The Educational Theory of Plutarch
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Brutus, Cassius, Judas, and Cremutius Cordus: How
BRUTUS, CASSIUS, JUDAS, AND CREMUTIUS CORDUS: HOW SHIFTING PRECEDENTS ALLOWED THE LEX MAIESTATIS TO GROUP WRITERS WITH TRAITORS by Hunter Myers A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi May 2018 Approved by ______________________________ Advisor: Professor Molly Pasco-Pranger ______________________________ Reader: Professor John Lobur ______________________________ Reader: Professor Steven Skultety © 2018 Hunter Ross Myers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dr. Pasco-Pranger, For your wise advice and helpful guidance through the thesis process Dr. Lobur & Dr. Skultety, For your time reading my work My parents, Robin Myers and Tracy Myers For your calm nature and encouragement Sally-McDonnell Barksdale Honors College For an incredible undergraduate academic experience iii ABSTRACT In either 103 or 100 B.C., a concept known as Maiestas minuta populi Romani (diminution of the majesty of the Roman people) is invented by Saturninus to accompany charges of perduellio (treason). Just over a century later, this same law is used by Tiberius to criminalize behavior and speech that he found disrespectful. This thesis offers an answer to the question as to how the maiestas law evolved during the late republic and early empire to present the threat that it did to Tiberius’ political enemies. First, the application of Roman precedent in regards to judicial decisions will be examined, as it plays a guiding role in the transformation of the law. Next, I will discuss how the law was invented in the late republic, and increasingly used for autocratic purposes. The bulk of the thesis will focus on maiestas proceedings in Tacitus’ Annales, in which a total of ten men lose their lives. -
Stasis-Theory in Homeric Commentary
This is a repository copy of Stasis-theory in Homeric commentary . White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/390/ Article: Heath, M. (1993) Stasis-theory in Homeric commentary. Mnemosyne, 46 (3). pp. 356-363. ISSN 0026-7074 Reuse See Attached Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Mnemosyne 46 (1993), 356-63 St£sij-theory in Homeric commentary Malcolm Heath University of Leeds ABSTRACT: (i) Analysis of the small number of references to the rhetorical theory of stasis (issue-theory) in the Homeric scholia shows that they assume a modified version of the theory of Athenaeus, a contemporary and rival of Hermagoras of Temnos. (ii) In his discussion of Agamemnon's speech in Iliad 3.456-60 Eustathius follows the discussion in Plutarch Quaestiones convivales 9.13, rather than that in the scholia. It is shown that this is justified on technical grounds. The interpretation in the scholia does not fit Agamemnon's speech, and must have originated in a discussion of the attested Homeric 'problem' concerning claims that the Trojans had broken their oath. I The sporadic references to st£sij-theory in the scholia to the Iliad employ an unusual terminology.1 The following terms are found: (A1) parormhtik» (9.228; 23.594); (A2) katastocastik» (18.497-8); (A3) ¢lloiwtik» (1.118; 8.424; 9.228, 312-3), of which tÕ ØpallaktikÒn is a part (9.228); (A4) dikaiologik» (23.594);2 (A5) ·htÕn kaˆ di£noia (3.457). -
The Palmyrene Prosopography
THE PALMYRENE PROSOPOGRAPHY by Palmira Piersimoni University College London Thesis submitted for the Higher Degree of Doctor of Philosophy London 1995 C II. TRIBES, CLANS AND FAMILIES (i. t. II. TRIBES, CLANS AND FAMILIES The problem of the social structure at Palmyra has already been met by many authors who have focused their interest mainly to the study of the tribal organisation'. In dealing with this subject, it comes natural to attempt a distinction amongst the so-called tribes or family groups, for they are so well and widely attested. On the other hand, as shall be seen, it is not easy to define exactly what a tribe or a clan meant in terms of structure and size and which are the limits to take into account in trying to distinguish them. At the heart of Palmyrene social organisation we find not only individuals or families but tribes or groups of families, in any case groups linked by a common (true or presumed) ancestry. The Palmyrene language expresses the main gentilic grouping with phd2, for which the Greek corresponding word is ØuAi in the bilingual texts. The most common Palmyrene formula is: dynwpbd biiyx... 'who is from the tribe of', where sometimes the word phd is omitted. Usually, the term bny introduces the name of a tribe that either refers to a common ancestor or represents a guild as the Ben Komarê, lit. 'the Sons of the priest' and the Benê Zimrâ, 'the sons of the cantors' 3 , according to a well-established Semitic tradition of attaching the guilds' names to an ancestor, so that we have the corporations of pastoral nomads, musicians, smiths, etc. -
Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault. -
Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action Under the Principate Thomas E
