The Nagas: An Introduction

The Nagas: An Introduction

The entry of the Nagas into the written history of the world can be dated to 24th February 1826. On that day representa- tives of the Kingdom of Burma and the British military signed the Treaty of Yandabo, in which Burma renounced all claims to and . The westward policy of expansion pursued by Burma – at that time the most pow- erful kingdom in Southeast Asia – had begun in the 1780s when Burmese troops occupied the independent Kingdom of Arakan and reached for the first time the eastern border of the British Indian Empire, which corresponds fairly exactly with the present-day borders of Bangladesh and North Ben- gal. In 1817 the Burmese invaded Assam and in 1819 the in- dependent Kingdom of Manipur. In 1823 they also annexed the Kingdom of Cachar, a strategic area for invading Bengal. In March of the following year, Britain officially declared war on Burma, a war which ended two years later with the aforementioned Treaty of Yandabo. Gradually Britain occu- pied the whole of Assam and intensified its diplomatic and military relations with Manipur, which was intended to have a key position in monitoring and if need be defending the border between Burma and the British sphere of influence. British had reached the foot of the – the southeastern foothills of the Himalayas in the present bor- der triangle of India, Burma and China, which at that time was covered in jungle.

The first Nagas with whom the British came in contact were the Tengima (Hutton 1914: 476). Persistent raids were be- ing carried out by Naga groups on the new British subjects

ê Fig. 1. Konyak girl from Shiong village. (CFH 1936)

11 in the Assamese villages and tea plantations – twenty-two economy and infrastructure, tribalism, the religious funda- alone in the year of 1851 – which prompted a course of retalia- mentalism of the parent generation, the smouldering ›Indo- tion, the so-called ›punitive expeditions‹ of the British, and Naga-Conflict‹, and a concept of culture coloured strongly ultimately the successive capture of the Naga territories. In by the new media, i.e. as a second-hand experience fed to fact, annexation was not the initial intention. The jagged, im- them by any number of foreign programmes on satellite sta- passable and sparsely populated region had no strategic or tions and via the internet. economic merit for the colonial rulers, but ultimately they could not simply look on as their charges ended up as slaves The search for an identity between headhunt and Bible, be- or head trophies in the neighbouring hills. tween village structure and national sentiments, is often di- rected towards those few elements that still allow a link to be It was in the course of the hesitant and not always successful forged between the old, traditional culture and present-day occupation and administration of parts of the Naga territo- lifestyles. It is these elements which foster identity that are ries over the next hundred years that those astonishing re- the concern of the present book. ports, monographs and collections of objects were compiled – frequently by British officers and administrators – which even now continue to serve as our main source of informa- The pre-colonial Nagas: terra incognita tion on the Nagas. The picture that was painted back then of the Nagas as proud warriors and headhunters, of their feasts Little is known about the pre-colonial history of the various of merit and their cycles of rituals, now belongs to the past. Nagas groups. Linguistically the Naga languages belong to For with the colonial rulers came missionaries, who con- the Tibeto-Burman language family. »All sorts of origins verted the Nagas from their once strongly animistic forms of have been ascribed to the race«, as Hutton observes: »They religion to evangelical Baptism. have been connected with the head-hunters of Malay and the races of the Southern Seas on the one hand, and traced After the Nagas’ original, by and large autonomous ›village back to China on the other« (1921a: 8). And Mills (1926c: xii, republics‹ had been banded together by the British admin- xiii) mentions the theory of the US American anthropologist istration into ›tribes‹, a nationalist movement already be- Fay-Cooper Cole to explain the large number of astonishing gan to gain momentum in the early twentieth century and parallels between aspects of the Naga cultures and those of demanded its own state independent of India and Burma. Oceania and of the Indonesian-Philippine island arc. Cole The upshot of this was a bloody conflict between the Indian regarded the people in these areas as having a common ori- Army and the Naga freedom fighters, which led to the Naga gin located in the area of southern China which contains Hills becoming a no-go area for visitors after 1947, which is the sources and upper reaches of five major rivers in a fairly to say after Indian Independence. For over half a century it tight geographical space – the Brahmaputra, Irrawaddy, Sal- was virtually impossible for either foreigners or Indian citi- ween, Mekong and Yangtze. According to Cole, the people zens living outside to enter the area. followed the rivers in various directions during successive periods of migration. Anyone who now travels to encounters a totally different culture to the one described in the old monographs. The earliest reference to the Nagas is usually pointed to – es- Today the Nagas are fighting for a joint, supra-tribal identity pecially today by Naga intellectuals – as being in the Greek which in practice proves difficult to grasp. In particular the philosopher Claudius Ptolemy's Geographia, who reported young urban generation is caught in a feeling of inner con- as early as 150 AD on the so-called land of the ›Nangaloth- flict. Its traditional culture has by and large been consigned ae‹: »(…) north of Cirradia [Eastern Nepal], is the region to oblivion, while any number of obstacles stand in the way in which they are said to produce the best cinnamon; those of a new, all-encompassing identity: an underdeveloped who dwell near the Maeandrus mountains are the Tamere

12 The Nagas: An Introduction

é Fig. 2. Map of Asia based on the Geographia of Claudius Ptolemaeus edited in Venice 1511. (Geographia 1511)

13 î Fig. 3. Peace agreement between J.P. Mills and Mongsen, the leader of the rebellious village of Pangsha. (CFH 1936) 3 Fig. 4. View into the valley of the Dikhu River, which for long marked the eastern border of the British administered areas. (HEK 1937)

Anthropophagi. Above the Argento Regio, in which there is archaeologist can prove fruitful for determining the age of said to be much well-guarded metal, is a region near the Bes- local cultures, and on the other hand how stylistic compari- yngiti, where there is very much gold. Those who inhabit this sons between ceramics allow links between individual Naga region are likewise white, short, with flat noses. Between the groups to be verified. A linguistic approach has been taken Bepyrrus mountains and the Damasi mountains, extending by George van Driem (see p. 311), whose theory of ›fallen northward, dwell the Aminachae. Below these are the Ind- leaves‹ – in the widening of the customary linguistic model aprathae; next are the Iberingae; next the Dabasae, and the of the ›language family tree‹ – casts light on the connections Nangalothae [meaning the ›the naked‹] as far as the Mae- (or lack thereof) between the various Naga groups and other andrus mountains« (Stevenson 1932). Whether the term Tibeto-Burman languages in the greater region. ›Nangalothae‹ actually referred to groups that today are known as the Nagas cannot be said for sure, because a lot of other groups would doubtless have been described as ›na- Colonialisation: The ›tribes‹ are created ked‹ in Ptolemy’s days. It should be noted however that the mediaeval cartographers who worked to Ptolemy’s specifi- The British officers, who in many cases were responsible for cations placed the ›Nanga‹ in more or less the same area that the nomenclature of the Northeast Indian tribes, showed a the Nagas currently occupy. boisterous lack of concern when naming the societies they encountered on their way to the East in the aftermath of the Two articles in this volume written from two different scien- First Anglo-Burmese war in the 1820s: »The whole of the tific perspectives set out to provide some insight into early mountainous country, until within a few miles of the descent Naga history. In the article by Tiatoshi Jamir and Ditamulü into the plains of Assam, is inhabited by the people called Vasa (see p. 323), the authors present the current state of the by us Cossyas, but who denominate themselves Khyee« archaeological research in Nagaland and show on the one (Mackenzie 1979: 2201). Or: »The Lhotas who call them- hand how cooperation between the local populace and the selves Kyong are located to the Northeast of the Angami and

