DOCSLIB.ORG

Suetonius: Ciceronian Shorthand

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Suetonius: Ciceronian Shorthand CHAPTER NINE SUETONIUS: CICERONIAN SHORTHAND Literary activity flourished in the post-Flavian era; and although the otium of the homo privatus may have been conducive to the pastime of creative writing, Suetonius Tranquillus and his prolific literary friends, Pliny the Younger and Cornelius Tacitus, all combined writing with active careers in public life. 1 Like Pliny and Tacitus, Suetonius was skilled in rhetoric, and oratori­ cal dexterity is evident in his works. Even the most casual perusal, however, demonstrates profound differences in his literary approach from that of his contemporaries. Suetonius' style has been termed "mundane" and "artless. "2 Operating within a biographical framework in De Vita Caesarum, Suetonius is a reporter of "facts" (sometimes contradictory); he makes no attempt to delve into "behind-the-scenes" motivation, as does Tacitus in his role of "omniscient" historian. 3 The differences are evident in Suetonius' gender terms, which reflect his training in neo-Ciceronian rhetoric. 4 In the biographies of the Caesars, each "Life" is divided into set rubrics that center upon the virtues and vices of the individual emperors. 5 Consequently, almost all of the characters, except for the imperial protagonists, are ancillary to the narrative. Some of them, in fact, appear within the space of one sentence and vanish with the onset of the next. Suetonius, like Vellei us, used gender epithets as a shorthand to establish social position or to emphasize moral characteristics in as few words as possible. Suetonius employs such expressions for individual characters more frequently in the first half-dozen books, very probably because he invested more of his literary energies and utilized more words in the 1 Suetonius' equestrian career and his prolific literary output are recounted by A. Wallace-Hadrill in Suetonius (Old Woking, 1983) 2-8; 38-49; R. Martin reviews Tacitus' career and writings in the second chapter of Tacitus (London, 1981) 26-~8. 2 Wallace-Hadrill (supra, n. 1) 19. 3 Ibid., /oc. cit.; cf. Martin (supra, n. 1) 215. R.C. Lounsbury notes that Suetonius "did not seek to impose his ethos on his material after the appreciable fashion of Tacitus," The Arts of Suetonius (New York, 1987) 102. • Wallace-Hadrill notes that Suetonius attended lectures at Rome during the time that Quintilian held the chair of rhetoric (supra, n. I) 3; on Quintilian and the tradition of Cicero, G. Kennedy, The Art of Rhetoric in the Ancient World (Princeton, 1972) 523. 'Wallace-Hadrill (supra, n. 1) chapter seven, "Virtues and Vices," 145 sq. 164 THE LETTER, THE BIOGRAPHY, AND THE NOVEL early Lives than he did in the later. 6 The biographer's gender terminology is notably devoid of innovation: it falls into the familiar patterns used with variations, according to genre, by Cicero, Livy, and Pliny. 7 The Lower Classes, Foreigners,and Pejorative Gender Terms Context, according to I. Opelt, determines whether a word is pejorative or not, 8 and this observation applies to homo and mulier when the words are used to indicate members of the lower orders and foreigners. For instance, the following example from the life of Augustus demonstrates that rank (or lack of it) is the determining factor in the author's choice of words. Before Actium, Octavian meets a homo named Eutychus, an asinarius by profession, who owns a donkey called Nicon. The not-yet­ Augustus, demonstrating the gambler's faith that seems to have run in his family ,9 interprets the encounter as a hunch of success, since the two are so fortunately named (Aug. 96.2). The term homo is based purely upon Eutychus' profession, since viri do not engage in such vulgar occupations. Homo is therefore devoid of pejorative moral overtones. Suetonius is said to display the usual aristocratic disdain for the lower orders, though he does not employ the scathing epithets to plebs that Tacitus does. 10 Suetonius, however, will attach homo to plebs or plebeius in instances where the persons in question are definitely acting in an unacceptable manner. An example is the anonymous e plebe homo, caught near the bed of the Emperor Claudius with a drawn daggar (Cl. 13.1). The specification of the culprit as such places responsibility for 6 B. Baldwin, Suetonius (Amsterdam, I 983) 484. The question whether Suetonius has created his own gender terms or has picked them up from his sources is probably unanswer­ able. Nevertheless, the biographer has chosen to employ them to emphasize a character's social rank or moral status. Baldwin notes that an author's sources influence his choice of words either "consciously or unconsciously." Ibid. 485. 7 S. 's gender terms fall into the usual categories: h. and m. are used for the lower classes, foreigners, and sometimes as pejoratives, while v. and/. are employed exclusively for the upper echelons of society. 8 I. Opell, Die /ateinischen Schimpfwoerter undverwandte sprach/iche Erscheinungen; eine Typo/ogie (Heidelberg, 1965) 265. 9 The Emperor Claudius was an unabashed dice player (C/. 5; 33.2; 39). One deduces his mania by the fact that he not only published a book on the theory of the game, but invented the first portable dice board to be used while travelling. The author of Apocolocyn1osis, incidentally, uses Ciceronian pejoratives, addressing him as homo crudelissime (13), and dispatches him to the underworld with a "holey" dice board ( 14). Also of interest is the fact that Claudius had the Senate award the name Claudia Pia Fide/is to the seventh and eleventh legions who had remained loyal during the revolt of Camillus (Dio. 60.16). Those numbers are lucky in the modern game; there may be some connection! 10 Baldwin (supra, n. 6) 341-42. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1).