Xavier University Exhibit Faculty Scholarship Classics 2010 Saving the Life of a Foolish Poet: Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action under the Principate Thomas E. Strunk Xavier University - Cincinnati Follow this and additional works at: http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/classics_faculty Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Byzantine and Modern Greek Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Indo-European Linguistics and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation Strunk, Thomas E., "Saving the Life of a Foolish Poet: Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action under the Principate" (2010). Faculty Scholarship. Paper 15. http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/classics_faculty/15 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYLLECTA CLASSICA 21 (2010): 119–139 SAVING THE LIFE OF A FOOLISH POET: TACITUS ON MARCUS LEPIDUS, THRASEA PAETUS, AND POLITICAL ACTION UNDER THE PRINCIPATE Thomas E. Strunk Abstract: This paper explores Tacitus’ representation of Thrasea Paetus. Preliminary to analyzing this portrayal, I discuss two pas- sages often cited when exploring Tacitus’ political thought, Agricola 42.4 and Annales 4.20. I reject the former’s validity with regard to Thrasea and accept the latter as a starting point for comparing Tacitus’ depictions of Marcus Lepidus and Thrasea. Tacitus’ char- acterizations of Thrasea and Lepidus share the greatest resemblance in the trials of Antistius Sosianus and Clutorius Priscus, both of whom wrote verses offensive to the regime. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION Livy the Historian Livy , or in full Titus Livius, was born at Patavium in northern Italy (Padua today) in 59 bc, and so lived through the turbulent years of the fall of the Roman Republic into the calm and politically controlled era of one-man rule under Augustus and his successor Tiberius. 1 According to St Jerome’s Chronicle he died in ad 17. He seems not to have held public offi ce or done any military service. Apart from some essays, now lost, on philosophy and rhetoric, he undertook in his late twenties to compose an up-to-date history of Rome drawing on mostly Roman but also some Greek predecessors. He entitled it From the Foundation of the City ( Ab Urbe Condita ): to all Romans their City was unique. The history eventually amounted to 142 books, taking Rome’s history from its traditional foundation-date of 753 bc down to the year 9 bc — a colossal achievement, much lengthier than Gibbon’s Decline and Fall , for instance. Of it only the fi rst ten Books and then Books 21–45 survive. Books 6–10 take the story of Rome from 390 bc down to the year 293. Evidence in the work indicates that Livy began writing in the early 20s bc, for around 18 bc he reached Book 28. A subheading to a surviving résumé (epitome) of the lost book 121 states that it was published after Augustus’ death in ad 14: some- thing that probably held true, too, for those that followed. The his- tory ended at the year 9 bc. -
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Alain Gowing, Chair Catherine Connors Alexander Hollmann Deborah Kamen Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics ©Copyright 2015 Brandon F. Jones University of Washington Abstract The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones Chair of Supervisory Commitee: Professor Alain Gowing Department of Classics This study is about the construction of identity and self-promotion of status by means of elite education during the first and second centuries CE, a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic. Though the Second Sophistic has traditionally been treated as a Greek cultural movement, individual Romans also viewed engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, as a way of displaying education and authority, and, thereby, of promoting status. Readings of the work of Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, reveal a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. The first two chapters of this study illustrate and explain the centrality of Greek in the Roman educational system. The final three chapters focus on Roman displays of that acquired Greek paideia in language, literature and oratory, respectively. As these chapters demonstrate, the social practices of paideia and their deployment were a multi-cultural phenomenon. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................... 2 Introduction ....................................................................................... 4 Chapter One. -
Parchments of the Parthian Period from Avroman in Kurdistan Author(S): Ellis H
Parchments of the Parthian Period from Avroman in Kurdistan Author(s): Ellis H. Minns Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 35 (1915), pp. 22-65 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/624522 . Accessed: 02/05/2014 15:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.210.130.147 on Fri, 2 May 2014 15:27:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PARCHMENTS OF THE PARTHIAN PERIOD FROM AVROMAN IN KURDISTAN. [PLATES 1.-111.] AVROMANis a town in Persian Kurdistan lying close to the Turkish frontier between the sources of the Lesser Zab and the course of the Diala River some distance to the north of the highway from Bagdad (say Ctesiphon) to Hamadin (Ecbatana). Near it in a cave in the mountain called Kuh-i-Silan, a peasant found about the year 1909 a stone jar hermetically sealed; in it were decayed millet seeds 1 and several documents. -
Pliny, the Eruption of Vesuvius
CSCP Support Materials: Notes and Commentary Eduqas GCSE Latin Component 3A Latin Literature (Narratives) Pliny, The Eruption of Vesuvius For examination in 2020 and 2021 PUBLISHED BY THE CAMBRIDGE SCHOOL CLASSICS PROJECT Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge, 184 Hills Road, Cambridge, CB2 8PQ, UK http://www.CambridgeSCP.com © University of Cambridge School Classics Project, 2019 Copyright In the case of this publication, the CSCP is waiving normal copyright provisions in that copies of this material may be made free of charge and without specific permission so long as they are for educational or personal use within the school or institution which downloads the publication. All other forms of copying (for example, for inclusion in another publication) are subject to specific permission from the Project. Image Acknowledgments Image on pg. 9 ‘Vesuvius Looms’ courtesy of Paull Young [http://www.flickr.com/photos/paullyoung/429923584/in/photostream/] Images on pg. 15 courtesy of Big Albert [https://www.flickr.com/photos/52948047@N05/24356049443] and Andrea Schaffer from Sydney, Australia [CC BY 2.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)] Image on pg. 26 courtesy of Wellcome Images [CC BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0)] All other images taken from Cambridge Latin Course resources. First published 2019 version date: 14/08/2019 Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 Pliny the Younger .................................................................................................. -