14 The Nagas: An Introduction

Rengma country« (Hutton 1921a: 362). Numerous ethnic with the duars that they used: to the ›Bortolla‹ group he as- groups in only succeeded in bringing about signed among others the ›Lakottee‹ and the ›Akhook‹, to the official reinstatement of their original names after the co- the ›Hattigur‹ group the ›Bordoobija‹ and ›Mookeegaon‹, lonial era: the erstwhile ›Lalung‹ are now known once again and to the ›Assyringia‹ group the ›Nowgong‹ and ›Lassoo‹ as Tiwa, the ›Mikir‹ as Karbi, the ›Lakher‹ as Mara, while (Mackenzie 1979: 400). Nowadays none of these terms is still the ›Khasi‹ – the aforementioned ›Cossyas‹ – distinguish in use or remembered. By comparison, a number of tribal according to territory between War, Lynggam, Kharew, designations that continue to be used (if in slightly modi- Pnar and the ›actual Khasi‹ – the inhabitants of the central fied orthography) are already to be found on a German map Khasi Hills. of Assam dating from 1834 (cf. fig. p. 61/62). These include among others the Tangkhul, the Maring (Muring) and the Already the Ahom, who ruled areas of present-day Assam Anal in present-day Manipur. Even in the late 1930s, Fürer- from the 13th to the early 19th century, gave the name ›Na- Haimendorf wrote of the ›Kalyo Kengyu Nagas‹ (1937) and gas‹ to the inhabitants of the eastern hills in the Ahom Buranj, Kauffmann later (1953: 12) of the ›Raziàmià-Angamis‹. The the Ahom chronicles (Barua 1985). Depending on their vil- ›Kalyo Kengyu‹ are the present-day Khiamniungan, and lages of origin or their duars – the paths they used from the the ›Raziàmià Angami‹ possibly a group that is now consid- hills down into the plains – they distinguished between the ered part of the Zeme (or Jeme). The latter united in 1947, a ›Aitaniya Nagas‹, ›Jabokiya Nagas‹, ›Hatiguriya Nagas‹, few months before Indian Independence, with the Liangmei etc. Today it is no longer possible to establish which Nagas and Rongmei to form a new tribe, the . A simi- groups they referred to by these terms (Prakash 2007: 1904). lar move happened in the 1960s when the former ›Eastern And who can say which Nagas a certain P. T. Carnegy, Assist- Angami‹, consisting of two language groups – chakri and ant Commissioner of Jorehaut, described as ›Seebsaugor Na- khezha – aligned with the Southern Sangtam in a new tribe, gas‹ in his report of 1873 to the Deputy Commissioner of See- the Chakhesang. The Sangtam were later to leave the al- bsaugor? He distinguished three main groups in accordance liance, as did the Pochury, who had originally been part of

15 it, too. The latter were named by the British the ›Eastern eral legend that all Kabuis are descended from one of three (or ›Naked‹) Rengma‹, in contrast to the ›Western Reng- brothers, but probably regards it as a far-off event destitute of ma‹, who for their part now distinguish three subtribes: the any real importance.« Northern and Southern Rengma in the District of Nagaland, and the Western Rengma, a small group living in A notable contribution to the creation of Naga ›tribes‹ was geographical isolation from the main tribe in the present-day made by Col. R. G. Woodthorpe, who in the last third of the Karbi Anglong district of Assam. These Western Rengma nineteenth century undertook a number of military expedi- call themselves Njang. tions into the Naga Hills. He also gave us some of the earli- est visual documents we have of the Nagas – watercolours, The problem behind the haphazard and woolly nomencla- sketches and engravings – a considerable number of which ture came from applying the notion of the tribe to the ethnic have been brought together for the first time in this volume groups in the hills of Northeast India. This may have been as a pictorial essay (see p. 31). somehow justified in the case of ›tribes‹ of the In- dian Subcontinent: the Santal, which is the largest homog- No one can say how many Naga tribes there actually are to- enous tribe in India in terms of pure numbers, control, along day: the figures given in the literature and on the internet with the culturally and linguistically closely related Munda, vary considerably (see Jacobs 1990: 20). Depending on defi- Uraon and Ho, a territory that is unbroken for long stretches nition and way of counting, there may be anything between across the present-day states of Jharkhand, West Bengal and thirty and just under eighty tribes belonging to the Naga Orissa. Much the same is true of the numerous smaller tribes group, and the situation is fluid. Some of the small tribes of of Central India. But applied to the population of Northeast Manipur for example are now regarded as Nagas, while pre- India, the term was inappropriate from the very start. The viously they were assigned more to the neighbouring Kuki- Nagas and their neighbours to the north, south and east Chin group. The Kom feel they belong both to the Nagas and organised themselves in autonomous ›village republics‹. the Kuki. In the Indian state of Nagaland, the core settle- Agrarian land was abundant; every village had its own area ment region of the Nagas, fourteen Naga tribes are officially for slash-and-burn farming and wet-paddy rice cultivation recognised. Two of these, the Chakhesang and Zeliangrong, wherever the topography permitted. Marital and trade rela- are, as already hinted at, more recent constructs created out tionships existed between the villages, as did strategic alli- of political considerations: their constituent tribes had indi- ances and formal bonds of friendship between villages, clans vidually enjoyed insufficient political weight as compared and individuals; but headhunting (whose victims were by no to the large tribes of the Angami, Lotha2 or Ao. The Zelian- means restricted to members of other tribes) prevented last- grong and the Chakhesang are, however, a true case of the ing bonds beyond a village’s own boundaries. exception proving the rule; the ubiquitous trend is towards division into ever smaller units or ›tribes‹. Little is known The attempt to define the crucial factors for tribal organisa- about the situation on the Burmese side of the Naga territo- tion among the Manipur Nagas is described by Hodson (1911: ries. The exceptional study of the Burmese Nagas by Jamie 81): »In most respects the idea of tribal solidarity meets with Saul (2005) takes inordinate care to avoid classifying along no recognition among them. A Kabui, for instance, owes no ›tribal‹ lines and restricts itself to a categorisation of groups duty to the tribe; he enjoys no rights as a member of the tribe; according to linguistic criteria. it affords him no protection against an enemy, for as often as not his worst enemies are those of his own village or tribe. »The Northeastern region has not been called an area of He acknowledges no tribal head either in matters of religion ›ethnic super diversity‹ for nothing. Each one of the so- or in secular affairs. He is, it is true, acquainted with the gen- called tribal states here is pregnant with many yet dormant

16 The Nagas: An Introduction

ARUNACHALA R N ACHA C HHAAL Overview of the Naga and relatedZiro 0 30km ethnic groups in India and Burma. P DESHP D H Tinsukia Dibrugarh M TANGSA Margherita Nampong a r North ut Lakimpur p TANGSA

ma NOCTE Itanagar ah Br Sibsagar AAMKhonsa TUTSA NGPAN LAJU

LOWER WANCHO PANGMI Jorhat KONYAK HEIMI u h Mon i k Wakching Kaziranga D IYAW S UPPER PHOM KONYAK HEIMI Golaghat Western DLongleng LAINONG Rengma AO MACHAM Lahe Mokokchung NDN CHANG GONGVAN Tuensang i NORTHERN S KHIAMNIUNGAN ir AANDANSANGTAM POUNYU s LOTHA n D a PEINGU

a

h y YIMCHUNGRÜ LLAa

D Wokha n g Zunebhoto KHIAMNIUNGAN Dimapur RENGMA AAL Kiphire Hkamti Diphu SUMI YIMCHUNGRÜ (Singkaling) G (SEMA) LumdinASAg SOUTHERN SANGTAM AAGAANGAMI Phek MAKURI CHAKHESANG NAN Kohima MIMI G Peren POCHURY N MAO IN PA N ZEME ant HIH POUMAI a KOKI le N MAM ik CCH SHAWBU (ZELIANGRONG) R C n I i Ha ong TANGKHUL dw n ZEME U Ukhrul i LIANGMEI h C A THANGAL PURP RONGMEI TANGKHUL G I

KUKI A China NIN oubal India MARING S Burma ANA

Churachandpur

MANIPM r Tamu u ANAL p i

n a e Fontsize does not indicate the size of the respective M ethnic group. is map is not exhaustive. Errors and omis- sions excepted. (AvS)