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
    Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf.
    [Show full text]
  • SUETONIUS the Portents Before the Murder of Julius Caesar
    Eduqas GCSE Latin Component 2: Latin Literature and Sources (Themes) Superstition and Magic SUETONIUS The portents before the murder of Julius Caesar Teachers should not feel that they need to pass on to their students all the information from these notes; they should choose whatever they think is appropriate. The examination requires knowledge outside the text only when it is needed in order to understand the text. The Teacher’s Notes contain the follow: • An Introduction to the author and the text, although students will only be asked questions on the content of the source itself. • Notes on the text to assist the teacher. • Suggested Questions for Comprehension, Content and Style to be used with students. • Discussion suggestions and questions for students, and overarching Themes which appear across more than one source. • Further Information and Reading for teachers who wish to explore the topic and texts further. © University of Cambridge School Classics Project, 2019 PUBLISHED BY THE CAMBRIDGE SCHOOL CLASSICS PROJECT Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge, 184 Hills Road, Cambridge, CB2 8PQ, UK http://www.CambridgeSCP.com © University of Cambridge School Classics Project, 2019 Copyright In the case of this publication, the CSCP is waiving normal copyright provisions in that copies of this material may be made free of charge and without specific permission so long as they are for educational or personal use within the school or institution which downloads the publication. All other forms of copying (for example, for inclusion in another publication) are subject to specific permission from the Project. First published 2019 version date: 20/12/2019 This document refers to the official examination images and texts for the Eduqas Latin GCSE (2021 - 2023).
    [Show full text]
  • Stasis-Theory in Homeric Commentary
    This is a repository copy of Stasis-theory in Homeric commentary . White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/390/ Article: Heath, M. (1993) Stasis-theory in Homeric commentary. Mnemosyne, 46 (3). pp. 356-363. ISSN 0026-7074 Reuse See Attached Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Mnemosyne 46 (1993), 356-63 St£sij-theory in Homeric commentary Malcolm Heath University of Leeds ABSTRACT: (i) Analysis of the small number of references to the rhetorical theory of stasis (issue-theory) in the Homeric scholia shows that they assume a modified version of the theory of Athenaeus, a contemporary and rival of Hermagoras of Temnos. (ii) In his discussion of Agamemnon's speech in Iliad 3.456-60 Eustathius follows the discussion in Plutarch Quaestiones convivales 9.13, rather than that in the scholia. It is shown that this is justified on technical grounds. The interpretation in the scholia does not fit Agamemnon's speech, and must have originated in a discussion of the attested Homeric 'problem' concerning claims that the Trojans had broken their oath. I The sporadic references to st£sij-theory in the scholia to the Iliad employ an unusual terminology.1 The following terms are found: (A1) parormhtik» (9.228; 23.594); (A2) katastocastik» (18.497-8); (A3) ¢lloiwtik» (1.118; 8.424; 9.228, 312-3), of which tÕ ØpallaktikÒn is a part (9.228); (A4) dikaiologik» (23.594);2 (A5) ·htÕn kaˆ di£noia (3.457).
    [Show full text]
  • Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
    Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault.
