Smt. Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai, and Rajiv Gandhi. The delegations met Mr. Bajpai (Former MP Lok Sabha), Mrs. Sheila Grewal in 1985 (former Principal Secretary to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi), Mr. Buta Singh in 1986 (former Home Minister), and many representatives of the Government of India. The North Eastern Council (NEC) under the guidance of the Planning Commission was instructed to study on the problems and developments of the Zeliangrong areas in 1985. The then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi directed the Department of Culture to entrust the Anthropological Survey of India to make a thorough investigation on the Zeliangrong cognate tribes (Zeme, Liangmai, Rongmei, and Puimei) and came up with a report that from linguistic and anthropological view, they belong to the same group of people. Despite many commitments and assurances, the Government of India did not come up with any concrete solution on the issue of integration and recognition of the name Zeliangrong. Then came the conflict between Kuki and Naga in Zeliangrong regions in 1992, and the political activities and demands remained standstill. The movement 920 A. Kamei again suffered a big blow with the death of Rani Gaidinliu on 23 February 1993 after prolonged illness. Therefore, we see a sea change in the Zeliangrong movement in the search of their own identity. The struggle which originated in 1925 to drive away the British took the way to integrate the kindred tribes and demanded for recognition of Zeliangrong in the list of Scheduled Tribes in India. The movement attracted a lot of attention both at national and regional levels. It became a part of syllabus of NCERT textbook in the study of National Movements against the British colonialism and has included a chapter on Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu’s struggles. Besides a title “Rani,” Gaidinliu was awarded with Tama Patra in 1972 by Indira Gandhi, Padma Bhushan in 1982 by the then President of India Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, Swarna Vivekananda Seva Award in 1983 by Bada Bazar Kumarsabha Pustakalaya, and Kolkata and Bhagwan Birsa Munda Purashkar Award posthumously in 1996. The Government of India issued a postal stamp in her memory, and Rani Gaidinliu Stree Shakti Puraskar Award was started by the Government of India in her memory which is given on March 8 of every year to veteran women social workers in recognition to the selfless sacrifice for the society. However, the demand for integration and recognition of the tribe in the Indian Constitution though continued to be discussed and debated at the Prime Minister’s level but was repeatedly turned down. Meanwhile, the continuous projection of identity was hit hard by several external factors such as migration, colonialism, conversion, Meitei expansionism, politics of identity, impact of modernization, and globalization. Even the widest claim of Anderson’s “Imagined Community” seems to be a distant reality for the tribe. Following the tense “contested” course, the Zeliangrong people today are divided into the state of Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam and some parts of Myanmar (Burma), and the people identified with “Zeliangrong” (though there is common solidarity among the three cognate tribes) are now recognized separately in the list of Scheduled Tribes in the Indian Constitu- tion. This is what cruel history had done to this people belonging to the same stock of family and race and in the course of time, began to be known by/with different names. The above explanation shows how migration can lead to crisis in ethnic identity, and we shall see now how a theory of “push and pull” exists in a multicultural society with regard to culture and tradition. As already being explained, the migration of the Kabui (Rongmei) Nagas in the Imphal Valley started during the pre-British period when Manipur was under the Meitei Maharaja Garibniwaj (1709–1749 A.D.). They first settled at Chingmeirong and Langthabal villages which were surrounded by the dominant Meiteis. The Kabuis who were employed in military services of the King Chandrakirti were asked to settle in Majorkhul village (in the heart of Imphal city). A Kabui village in Keishamthong was established who were employed in the Royal band of the Meitei Raja. Likewise, many villages such as Kakhulong, Namthanlong, Ragailong, Mahabali, Sangaiprou, etc. were established in around the Imphal City. As this people lived near the Meiteis, they are largely influenced by them. As already being discussed, there was a process of Meiteization and Hinduization in the Valley. By then, the State of Manipur was 50 Nagas Identity and Nationalism: Indigenous Movement of the... 921 already declared as a Hindu State during the time of King Garibniwaz. It means that the theory of purity and pollution was very much prevalent in the early eighteenth century A.D. This hilly tribe who migrated in the valley was given many derogatory names such as “hao,”“chingmi,”“Amangba,” etc. Only those who followed the Meiteis way of life were accepted. Therefore, we see the Rongmei Nagas even adopting a religion like them. Not only this, we see the influence of the Meiteis in all spheres of life. Many cultural elements with relation to dance, songs, festivals, and language have had a tremendous impact on this tribe. Therefore, even today we see a huge difference in these cultural elements with that of the hilly Rongmeis in Tamenglong district of Manipur. The valley Rongmeis speaks the Meitei language (Meiteilon) exactly like them. In this way, migration and interaction with other ethnic groups becomes a major factor responsible for identity crisis among the Zeliangrong Nagas. Another important factor responsible for identity crisis is the impact of British colonialism. As already been pointed out, the British conquest of the Zeliangrong people was completed with their annexation of North Cachar in 1854, the establishment of the Naga Hills District in 1886, and the conquest of Manipur in 1891. Under the regime of the British, there came a change in the functioning of the society. We had witnessed how the power of the village authority gets weakened by the appointment of Lambus by the British. The practices of free services like “Pothang Bekari” and “Pothang Senkhai” are other instances which extremely affected the psychology of the tribe. Then came a policy of “divide and rule” used by the British against various ethnic groups of Manipur especially during the Kuki Rebellion (1917–1919). Most importantly, it was during the colonial rule that most of the literature on the tribe was written and published. These writings were instrumental in shaping the identity of the Zeliangrong Nagas as the tribe depended only on oral history, legends, and folksongs. What had resulted is that most literature were either distorted or written from their own perspectives. As a result of this fact, a “theory of simplification” was used to study the tribe for official and administrative records. At most instances they are wrongly spelt. Therefore, it is argued that these writings produce a wrong impression of the tribe. British colonialism is accompanied by the coming of Christian missionaries. We have also discussed at length how the early converts came into being and how they are persecuted. Here, we safely argue that Christianity has no doubt brought lot of changes in the Zeliangrong society. The present Zeliangrong who are Christians believe that Christianity is instrumental in bringing development and modernity in the society. They argue that it is because of this religion that they could compete with the outside world. The present level of literacy rate which was a by-product of better educational system by the British helps them to have better understanding and wider outlook of other societies as well. This in return shapes them to grow and accommodate other cultures. Therefore, the Zeliangrong Christians believe that Christianity has provided new identity which is more relevant and suited to the present-day society. However, it has to be pointed out that the coming of Christianity in Zeliangrong society has affected the traditional structure of the society as the early 922 A. Kamei