17 ›tribes‹ which could easily stir to demand a separate ›iden- book learning. Personal memories of the ›olden days‹ have tity‹, if the circumstances demanded it« (Anonymous, in become rare, because few of the generation that still experi- Grassroots Options, 1996: 18). enced them are still alive. Institutions such as the Arts and Culture Department strive to document these memories. Al- Alban von Stockhausen shows in the present volume (see lem Longkumer, Additional Director of the Nagaland State p. 57) how the Nagas adopted and utilised the picture of the Museum describes in an interview (see p. 93) the changes Other constructed by the British colonial powers and the that the views on moral and prestige have undergone, as well US American missionaries. In particular, the concepts of as the attempts to resuscitate the old traditions. ›tribes‹ and of Christian nationalism became so strongly in- ternalised that they are no longer to be erased from the cur- Almost all of our current knowledge of the former culture of rent Naga self-image. But von Stockhausen contribution also the Nagas is based on the observations of the colonial ethno­ shows that a new concept of identity is developing, above all graphers of the early twentieth century. The weighty mon- among the younger generation of Nagas that goes beyond ographs by Mills (1922, 1926c, 1937) and Hutton (1921a, b) tribalism and evangelical Christianity. were written according to the scheme set down inNotes and Queries on Anthropology – a methodological guide published at regular intervals from the 1870s onwards for the purposes Agriculture and headhunting of comparative evolutionist research, which was being con- ducted the world over; it documented the cultural elements When ethnographers such as Hutton, Mills and Fürer- and aspects that were considered important at that time, and Haimendorf described the culture of the Nagas during the in much more breadth and detail than is true of many con- first third of the twentieth century, its fate had already been temporary ethnographies. sealed by the incursions of the colonial power and the Chris- tian mission. As Hutton remarked in the introduction to his Essential in the view of the ethnographers back then was for monograph on the Angami (1921a: vii ff.): »Old beliefs and instance the social structure, which could be described by customs are dying, the old traditions are being forgotten, the means of the clan systems, the age groups and the functions number of Christians or quasi-Christians is steadily increas- of the morung. The termmorung, which is borrowed from the ing, and the spirit of change is invading and pervading every Assamese, generally described a ›bachelors' dormitory‹ – in aspect of village life.« He already suspected that the un- some groups a similar institution also existed for girls – that spoilt traditional life of the Nagas was now only to be found was not merely a building but also a social form of organi- outside of the colony, »for there are still across the frontier sation. Larger villages consisted of a number of village divi- happy tribes, which have not yet touched pitch and become sions (khel) which each had their own morung. This is where civilized like their administered brothers; which pay no the bachelors spent their evenings and nights until they mar- house-tax, and do no reluctant coolie work; which know not ried, and where they learned from their elders all that was of the seed of conversion and the sword of dissension which importance to a Naga in life, such as social skills, craftwork, missionaries bring, nor have yet been made to eat of that for- the arts of war and hunting, and the oral tradition of the bidden fruit which drove our first parents into fig-leaves and tribe: the historical, handed-down stories and songs. The banishment.« morung was school and barracks in one, and was usually lo- cated at a strategic point in the village or the village division So what is now regarded as ›traditional‹ is often equated that permitted its optimum defence in case of attack. An- with the terms ›pre-colonial‹ and ›pre-Christian‹. Al- other unique cultural feature of the Nagas that the ethnog- though isolated elements of the lost culture have found their raphers meticulously documented were the cycles of rituals, way into present times, they mostly lack their former context, especially those of the feasts of merit. These differed from meaning that they almost only persist now in the form of village to village. Essentially these were series of ritually

18 The Nagas: An Introduction

ê Fig. 6. The anthropologist Hans-Eberhard Kauffmann in the Konyak village of Wakching where together with Christoph von Fürer- Haimendorf he documented a dance festival. (HEK 1937)

framed feasts at which the host and his wife had to regale the brought them difficulties with their neighbours on the plains entire village. Every feast of merit was more elaborate and – the Ahom (Prakash 2007: 1904ff.). Since enemy attacks costly than the previous one, and with each enacted feast the could be expected at any moment, for strategic reasons the host rose further up the social scale. In this way he acquired Naga villages were always built if possible on the tops of hills the right, for instance, to wear certain ornaments and shawls, – with steep access paths and magnificent views. They resem- or to hang certain insignia on his house that could be seen bled fortresses, were protected by dense brier thickets, and from far and wide, and that announced his status: carvings had just a few well-guarded entrances that would be closed at on the facade, or in the case of the Angami wooden ›house- night by heavy wooden gates. A great amount has been writ- horns‹ (Hutton 1921a: 51; see photos p. 199ff.). Similarly, the ten on the significance of headhunting for the Nagas, mostly practice of erecting signs in the countryside was in many tending to the opinion that bagging a head or the ›soul sub- instances reserved for such hosts, and included monoliths, stance‹ inside it promoted the fertility of the people, the ani- stone seating platforms, or particular ponds. An important mals and the fields (Hutton 1928b). But even such a seasoned part of Naga life was centred on gaining prestige – and so- observer as Hutton (1921a: 157) admits his inability to genu- cial advancement and rising in public esteem were the mo- inely grasp this central element of all Naga cultures when he tors behind their remarkable material culture. But festivals writes: »the ultimate reason of its existence in any particular of merit were not the only way to gain prestige: amorous ad- spot must probably be sought in some deep-rooted and in- ventures were equally alid, or – to touch on another topic to nate characteristic of human nature.« Even at that time the which the colonial ethnographers devoted great amounts of statements of the Nagas themselves did little to clarify the attention – success in war and the headhunt. phenomenon: they spoke of the practical effects, but did not speculate on any mystical religious reasons behind it: »At Like many of their neighbours in the hills of the Indo-Bur- first (…) men did not know how to make war. But one day mese border region, the Nagas hunted heads with a passion, a bird dropped a berry from a tree, and a lizard (…) and a and it was this which, long before the arrival of the British, red ant (…) fought for it. A man who was watching saw the

19 ant kill the lizard and cut off its head. So men learnt to take The fields may however have come more from the physical heads (…). Not only did the taking of a head gain a man glory make-up of the region than from some cultural ›progressive- in this world and a slave in the next, but it brought prosperity ness‹. Today, at least, one sees other tribes who have small to his village in the shape of bumper crops, many children terraced fields, such as the Chang who live far away from the and good hunting« (Mills 1926c: 200). A young man who Angami, and whose land as a rule is much steeper. had not yet bagged a head would be teased by the girls in his clan, and simply ignored by those in other clans. Not until Two pictorial essays in the present volume give an insight he had completed a successful headhunt was he entitled to into everyday life among the Nagas, the one consisting of wear the prestigious insignia of a headhunter, which also photographs showing life in the heyday of British Colonial evened the way to the favours of the fairer sex. »A Lhota who rule in 1936/37, the other featuring shots taken in the last five died recently much desired when he was young to marry a years (see p. 117 and p. 297). certain Phiro girl. The minx said she would only accept him if he would take the head of a Rengma girl and show it to her as a proof of his valour. This put the ardent lover in a quan- Material culture and oral traditions dary, for, with the British established at Kohima and Wokha, it appeared that he must either lose his well-beloved or take Everyone who is concerned with the Nagas is struck by the a head and get into serious trouble. But a brilliant idea struck great quality of their material culture: their architecture, him. He caught an unfortunate Rengma girl, cut off her ears sculpture, bodily ornaments and textiles. As already hinted, without killing her, and after giving this proof of his valour these artefacts were motivated not primarily by aesthetic and devotion, triumphantly married the Phiro girl« (Mills considerations, but by semantic ones; they served to distin- 1922: 106). guish their bearers and to denote their social position in the village; as such they were closely woven with their owner’s It already became clear to the ethnographers early on that too identity. For this reason a major focus of this book is on es- much emphasis on headhunting as a cultural element would says on various aspects of the material culture. A contempo- do little justice to the character and daily life of the Nagas. rary Ao artist and craftsmen, S. Ayim Longkumer from the »Headhunting, that was like Christmas!« as we were told village Lungkam, tells in an interview of his relationship to in 2003 by Imtichuba Chang, an old, former headhunter in the material and of the sources of his inspiration (see p. 165). Tuensang Town. Everyday life consisted of the drudgery of Various other contributions in this book address areas of the the slash-and-burn fields. »The Naga is first and foremost an material culture with which the Nagas formulate their iden- agriculturist«, as Fürer-Haimedorf noted (1939: 88). Every tity: in her article, Marion Wettstein takes one particular village had enough land for slash-and-burn farming (jhum). Naga tribe – the Ao – to show in detail which elements of Thejhum fields would be used in the first year to grow dry up- male identity are depicted in the men’s shawls, and how these land rice, the following year for maize, pumpkins, cucumbers, have changed with time (see p. 129). Amongst other things chillies and other vegetables, and then would be allowed to she draws attention to a shift in gender relations, because turn fallow while the next section of forest was cleared. The weaving is the handiwork par excellence of Naga women, and jhum cycle, i.e. the period until a particular piece of land was the men are dependent on them for the manufacture of their reclaimed, took up to thirty years, but nowadays it is mostly shawls. The importance of weaving and the present-day fash- just five or six years – insufficient time for the land to regen- ion scene that accompanies this in Nagaland is underscored erate. Where the topography allowed, permanent fields were in this book by a pictorial essay on current fashion in Naga- set up for wet paddy rice, such as in broad river valleys or on land (see p. 423). Iris Odyuo, on the other hand, has focused shallow inclines. The Angami are known for their terraced on a handicraft that is very much a male preserve: she de- fields, which earned them a place in the literature as being scribes the significance of basket-weaving for everyday and superior to other tribes (cf. for instance Kauffmann 1953: 19). ritual life among the Nagas, taking as her example the fairly