    [Show full text]
  • Gods of Cultivation and Food Supply in the Imperial Iconography of Septimius Severus
    Jussi Rantala a hundred years.1 The result of this was that a new emperor without any direct connection to the earlier dynasty had risen to the throne. This situation provided a tough challenge for Severus. He had to demonstrate that he was the true and legitimate emperor and he had to keep the empire and especially the capital calm Gods of Cultivation and Food after a period of crisis.2 The task was not made easier by the fact that Severus was not connected with the traditional elites of the capital; he can be considered an Supply in the Imperial Iconography outsider, for some scholars even an “alien”. of Septimius Severus Severus was a native of Lepcis Magna, North Africa. His “Africanness” has been a debated issue among modern researchers. Severus’ Punic roots are Jussi Rantala highlighted especially by Anthony Birley, and the emperor’s interest towards the cult of Serapis is also considered a sign of African identity.3 These ideas are University of Tampere nowadays somewhat disputed. Lepcis Magna was more or less Romanized long This article deals with the question of the role of gods involved with cultivation, grain before the birth of Severus, and the two families (the Fulvii and the Septimii) from and food supply in the Roman imperial iconography during the reign of Septimius which the family of Severus descended, were very much of Italian origin. Moreover, Severus. By evaluating numismatic and written evidence, as well as inscriptions, the the Severan interest in Serapis can hardly be considered an African feature: the article discusses which gods related to grain and cultivation received most attention same god was given attention already by Vespasian (who was definitely not an from Septimius Severus, and how their use helped the emperor to stabilize his rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Caesar and the Pirates: Or How to Make (And Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), Pp
    Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. (2010) ‘Caesar and The Pirates: or How to Make (and Break) an Ancient Life’, Greece and Rome, 57(2), pp. 319–336. doi: 10.1017/S0017383510000057 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555438 © 2010 The Classical Association This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Greece & Rome, Vol. 57, No. 2, © The Classical Association, 2010. All rights reserved doi:10.1017/S0017383510000057 CAESAR AND THE PIRATES CAESAR AND THE PIRATES: OR HOW TO MAKE (AND BREAK) AN ANCIENT LIFE* Introduction It is hard for biographers, ancient and modern alike, to resist the story of the young Julius Caesar’s kidnapping by a band of pirates. Suetonius and Plutarch both include full versions of the tale, with specifi c details (Suet. Iul. 4; Plut. Vit. Caes. 1.4–2). Suetonius, for instance, writes that the kidnapping took place near the island of Pharmacusa (just off the coast of Asia Minor), while Plutarch, noting that too, also specifi es that the ransom that freed Caesar came from the (nearby) city of Miletus. And while Suetonius writes that Caesar, after his release, launched a fl eet, pursued the pirates, and punished them, Plutarch includes another phase in the story: having taken command of a fl eet and set sail (again, from Miletus), Plutarch’s Caesar captured nearly all the pirates but, instead of killing them right away, ‘he himself went to Iuncus, the governor of Asia, on the grounds that it belonged to him, as governor of the province, to punish the captives’.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    INTRODUCTION Livy the Historian Livy , or in full Titus Livius, was born at Patavium in northern Italy (Padua today) in 59 bc, and so lived through the turbulent years of the fall of the Roman Republic into the calm and politically controlled era of one-man rule under Augustus and his successor Tiberius. 1 According to St Jerome’s Chronicle he died in ad 17. He seems not to have held public offi ce or done any military service. Apart from some essays, now lost, on philosophy and rhetoric, he undertook in his late twenties to compose an up-to-date history of Rome drawing on mostly Roman but also some Greek predecessors. He entitled it From the Foundation of the City ( Ab Urbe Condita ): to all Romans their City was unique. The history eventually amounted to 142 books, taking Rome’s history from its traditional foundation-date of 753 bc down to the year 9 bc — a colossal achievement, much lengthier than Gibbon’s Decline and Fall , for instance. Of it only the fi rst ten Books and then Books 21–45 survive. Books 6–10 take the story of Rome from 390 bc down to the year 293. Evidence in the work indicates that Livy began writing in the early 20s bc, for around 18 bc he reached Book 28. A subheading to a surviving résumé (epitome) of the lost book 121 states that it was published after Augustus’ death in ad 14: some- thing that probably held true, too, for those that followed. The his- tory ended at the year 9 bc.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial
    The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Alain Gowing, Chair Catherine Connors Alexander Hollmann Deborah Kamen Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics ©Copyright 2015 Brandon F. Jones University of Washington Abstract The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones Chair of Supervisory Commitee: Professor Alain Gowing Department of Classics This study is about the construction of identity and self-promotion of status by means of elite education during the first and second centuries CE, a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic. Though the Second Sophistic has traditionally been treated as a Greek cultural movement, individual Romans also viewed engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, as a way of displaying education and authority, and, thereby, of promoting status. Readings of the work of Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, reveal a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. The first two chapters of this study illustrate and explain the centrality of Greek in the Roman educational system. The final three chapters focus on Roman displays of that acquired Greek paideia in language, literature and oratory, respectively. As these chapters demonstrate, the social practices of paideia and their deployment were a multi-cultural phenomenon. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................... 2 Introduction ....................................................................................... 4 Chapter One.