The Characterization of Thrasea Paetus in the Tacitean Narrative
The Characterization of Thrasea Paetus in the Tacitean Narrative In an important contribution on Tacitus‟ life, Birley (2000) pointed out that Tacitus‟ full name might have been P. Cornelius Tacitus Caecina Paetus. In other words, the famous Stoic whom Tacitus so pointedly described in the later books of the Annals might have been a distant relative of the historian. If the identification is correct, it is not unreasonable to speculate that a very young Tacitus might even have met Thrasea at some point before his death in A.D. 66. Unless new evidence emerges, this remains only a possibility. What is certain, however, is that Thrasea Paetus and all the men that belonged to his „philosophical/political network‟ are extensively investigated in Tacitus‟ historical works (Syme 1991). The culmination of Thrasea‟s glory is famously celebrated in the vivid narrative of Annals 16, but Thrasea occupies a distinguished position in the Tacitean corpus from its very inception. Indeed in the preface of the Agricola, which marked the beginning of Tacitus‟ literary career, Tacitus states that his plans for writing a life of his father-in-law had to be postponed after Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecius had been put to death for writing lives of Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus respectively (Woomdan 2014). There is every reason to believe that Tacitus was familiar with these biographies, and Arulenus‟ life of Thrasea is probably a major source for the later books of the Annals (Questa 1967; Bellardi 1974). In the Agricola, Tacitus does not approve of those who sought glory through famous–but in the end useless–deaths: his criticism is not, however, ideological. -
Roman Literature Under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian Literary Interactions, ad 96–138 Edited by Alice König and Christopher Whitton ROMAN LITE·RATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN Literary Interactions, AD 96-I38 for John Henderson EDITED BY ALICE KÖNIG Univenity ofSt And~s, Scotland CHRISTOPHER WHITTON Univenity of Cambridge EI CAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS 20 /18 ROMAN LITERATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN This volume is the first holistic investigation of Roman liceracure and literary culture under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (AD 96-138). Wich case scudies from Frontinus, Juvenal, Martial, Pliny the Younger, Plutarch, Quintilian, Suetonius and Tacitus among others, the eigh teen chapters offer not just innovative readings ofliterary (and some 'less literary') texts, but a collaborative enquiry into the networks and culcure in which they are embedded. The book brings together estab lished and novel methodologies to explore the connections, conver sations and silences between these texts and their authors, both on and off the page. The scholarly dialogues that result not only shed fresh light on the dynamics of literary production and consumption in the 'High Roman Empire', but offer new provocations to students ofintercextuality and interdiscursivity across classical literature. How can and should we read textual interactions in their social, literary and cultural contexts? ALICE KÖNIG is Senior Lecturer in Classics at the University of St Andrews. Her research focuses on ancient technical literature and the history of science, and the relationship between politics, society and literature in the early principate. She is preparing a monograph on ehe author and statesman Sextus Julius Frontinus, and has published a series of articles on Vitruvius, Frontinus and Tacitus. -
Roman Embassies and Flavian Generals: Tacitus, Histories 3.80-81 Kathryn F
Roman Embassies and Flavian Generals: Tacitus, Histories 3.80-81 Kathryn F. Williams (Canisius College) During the empire, the Roman Senate sent embassies to welcome new emperors and on rare occasions to negotiate with foreigners (Talbert, Senate of Imperial Rome, 408-11). Tacitus’ Histories 3.80-81 provides an account of a third mission for senatorial envoys – as negotiators with adversaries during civil war. In these chapters, Tacitus writes that envoys were selected to go to the two Flavian generals, Petilius Cerialis and Antonius Primus, during the last chaotic hours of Vitellius’ reign. Tacitus’ account of the circumstances surrounding the embassies, their composition, and their results, illustrates his use of envoys to explore the extraordinary dynamics which developed in the course of civil war and to characterize major figures. Vitellius’ northern troops shifted their allegiance to Vespasian in the second half of 69. When Vespasian’s brother and prefect of the city, Flavius Sabinus, offered Vitellius the opportunity to abdicate peacefully, he initially agreed. Soon afterward, however, Sabinus had been beheaded and the Capitol set ablaze. The Roman people displayed resurgent support for their emperor by taking up whatever weapons they could find in order to face Cerialis and Primus, Vespasian’s generals who were looming near the gates of Rome. Vitellius encouraged the crowd’s enthusiasm, but the senate was also called and envoys selected to undertake diplomatic negotiations with the two enemy generals. Embassies were sent to both; neither proved successful. Vitellius was dead within hours. Tacitus gives us the fullest account of these diplomatic undertakings during Vitellius’ final days.