20 The Nagas: An Introduction

inaccessible region at the centre of Nagaland, the area of the transcription. He was superb as a story-teller. The stress, the Chang and Khiamniungan (see p. 155). In addition, another balance, the skilled suspense, and particularly the use of exclusively male preserve among the Nagas – wood carving rhythm and repetition, were the very voice of folk-lore. One – is examined in a pictorial essay featuring historical and con- who has merely read such stories and never heard them told, temporary photographs (see p. 199). knows only the shell. The eye slips too quickly over the print- ed page, missing the leit-motifs, the subtle variations and No less remarkable than the material culture are the Na- harmonies, of which a teller and hearer are so keenly aware. gas’ oral traditions, although sadly the source material for Written folk-tales are to the spoken as a musical score is to a this is scant: the early ethnographers had little interest in full performance« (Graham-Bower 1952: 124-125). the subject. Hutton and Mills cite a number of stories from various tribes in their monographs and journal articles, and The situation with the sources is even worse for Naga songs any number of recent anthologies of legends and tales have than it is for their stories. There are still some aged Nagas appeared (e.g. Bendangangshi 1998; Ghosh & Ghosh 1997). who remember how in their childhood and adolescence But what is missing from all of them are details of the narra- people sang all the time, wherever they were – that singing tors and the situations in which the tales were told; moreover, was a part of the way people communicated: romantic feel- the stories are related in a lack-lustre way with no effort be- ings were conveyed in songs, as were ridicule or reproaches. ing made to be faithful to the originals, meaning their dis- The Ao warriors would announce their successful return tinctive ›aroma‹ is lost: references to the typical means of from the headhunt by a dark sounding meyu – a polyvocal expression employed by a tribe, to the dramatic plot devices song without words that could be heard far and wide; visi- found in oral narrative, and to the alternation between nar- tors approached a friendly village in song, and were greeted rated and sung passages, as was characteristic of Naga story- in return by the singing villagers and later bid farewell with telling. And even the content of the tales is bland; it is only farewell songs (Graham-Bower 1952: 220-21). The Nagas are thanks to Mills’ retelling of the anecdotes surrounding the wonderful singers, with some of them having repertoires figure of Iki or Che (1937: 248ff.) – a prankster of some fame of several hundreds of songs in their heads, but all that the if not notoriety among the Angami, Lotha, Sema (today British ethnographers had written down and translated into Sumi) and Rengma – that we have some inkling of how lively English were a mere three dozen! Thomas Kaiser in his arti- and ribald the narrative culture of the Nagas was compared cle in this book underlines the urgent need to document the with the innocuous stories in present-day anthologies: the songs as the last authentic textual source for the pre-colonial cannibalistic and incestuous escapades of this Naga trickster life of the Nagas (see p. 233). Concentrating particularly on do not fit the current self-image as upright . Inciden- the song traditions of the Ao and Rengma, he shows that to- tally, a still unexplored treasure trove of Naga story-telling day, fundamental layers of meaning are in danger of becom- is probably to be found in the unpublished papers of Ursula ing permanently lost to even the singers themselves, because Graham Bower, who relates how she recorded the story cycle the culture they recall is no longer accessible to the current of an aged story-teller early in the summer of 1941: »He was generation. This makes it all the more difficult to translate elderly, poor, and, I imagine, rather shiftless, but he was the and interpret the cryptic language of the songs. nearest thing to a professional story-teller the area possessed. I wished to take down the Asa-Munsarung cycle, a vast cor- Stuart Blackburn analyses in his contribution (see p. 259) a pus of linked stories about those two familiar figures of Na- further mythological complex: that of the ensouled land- gas tales, the clever trickster and his simple friend. The Impoi scape. Among other details he describes the various kinds man sat down by my hearth and day after day for three weeks of stone monuments and the stories that are linked to them. he dictated the cycle. Never, before or since, have I heard The land of the Nagas is liberally strewn with such stones – such crisp and lucid Zemi spoken. I could take the material monoliths among the Angami, say, natural rock formations down on the typewriter as he talked, without preliminary among the Ao – which have become the subject of myths

21 and legends, or are attributed with special powers. For this From animists to Baptists reason a large number of these stones have fallen victim to the Christian mission and were smashed to pieces. Nowadays the Nagas, or at least those on the Indian side, are almost entirely Christian, and since the small remaining A link connecting the material culture and the oral tradi- handful of adherents to the pre-Christian religion either do tions can be seen in the log drums, which are the subject not divulge their allegiances to western visitors, or refuse to of Michael Oppitz’s contribution (see p. 169). He analyses enter into contact with them, the main source of information the manufacture, the use and the kinds of log drums found on the old religion is the work of the earlier writers. But in among the Nagas and compares them with similar instru- keeping with the evolutionist outlook of nineteenth century ments with similar functions in the broader geographical science, these writers denied that the Nagas had a religion context of Burma and southern China. The log drums of the in the strict sense of the word: »The Angamis have practi- Nagas are enormous, reclining instruments which, amid cally no religion. They recognize a supreme creator called strict ritual observances, are cut from a tree in the forest Terhopfo or Kepenopfo. They also believe in the existence of that a seer has dreamed of, hollowed, and brought to the vil- evil spirits which reside in rocks, trees, and pools of water. lage amid great celebration. For the Ao, for instance, the log These are usually propitiated in cases of illness by offerings of drum was »more nearly an idol than anything else which the fowls, pigs, or cattle. Customs similar to these are common Aos possess« (Mills 1926c: 79) – a tutelary deity for the vil- to the whole of the Nagas and Kuki tribes within the district. lage or village division in which it was located. Every drum Of a future state after death, their ideas are extremely vague. had a gender, its own name and its own personality: there They certainly believe that the soul does not die with the were (and are) male and female drums, peaceable and angry body, but what becomes of it they cannot say, resembling in drums, and even ›pregnant‹ drums. Their practical use lay this respect more civilized nations« (A. W. Davis Census of in their function as signal instruments: using acoustic codes India 1891, in Elwin 1969: 505-06). that were specific to each village, the drums could spread the news of a fire, say, or attack by enemies, or a successful head- Hutton (1921a: 177ff.) and Mills (1922: 113ff., 1926c: 215ff., hunt, or of the death of a revered person over several kilo- 1937: 164ff.) both felt that the old religion consisted more of metres. As such, the log drum fills an intermediate position a system of rituals than a moral code, and lacked theological between social communication and musical instruments, speculation. Their descriptions of the religious beliefs of the which Wolfgang Marschall tackles in depth in his contribu- Nagas are, however, mostly restricted to superficial phenom- tion on the traditional music of the Nagas (see p. 213). He ena that could easily be discerned by an outside observer, describes the construction of the various instruments and and grasped without lengthy field studies. Consequently the how they are played, as well as the social contexts in which old monographs only tackle the religion of the Nagas on a they are used, and he also points in his analysis to the com- superficial level, giving descriptions of various divinities plex structures in the music itself. Just what the young urban and rituals without attempting to describe their religious generation of Nagas thinks of the traditional music of their beliefs as a whole. As a result many of the highly complex fathers and grandfathers may be gleaned from the interview systems of belief were never examined in depth, because with Theja Meru (see p. 229), currently one of the most re- the authors – especially of course the missionaries – lacked nowned musicians and concert promoters in the capital of a fundamental willingness to view them from the insider’s Nagaland, Kohima. point of view, let alone to grant the various spiritual beings the status of local divinities: »In approaching a subject such as the religious beliefs of the Angami, one is met at the outset by an obstacle of very great difficulty. In common with other savage races the Angami regards the supernatural in general from a point that is sublimely vague. So vague is his idea of