    [Show full text]
  • The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius' “Caligula” and “Nero”
    University of Kentucky UKnowledge Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection Lewis Honors College 2020 ‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero” Maya Menon University of Kentucky, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/honprog Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Menon, Maya, "‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero”" (2020). Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection. 50. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/honprog/50 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Lewis Honors College at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Lewis Honors College Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ‘De Monstris’: The Madness of Isolation in Suetonius’ “Caligula” and “Nero” ​ ​ Maya Menon MCL 495-001: Capstone Dr. Matthew Wells December 2, 2020 Menon 2 The emperors Gaius Caesar ‘Caligula’ (r. 37-41 CE) and Nero (r. 54-68 CE) are regarded as some of Rome’s most infamous and notorious rulers due to their erratic, destructive, and complex behaviors. In his biographical work The Lives of the Caesars, the literary artist Gaius ​ ​ Suetonius Tranquillus (c. 69-122 CE) provides a concise, informative, and illustrative depiction of the reigns of these two emperors. Suetonius’ particular literary technique and style used in the narration for both Nero and Caligula contributes to an enduring legacy of madness and depravity that has been influential in our understanding of these two rulers well into the modern age.
    [Show full text]
  • Guide to the Ancient Monuments of the Island of Capri
    GGUIDEUIDE TOTO THETHE AANCIENTNCIENT MMONUMENTSONUMENTS OFOF THETHE IISLANDSLAND OFOF CCAPRIAPRI AZIENDA AUTONOMA DI CURA, SOGGIORNO E TURISMO OF THE ISLAND OF CAPRI Index 2 History 6 Grotta delle Felci 7 Muro greco 7 Scala fenicia 8 Palazzo a Mare 10 Villa di Damecuta 12 Villa Jovis Villa Jovis. 15 Villa di Gradola - Grotta Azzurra 16 Grottoes and nymphaea 16 Grotta di Matermania 17 Grotta del Castiglione 17 Grotta dell’Arsenale 18 Detailed studies 19 Museums and libraries For up-to-date information on monument opening hours and itineraries, please contact Information Offices of Azienda Autonoma di Cura, Soggiorno e Turismo of the Island of Capri: Capri, piazza Umberto I - tel. +39 0818370686 Villa di Damecuta. Marina Grande, banchina del Porto - tel. +39 0818370634 Anacapri, via Giuseppe Orlandi - tel +39 0818371524 www.capritourism.com Guide produced by OEBALUS ASSOCIAZIONE CULTURALE ONLUS Via San Costanzo, 8 - Capri www.oebalus.org with the collaboration of SOPRINTENDENZA ARCHEOLOGICA DELLE PROVINCE DI NAPOLI E CASERTA Ufficio scavi Capri, via Certosa - Capri tel. +39 0818370381 Texts by EDUARDO FEDERICO (history) Grotta di Matermania. ROBERTA BELLI (archaeology) CLAUDIO GIARDINO (Grotta delle Felci) Photographs by MARCO AMITRANO UMBERTO D’ANIELLO (page 1) MIMMO JODICE (back cover) Co-ordination ELIO SICA Translations by QUADRIVIO Printed by Scala fenicia. SAMA Via Masullo I traversa, 10 - Quarto (NA) www.samacolors.com GUIDE TO THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS OF THE ISLAND OF CAPRI AZIENDA AUTONOMA DI CURA, SOGGIORNO E TURISMO OF THE ISLAND OF CAPRI History Although rather poorly document- independent island history. ed by ancient authors, the history The history of Capri between the of Capri involves many characters 4th millennium BC and the 8th cen- of notable importance.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny, the Eruption of Vesuvius
    CSCP Support Materials: Notes and Commentary Eduqas GCSE Latin Component 3A Latin Literature (Narratives) Pliny, The Eruption of Vesuvius For examination in 2020 and 2021 PUBLISHED BY THE CAMBRIDGE SCHOOL CLASSICS PROJECT Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge, 184 Hills Road, Cambridge, CB2 8PQ, UK http://www.CambridgeSCP.com © University of Cambridge School Classics Project, 2019 Copyright In the case of this publication, the CSCP is waiving normal copyright provisions in that copies of this material may be made free of charge and without specific permission so long as they are for educational or personal use within the school or institution which downloads the publication. All other forms of copying (for example, for inclusion in another publication) are subject to specific permission from the Project. Image Acknowledgments Image on pg. 9 ‘Vesuvius Looms’ courtesy of Paull Young [http://www.flickr.com/photos/paullyoung/429923584/in/photostream/] Images on pg. 15 courtesy of Big Albert [https://www.flickr.com/photos/52948047@N05/24356049443] and Andrea Schaffer from Sydney, Australia [CC BY 2.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)] Image on pg. 26 courtesy of Wellcome Images [CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0)] All other images taken from Cambridge Latin Course resources. First published 2019 version date: 14/08/2019 Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 Pliny the Younger ..................................................................................................
    [Show full text]