Christians abandoned all traditional dresses, songs, and dances. This difference has resulted in disunity within the tribe itself. For instance, the term “Kabui” is not comfortable among the Zeliangrong Christians. The last factor responsible for identity crisis of Zeliangrong Nagas is the process of modernization. It began from the colonial period and accentuated in the India’s independent period. Modernization gave rise to material culture and accumulation of more and more wealth. In this process, people compete and ﬁght for resources under the new laws which are altogether different from the traditional tribal structure. To survive and win, they are forced by the new social systems to come out and participate with other ethnic groups. It implies that the traditional culture is slowly being replaced by the new market force where they become a part of the system. As already being discussed above, this force of modernization came in the way of the traditional believers, and there came a point of time where they had to compromise with development and economic progress. They thought unless they imbibe the processes of change, the survival would be at risk. Therefore, modernity poses a threat in the tradition-making of the Zeliangrong Nagas.

Conclusion

Therefore, the study of identity and ethnicity in North East India is a complex phenom- enon as it is an interwoven issue of several entities. On one hand, there are primordial questions, and on the other, there is an entity of social construction which is in a ﬂuid state. As Stuart Hall suggested, “Cultural identity is a matter of ‘becoming’ as well as of ‘being’ (Hall 1996, p. 225) and in the process of becoming, it gets diluted.” As identity comes from somewhere and undergoes a constant transformation, it can be understood as a “process” as put forward by Jenkins. In this way, there is always a “narrative identity” whichistobepassedon,andanysocietywillsustainitsidentityonlythrougha continuous process of such projection. Crisis of identity arrives when the society ceases this projection. Likewise, due to the abandonment of traditional sources of identity due to the abovementioned factors, Zeliangrongs today are faced with the challenge to revive and assert their ethnic identity. The need to preserve and protect traditional cultures, festivals and its rituals are constantly and consciously being felt by the people today. And, increasingly, each tribe i.e. Zeme, Liangmai, Rongmei (Kabui), and Inpui has asserted their distinct and independent identity from generic identity “Zeliangrong” which led to the problems of constructing generic identity.

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