22 The Nagas: An Introduction

the deities and spiritual beings in which he believes, that he Proselytisation by American Baptists had already started makes no attempt whatever to reproduce in carving or in among the Nagas by the second half of the nineteenth cen- picture the mental image which he forms of them, if indeed tury. And conversion not only spelt the end of the spirits and any clear formation takes place in his mind« (Hutton 1921a: gods, it also decimated a considerable part of the old materi- 177). The world of the Nagas was populated by spirits, gods al culture because, in the rhetoric of the missionaries, it was and ancestors with whom they had to interact. The relations an expression of the ›satanic‹ traditions of their forebears. between the immanent and the transcendental world were The Baptist church in Nagaland bears a marked evangelical clearly defined on the local level, but differed strongly from stamp. Thus the Reverend Noklen Longkumer is anything one group to another. The complex rituals and a comparison but alone in his wish to see the whole of Asia missionised of the religious beliefs between neighbouring groups allow by the Nagas; he represents rather a widely held local view us to sense just how strongly oral traditions were connected of the Baptists’ remit (see p. 293). The Catholic mission to in Naga religion with the belief in an ensouled nature. The the Nagas was not set up until the middle of the twentieth recitations that have been written down at festivals of merit century and has only managed to establish itself in a few (Mills 1926c: 372f.) allow one to presume a close relationship areas; only in recent years has it gained more converts, as the to the ancestral world, as is typical of the entire Himalayan Bishop of the diocese of Kohima, Jose Mukala, explains in area. It was a matter of the goodwill of the ancestors whether an interview (see p. 341). or not they exerted a positive influence on the life of the liv- ing. Be that as it may, »the Lhota«, according to Mills, »is It is often said by Christian Nagas that ›actually‹ they were very far indeed from being devil-ridden and haunted with already Christians and believed in God before they received ghostly fears. He cheerfully carries out what he conceives to the true teaching from the Americans. A reverend of the be his religious duties and meets his end like a man when the Western Rengma expressed this as follows during a discus- time comes« (1922: 113-14). Relations between men and gods sion: »We already knew our creator before Christianity appear to have been coloured less by metaphysical fears than reached us, but people were too stupid: instead of praying by pragmatic considerations of their coexistence: »The near- and asking for help, they made offerings to evil spirits to est equivalent to gods is an order of beings called potso, who make sure nothing happened to them.« The missionaries at live in a world like ours, of the earthy floor of which our sky is any rate used the vagueness of the old forms of belief for their the underside. The world of thepotsos in turn has a sky which own purposes, and in the tracts and Bible texts they translat- supports yet another potso world, and so on for an unknown ed into their local languages they would put the name of the number of layers« (ibid.: 113-114). Thesepotso occasionally highest deity or the creator god in place of the Christian god, visited the village seer with presents that symbolically an- thus suggesting a kind of continuity in the beliefs of the con- nounced forthcoming events. Thus in 1919, the seer of the vil- verts. The same strategy is used today by the members of the lage of Illimyo was presented with various parts of a railway Sangh Parivar, an umbrella organisation for radical Hindu carriage, which was interpreted as announcing approaching organisations designed to ›reconvert‹ Northeast Indian tri- difficulties with wild elephants. Vague notions existed of a bals to Brahminical , which has as little to do with supreme deity that created the universe, or in the case of the the old Naga religion as Christianity or Buddhism. Tseminyu group of the Rengma a creator pair: »In prayers (…) the names of Songinyu and Songperinyu are uttered. They Naga territories in which Hinduism wields more influence are vaguely thought of as a divine pair who created all things than Christianity are a rarity. One such region, the North and can bring good or evil upon men, but it is not known Cachar Hills, is described in the contribution of Arkotong which is the male and which is the female« (Mills 1937: 165). Longkumer, who follows a pilgrimage undertaken by the Heraka, a socio-religious reform movement founded in the 1920s by the , and taken over after his imprisonment and execution in 1932 by his

23 cousin (see p. 403). The centre of pilgrimage and incomprehensible to them as the headhunt was to Euro- for the Heraka movement is Bhuban Cave, which contains a peans, changed their view of the world and their knowledge sacrificial stone that is worshipped by both Hindus as well as of the surrounding political reality once and for all. For the other religious groups. Syncretisms between earlier and new first time some of the Nagas saw that as members of small, religious forms are also to be found among the Nagas, as al- fragmented tribes and tribal groups they had little chance of luded to by Vibha Joshi in this volume in her article on heal- advancing their cause in the face of the colonial power and ing methods among the Angami (see p. 393). Although the their territorial neighbours. Since time immemorial the in- forms of prayer healing she mentions have a strongly Chris- habitants of the Naga Hills had been free and independent; tian character, her case study of a young woman suffering the British were the first foreigners who succeeded in more from alopecia and symptoms of possession permits aspects or less controlling large areas of their lands, even if they never of animistic traditions to be discerned. Similarly animistic actually conquered them. An end to the British presence in beliefs are clearly evident in the phenomenon of tiger trans- India was foreseeable, and the Nagas were not interested in formation, which has been demonstrated far beyond the bor- some day joining an independent India (or Burma). The idea ders of Nagaland. Rebekka Sutter describes in her text the of politically uniting the various Naga tribes and creating a connection between soul concepts and the links between joint identity impressed itself upon them: the foreign term tigers and humans, which are mostly classified in the litera- ›Nagas‹ was adopted as an ethonym that provided a sense of ture under the heading of lycanthropy (see p. 275). Yet her identity, and it has acted as such to this day. In 1918 war vet- article shows that the Naga tiger-men are not instances of erans, village heads and governmental employees in Kohima people transforming into tigers or vice versa, but of a kind of formed the first self-determined, supratribal platform, the exchange of souls. The prevailing Christian doctrine makes Naga Club. This became politically active in the years 1928 it difficult however for the tiger-men to reveal themselves as and 1929 when the discussions about the re-organisation of such or to speak of their abilities, but Talimeren Jamir from the Indian colony led to negotiations as to whether the Na- Khensa was willing to talk about his life as a tiger-man in gas would be part of the new reformed scheme of India. The an interview. A pictorial essay comprising contemporary Naga Club, as sole official representative of the Nagas, reject- photographs rounds off this section by illustrating aspects ed the proposal. With that the Naga territories, whose bor- of religious life in Nagaland today, including the way tradi- ders were never exactly defined and have remained a bone tional symbolism has entered the imagery of the churches of contention – were left untouched by the scheme (Nuh & (see p. 383). Wetshokhrolo 2002: 27-28).

The situation of the Nagas changed once again with the out- Awakening to world politics and the struggle for break of the Second World War. Britain now presented India independence with concrete prospects of independence, albeit stipulat- ing that India had to fight on the British side. The war even The roots of the still enduring armed conflict between the reached Nagaland, and Kohima was witness to the bloody Indian Government in New and the rebel groups, who Battle of Kohima, in which the British together with Naga demand the unification of all the territories inhabited by Na- warriors prevented the Japanese from invading the Assam gas and their independence from the Indian Union, reach Plain. New proposals concerning the status of the Nagas back to the colonial era. Over one thousand Nagas from vari- after Indian Independence at first envisaged retaining the ous tribes served during the First World War in the British Naga territories as a British Crown Colony, a model that Army’s Labour Corps in France. Their experience amid the was vigorously opposed in 1946 by the Naga National Coun- ruins and corpses on the fields of war, amid a destructiveness cil (NNC), the successor to the Naga Club. The other two that far outstripped anything they had previously encoun- alternative proposals were affiliation either with the future tered and whose background must have seemed as bizarre Indian or with the future Burmese state. TheNNC voted for

24 The Nagas: An Introduction

total Naga independence and early in the summer of 1947 ne- é Fig. 7. Ritual change of a generation of officials (putu) in the Ao gotiated an agreement with the British Governor of Assam, village of Khar. Every thirty years a new generation takes over the administration of a village. (AvS 2005) Sir Akbar Hydari, in which the Nagas would first remain independent and decide after a period of ten years whether they wished to become a sovereign state or part of India. authorities. The army was called in to quell the Naga rebels The so-called Hydari Accord was, however, turned down by and during the ensuing war, which lasted over half a century, the Indian leaders; the Indian state, which shortly after was burned down hundreds of villages. The entire Naga terri- handed its independence, donned the mantel of the British tory was declared a restricted zone and only first partially colonials at its north-eastern border and annexed the Nagas’ re-opened in the year 2000. In 1963 a number of the Naga ter- territories as part of its own. ritories that had belonged till then to Assam were declared by the Indian government as the federal state of ›Nagaland‹. After initial attempts by theNNC to achieve independence This was a partial success for the Nagas, but for many in the for the Nagas at the negotiating table, and after a plebiscite independence movement it did not go far enough. Phizo, the in May 1951 in which reputedly 99.9% of the Nagas voted for charismatic leader, went into exile in London, where he died their independence (Prakash 2007: 1930), the NNC under in 1990. But many freedom fighters had grown tired of com- the leadership of Zapu Phizo from the Angami village of bat, and in 1975 a number of them signed the so called Shil- Khonoma embarked on armed struggle against the Indian long Accord in the name of the NNC, in which Nagaland was

25 recognised as a federal state with special privileges, such as is described by Dolly Kikon in her article (see p. 97). She the right to retain traditional administrative structures and also shows how the Nagas have drawn on familiar origin and judicial forms within the framework of the Indian Union. migration myths in their struggle for self-determination. A But right from the outset the Accord was far from lively recollection of the Nagas’ struggles for independence sound, and the dissidents left the NNC in 1980 to form the is also given in an interview with the journalist Kaka D. Iralu, National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), which from who also says why he thinks India is so intent on keeping then on fought on two fronts: against the Indian state and its Nagaland in the Union (see p. 378). The decisive question army, and against the moderate NNC. TheNSCN underwent regarding the Nagas’ striving for independence is: do the a further split in 1988 along largely tribal lines, to produce Nagas constitute a single nation? Abraham Lotha clearly two factions: the NSCN-IM (Isak-Muivah) and the NSCN-K affirms this in his contribution (see p. 47), in which he does (Khaplang), which up till now have chiefly been concerned not simply point to the many cultural features that link the with fighting one another and accusing the opposing faction Nagas, but also to the origin and migration myths shared by of betraying the common cause. many Naga groups.

The Indian Government no longer had a clear partner for negotiations, so the talks with the Nagas came to a stand- Identity and representation: the ›noble savage‹ as still. In fact the majority of Nagas were tired of combat and precedent only interested in at last being able to lead a normal life in dignity. In the 1990s the church’s attempts at arbitration – by The question of ›identity‹ has been a central Naga concern the Council of Nagas Baptist Churches (CNBC) – between the since the colonial era. But the definitions of identity differ warring parties bore fruit, and in 1997 a ceasefire agreement greatly. Irrespective of whether one assumes a static notion was made between the Indian Government and the IM fac- of identity, or the focus is on its ambivalence and changing tion of the NSCN. (TheK faction followed suit in 2000, with content, generally the phenomenon itself is placed and dealt a unilaterally declared ceasefire.) Since then, the ceasefire with in the realm of im­material ideas and values. This is obvi- agreements have been prolonged at periodic intervals. Dur- ous and perfectly justified; but for anthropological research ing the last ten years the Indian Government has held nego- a different approach seems more germane to the investiga- tiations with representatives of the IM faction, which is seen tion of identity: one that focuses on its tangible manifesta- as the largest and most influential organisation of the armed tions and concretisations. The artefacts that a society makes resistance. The government has also offered to hold talks are not simply physical objects but also the carriers of imma- with the K faction, although these have been hindered until terial meanings and value notions. If these are subjected to now by threats of withdrawal from the peace negotiations by change by political influences and historical processes, the the IM faction. The situation in the hills is a shambles, to say material manifestations of the society concerned will like- the least. wise change, along will their assigned meanings. Much the same occurs in the oral tradition. The literary creations of It is estimated that between 100,000 and 200,000 Nagas lost the oral tradition are indicators of the social conditions in their lives in the struggle for autonomy during the fifty years a culture, of its self-image and the way it wishes to commu- since Indian Independence. The majority of these deaths oc- nicate and to be perceived. They store, mirror and confirm curred during the open war with the Indian Army during the collective ideas from their authors, so that if the latter’s life 1950s and ’60s; but many have fallen since then in the daily circumstances change, this also has an impact on the body crossfire of a fratricidal war between the opposing factions. of handed-down literary products. One notable complex The war of independence has deeply disrupted society and of topics that is of especial relevance here is formed by the still dominates the life of many Nagas. Just how nationalist constants and the changes in identity, both as regards the feelings express themselves in the Nagas’ stories and songs way the people see this themselves as well as in the eyes and

26 The Nagas: An Introduction

comments of outsiders. The present volume aims to make The English Naga archives were already restored to the atten- a contribution to a subject that has received little attention tion of the sciences and the public in the 1980s: Alan Macfar- from science: the interactions that occur between immate- lane and Mark Turin describe in this the volume the pioneer rial ideas, their physical concretisations, and feelings of iden- project The Naga Videodisc (see p. 367), which already was tity, not least in the dynamics of how they have changed up conceived of at the dawn of the digital age as an instrument to this day. for researching traditional cultures that are on the brink of disappearance. This was one of the first projects to realise The extraordinary – the isolation im- the possibility of returning a lost culture to its creators in posed on the region for all of fifty years, during which their digital form. However outdated laserdisc technology may culture underwent fundamental change – makes it a prec- now be, the internet version of the project under the new edent for anthropological research into traditional societies: name of Naga Database, which is located on the broader Dig- in future such research will be based increasingly on a com- ital Himalaya platform, is unmatched in terms of the sheer bination of museum researches, archival studies, and field volume and diversity of its data. work. Admittedly the popular image of the Nagas in the West Languishing in the anthropological museums of Europe scarcely derives from scientific data collections, and particu- amid the archived objects, films and images collected be- larly during the last few years it has been very much moulded tween the end of the nineteenth and the middle of the twen- by publications that cast a strongly exotising eye on the Na- tieth century is a treasure trove of data on the Nagas that gas. In keeping with the tradition of earlier travel literature, people have only begun to work through. The most exten- the Nagas are imagined as ›noble savages‹. But they have sive collection is in the Pitt Rivers Museum at the University long since arrived in the modern era, and only wear feather of Oxford and comprises some 5,000 items. Its existence is ornaments and off-the-shoulder breast-cloths at ›cultural above all thanks to the passion of Henry Balfour, the muse- programmes‹. A lot of youngsters flatly reject the culture um’s first curator, and to the ethnographers Mills and Hutton, of their forebears, as can be read in an interview with a who have already been mentioned elsewhere. The artefacts young woman from Kohima, (see p. 418). But the fact that collected by Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf form the she chooses to remain anonymous – even though she ex- basis of the Naga collection at the Museum für Völkerkunde presses the views of many of the younger generation – shows in Vienna, and those of the German anthropologist Hans- that critique of the existing social structures of Nagaland Eberhard Kauffmann are in the keeping of theVölkerkunde - are not unproblematic. She notes that the older generations museum der Unviersität Zürich and the Museum der Kulturen have a fairly schizophrenic attitude towards their past: they in Basel. Further Naga collections are to be found in the demand respect for their traditional culture and its preser- ethnographical museums in Berlin, Munich and Cambridge. vation, but at the same time they refuse to introduce inter- The Naga collections in the German-speaking world are rela- ested youngsters to this culture. Youth takes its revenge, as it tively unknown to the public. Which is one reason why the were, by condemning all that is old and by orienting itself to present volume devotes particular attention to one of the western models, particularly those from the USA. As Kevil- most renowned German-speaking ethnographers to have huninu Nagi writes in her contribution, although the old worked on the Nagas: Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf. In clan structures still exert an influence, the breakdown of the his article, Christian Schicklgruber does not simply present family has been observable for a long time (see p. 111). More the Austrian-born scientist as an anthropologist and collec- outspoken are the words of the social worker Chingmak Ke- tor of Naga artefacts, but illuminates his activities against jong from Tuensang in his interview (see p. 107). He not only the backdrop of the political ideologies that shaped his early analyses the collapse of the community, but speaks openly work: National Socialism and the British colonial impera- about current social problems such as drug abuse and HIV. tive (see p. 355).

27 The present volume wishes to avoid casting the Nagas in an Endnotes exotic light, and also wishes to give conscious expression to 1 Cited without details of source and page numbers in R. B. Pember- the modern world and the daily life of the Nagas, and to al- ton, The Eastern Frontier of India, 1835. 2 In this volume the current spelling Lotha is used, except for cita- low individual voices from quite different fields of activities tions of older texts, where the spelling Lhota was conventional. to have their own say. The book avoids any attempt to draw a uniform picture of the Nagas; it raises rather the ›hubbub of opinions‹ – the multifarious and at times contradictory viewpoints and statements – to its kaleidoscopic principle.

The Editors

28 Lists and Credits

Interviews Picture Credits All interviews were conducted and recorded in Nagaland, resp. Assam, AvS Photographs: 25, 29, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79, 111, 113, 114, by Alban von Stockhausen, Marion Wettstein, Rebekka Sutter or 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 144, 145, 156, Christian Schicklgruber. Interviews given in Ao were translated by 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 176, 178, 180, 182, 193, 197, 205, 210, Toshi Jamir, Nungsangkokba Pongener, Tsangshingla Imlong and 211, 239, 249, 265, 268, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 418, Alemla Pongentsür. Most of them, however, were given in English; 422, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 434, 435; to keep them as close as possible to the original, the wording has not Videostills: 93, 107, 165, 229, 293, 341, 378; been changed in writing. Maps: 17, 170; based on templates by the authors: 313, 319, 325 CFH Photographs, archive of the School of Oriental an African Abbreviations Studies, London: 2, 11, 14, 65, 172, 173, 174, 176, 178, 184, 193, 194, AvS Alban von Stockhausen (Zürich) 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 217, 219, 222, 223, 297, 298, 299, 300, CFH Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf (MVW/ SOAS) 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 356, 357, 359, 360, 361, CRS C.R. Stonor (Naga Database archival material) 363. Copyrights with Nick Haimendorf. CS Christian Schicklgruber (Vienna) CRS Photographs, PRM Photograph Collections: 1998.320.758 : 184 DV Ditamulü Vasa (Kohima) CS Photographs: 121, 383, 384, 386 HEK Hans-Eberhard Kauffmann DV Photographs: 333, 336, 337 (Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikanistik, München) HEK Photographs, archive of the Institut für Ethnologie und JHH J.H. Hutton (PRM) Afrikanistik der Ludwig-Maximilian Universität München: 15, JPM J.P. Mills (PRM) 19, 59, 173, 179, 199, 202, 203, 206, 266, 267, 268, 298, 299 JS Jan Seifert (Leipzig) JHH Photographs, PRM Photograph Collections: 1998.327.3.835 KL Kathrin Leuenberger (Zürich) (p. 263), 1998.327.3.898(p. 264é), 1998.327.3.899 (p. 264í) MO Michael Oppitz (Zürich) JPM Photograph, Naga Database archival material: 195 MVW Museum für Völkerkunde Wien JS Photographs: 194, 277, 278, 390, 391 MW Marion Wettstein (Zürich) KL Object photographs for VMZ: 81, 82, 90, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 175, PRM Pitt Rivers Museum, 214, 218, 254, 256, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349 RGW R.G. Woodthorpe (PRM / Museum of Mankind) MO Photographs: 123, 124, 180, 186, 187, 188, 189, 193, 195; RS Rebekka Sutter (Zürich) Drawing: 176 SOAS School for Oriental and African Studies, London MW Colour drawings: 129, 131, 134, 135, 136, 139; object-scan: 140; SZ Stephan Zeisler (Vienna) Diagram: 409 (based on template by the author) TJ Tiatoshi Jamir (Kohima) PRM Object photograph (objects collection), 1923.85.961: 175 TK Thomas Kaiser (Zürich) RGW Autograph, Museum of Mankind (British Museum): 31 TP Tenzing Paljor (Kabul) Watercolours and sketches, PRM Manuscript Collections, VMZ Völkerkundemuseum der Universität Zürich Woodthorpe Collection: 1910.45.4.1 (p. 40ë), 1910.45.4.3 WGA W.G. Archer (Naga Database archival material) (p. 34é), 1910.45.4.4 (p. 34í), 1910.45.4.5 (p. 37é) , 1910.45.4.6 (p. 37í) , 1910.45.5.1 (p. 38ì), 1910.45.5.2 (p. 38ë), 1910.45.5.4 (p. 40ì), 1910.45.5.5 (p. 39ï) , 1910.45.5.6 (p. 39è), 1929.87.40 (p. 42î), 1929.87.41 (p. 45), 1983.7.11 (p. 44), 1983.7.17 (p. 39í); Watercolours and sketches, PRM, Photograph Collections:

437 1914.5.2.4 (p. 40é), 1914.5.2.10 (p. 35é), 1914.5.2.13 (p. 36í), WGA Photographs, Naga Database archival material: 172, 176, 178, 179, 1914.5.2.16 (p. 38é), 1914.5.2.19 (p. 41î), 1914.5.2.24 (p. 42ê), 182, 184, 185, 192 1914.5.2.28 (p. 43í), 1914.5.2.29 (p. 43é), 1914.5.2.71 (p. 35í), Anungla Aier, Kohima, photographs: 334, 335 1914.5.2.83 (p. 41ê), 1916.47.2 (p.32î), 1998.219.2.1 (p. 33); Henry Balfour, coloured sketches, PRM Manuscript Collections: 183 Naga Database: Diary entry 23.3.1876 (p. 32ê); (Balfour Papers, Box 3) Photographs, PRM Photograph Collections: 1914.5.3.33 (p. 36é), Vibha Joshi, Oxford, photographs: 395, 400 1914.5.2.82 (p. 201) Arkotong Longkumer, Edinburgh, photographs: 406, 408, 410 RS Videostills: 271, 283, 284, 287, 288 Abraham Lotha, New York, photographs: 50, 55 SZ Object photographs for MVW: Coverimages, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, Wolfgang Marschall, Zürich, music transcriptions: 226, 227 88, 89, 90, 91, 147, 150, 151, 152, 153, 220, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 269, Marco Mitri, Shillong, photographs: 324 344, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353 Maya Viola Oppitz, Berlin, Drawing:174 TJ Photographs: 326, 328, 329 The Rite of Sacrifice oft he Wa (Liu & Liang 2005), videostills: 176 TK Photographs: 234, 240, 246, 248 Zentralbibliothek Zürich, map scans: 13, 61, 62 TP Photographs: 181, 191, 194

438 Authors

Stuart Blackburn is Senior Research Fellow at the School of Ori- Kevilhuninuo Nagi is a lecturer at the Department of Anthropolo­ ental and African Studies, London, and director of the project Tribal gy, Kohima Science College, Nagaland. Transitions: Cultural Change in at SOAS. Iris Odyuo is currently writing her MA on Naga artisans at the Na- George van Driem is Research Professor and director of the Hima- galand University in Kohima. As a painter she is known as Iris Yingzen. layan Languages Project at Leiden University. He is also field coordina- tor of the European research programme Languages and Genes of the Michael Oppitz is Professor (emeritus) of Anthropology at the Greater Himalayan Region. University of Zürich and former director of the Ethnographic Mu- seum. His interests as a scholar and writer are oral traditions, material Moalasa Jamir is a lecturer at the Department of Anthropology, culture and visual anthropology of the greater Himalayan region, Kohima Science College, Nagaland and president of the Beauty & Aes- especially Nepal and Yunnan. He is head of the research project thetics Society of Nagaland. ›Material Culture, Oral Traditions and Identity among the Naga of Northeast India‹ funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Tiatoshi Jamir is a lecturer at the Department of History & Archae- ology, Nagaland University, Kohima, and working on an excavation Christian Schicklgruber is curator for South and Southeast Asia project in Chungliyimti, Tuensang District, Nagaland. and the Himalayas at the Museum of Ethnology in Vienna. His main interest is in Bhutan, where in co-operation with other institutions he Vibha Joshi is post-doctoral Research Fellow at the Institute of is busy establishing a new museum. Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Oxford, engaged in a comparative study of Naga textiles and museum collections. Alban von Stockhausen is team member of the research project ›Material Culture, Oral Traditions and Identity among the Naga Thomas Kaiser is member of the research project ›Material Culture, of Northeast India‹ funded by the Swiss National Science Founda- Oral Traditions and Identity among the Naga of Northeast India‹ tion. He is writing his doctoral thesis on the visual representation of funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation and also work- the Naga in the 1920es and 30es. In another project he is working on ing, with Dharamsing Teron, on oral traditions of the Karbi in Karbi shamanism among the Dumi Rai of Eastern Nepal. Anglong, Assam. Rebekka Sutter is team member of the research project ›Material Dolly Kikon is a doctoral candidate at the Department of Anthro- Culture, Oral Traditions and Identity among the Naga of Northeast pology, Stanford University. Her research work focuses on the legal India‹ funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. She is and human rights situation in Northeast India. presently working on her MA on tiger-men in Northeast India and in another project on shamanistic practices in Eastern Nepal. Arkotong Longkumer holds a PhD in Religious Studies from the University of Edinburgh. His research is focused on the Northeastern Mark Turin holds a PhD in Descriptive Linguistics from Leiden region of India and on a religious reform movement known as Heraka University where he was affiliated with theHimalayan Languages Pro- in the North Cachar Hills of Assam. ject. He is presently Chief of Translation at the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), and director of the Digital Himalaya Project. His in- Abraham Lotha is a doctoral student at the Graduate Center, City terests include ethnolinguistics, visual anthropology and oral history. University of New York, and initiator of the Chumpo Museum in Dimapur, Nagaland, dedicated to Naga identity and culture. Ditamulü Vasa is a lecturer at the Department of History & Archaeology, Nagaland University, Kohima and working on an excava- Alan Macfarlane is a historian and Professor of Anthropology at tion project in Chungliyimti, Tuensang District, Nagaland. the . His main areas of work are England, Ne- pal, Japan and China, and he has a special interest in the use of digital Marion Wettstein is team member of the research project media for anthropological and historical sciences. ›Material Culture, Oral Traditions and Identity among the Naga of Northeast India‹ funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Wolfgang Marschall is Professor (emeritus) of Anthropology She is working on her doctoral thesis on textiles and social structure at the University of Berne. His research focuses on Southeast Asia, among the . Another comparative project of hers focuses on especially Indonesia. A musician himself, he takes special interest in dance in Nepal. ethnomusicology.

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453 Michael Oppitz Th omas Kaiser Alban von Stockhausen Marion Wett stein

   Changing Local Cultures in the Northeast of India First Edition: 2008, Snoeck Publishers, Gent

This publication results from a cooperation between the Museum für Völkerkunde Wien and the Völkerkundemuseum der Universität Zürich. Parts of the book, namely the contributions by Thomas Kaiser, Michael Oppitz, Rebekka Sutter, Alban von Stockhausen and Marion Wettstein, are based on research funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation.

Copyright: © 2008 Snoeck Publishers Gent, Völkerkundemuseum der Universität Zürich, Museum für Völkerkunde Wien and the authors; © Illustrations: see picture credits list.

All rights reserved

Layout and Typography: Stéphane de Schrevel, Gent Lithography: Grafisch Buro Lefevre, Heule Typeset in Arno Pro, printed on Arctic Volume White

Print: DeckersSnoeck, Antwerpen

ISBN: 978-90-5349-679-4 Legal deposit: D/2008/0012/5

Editorial Board: Michael Oppitz, Thomas Kaiser, Alban von Stockhausen, Rebekka Sutter, and Marion Wettstein

Translation from German to English: Malcolm Green, Heidelberg (preface, introduction and texts by Thomas Kaiser, Wolfgang Marschall, Michael Oppitz, Christian Schicklgruber, Alban von Stockhausen, Rebekka Sutter and Marion Wettstein ) All the other translations by the editorial board and Jenny Bentley.

Proof reading: Malcolm Green, Heidelberg (Contributions by Stuart Blackburn, George van Driem, Tiatoshi Jamir & Ditamulü Vasa, Vibha Joshi, Dolly Kikon, Arkotong Longkumer, Abraham Lotha, Alan Macfarlane & Mark Turin, Kevilhuninuo Nagi, Iris Odyuo) Emma Gledhill, Samstagern (pictorial essays, object essays)

Frontispiece: Two Konyak girls. (CFH 1937)

Ethnographic Museum of Zürich University Table of Contents

9 Preface Michael Oppitz

11 The Nagas: An Introduction The Editors

31 Col. Woodthorpe: Surveyor – Draftsman – Ethnographer • Pictorial Essay

47 Naga Identity: Enduring Heritage Abraham Lotha

57 Creating Naga: Identity between Colonial Construction, Political Calculation, and Religious Instrumentalisation Alban von Stockhausen

81 Warrior Ornaments • Objects Essay

93 Interview with Allem Longkumer

97 Cultural Construction of Nationalism: Myths, Legends and Memories Dolly Kikon

107 Interview with Chingmak Kejong

111 Changes in the Naga Family Kevilhuninuo Nagi

117 Scenes of Agriculture and Daily Life • Pictorial Essay 129 Defeated Warriors, Successful Weavers: Marion Wettstein

147 Wrap Skirts and Shawls • Objects Essay

155 Naga Basketrywith Special Reference to the Chang and Khiamniungan Nagas Iris Odyuo

165 Interview with S. Ayim Longkumer

169 The Log Drum Michael Oppitz

199 The Art of Naga Woodcarving • Pictorial Essay

213 On the Music of the Naga Societies of Northeast India (and Burma) Wolfgang Marschall

229 Interview with Theja Meru

233 The Songs of the Nagas Thomas Kaiser

253 Everyday Life, Agriculture, Hunting and Crafts • Objects Essay

259 The Stories Stones Tell: Naga Oral Stories and Culture Stuart Blackburn

271 Interview with Talimeren Jamir

275 Shadows and Tigers: Concepts of Soul and Tiger-Men Rebekka Sutter

293 Interview with Reverend Noklen Longkumer

297 Scenes of Everyday Life in Historical Photographs

311 The Naga Language Groups within the Tibeto-Burman Language Family George van Driem

323 Archeology of Local Cultures: New Findings and Interpretations in Nagaland Tiatoshi Jamir & Ditamulü Vasa 341 Interview with José Mukala, Bishop of Kohima

343 Jewellery • Objects Essay

355 Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf – Collector and Chronicler of the Nagas between Two Fronts Christian Schicklgruber

367 The Digitization of Naga Collections in the West and the ›Return of Culture‹ Alan Macfarlane und Mark Turin

378 Interview with Kaka D. Iralu

383 Religion today • Pictorial Essay

393 Pluralistic Beliefs: Christianity and Healing among the Angami Nagas Vibha Joshi

403 Circling the Altar Stone: Bhuban Pilgrimage and the Symbolism of Religious Traditions Arkotong Longkumer

418 Interview with a Young Naga Woman

423 Fashion Trends in Contemporary Nagaland • Pictorial Essay Moalasa Jamir

437 Lists and Credits

439 Authors

441 Bibliography

455 Index

464 Acknowledgements