Roman Literature Under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Brutus, Cassius, Judas, and Cremutius Cordus: How
BRUTUS, CASSIUS, JUDAS, AND CREMUTIUS CORDUS: HOW SHIFTING PRECEDENTS ALLOWED THE LEX MAIESTATIS TO GROUP WRITERS WITH TRAITORS by Hunter Myers A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi May 2018 Approved by ______________________________ Advisor: Professor Molly Pasco-Pranger ______________________________ Reader: Professor John Lobur ______________________________ Reader: Professor Steven Skultety © 2018 Hunter Ross Myers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dr. Pasco-Pranger, For your wise advice and helpful guidance through the thesis process Dr. Lobur & Dr. Skultety, For your time reading my work My parents, Robin Myers and Tracy Myers For your calm nature and encouragement Sally-McDonnell Barksdale Honors College For an incredible undergraduate academic experience iii ABSTRACT In either 103 or 100 B.C., a concept known as Maiestas minuta populi Romani (diminution of the majesty of the Roman people) is invented by Saturninus to accompany charges of perduellio (treason). Just over a century later, this same law is used by Tiberius to criminalize behavior and speech that he found disrespectful. This thesis offers an answer to the question as to how the maiestas law evolved during the late republic and early empire to present the threat that it did to Tiberius’ political enemies. First, the application of Roman precedent in regards to judicial decisions will be examined, as it plays a guiding role in the transformation of the law. Next, I will discuss how the law was invented in the late republic, and increasingly used for autocratic purposes. The bulk of the thesis will focus on maiestas proceedings in Tacitus’ Annales, in which a total of ten men lose their lives. -
Juvenal and Suetonius on Successful Freedmen.Pdf
Freedmen: new citizens Juvenal & Suetonius on successful freedmen Romans Romans in f cus Source 1: Juvenal’s Satires The following passage comes from Juvenal’s Satires, a collection of satirical poems written in the late 1st century to the early 2nd century AD. The satires discuss and make fun of a range of social and political situations. This passage takes place at a salutatio, where clients visit a patron. Juvenal Satires 1.97 - 116 (translation G. G. Ramsay, adapted) ille tamen faciem prius inspicit et trepidat ne He [the patron] first inspects your face, fearing that you may be claiming under someone else's suppositus venias ac falso nomine poscas: name: once recognised, you will get your share. agnitus accipies, iubet a praecone vocari He then orders the crier to call up the Trojan- blooded nobles1----for they too besiege the door ipsos Troiugenas1, nam vexant limen et ipsi as well as we: "The Praetor first," he says, "and nobiscum, ‘da praetori, da deinde tribuno.’ after him the Tribune." But a freedman is first. ”I sed libertinus prior est. ‘prior’ inquit ‘ego adsum. was here first!,” he says, ”why should I be afraid, or hesitate to defend my place in the queue? cur timeam dubitemve locum defendere? quamvis Though I was born on the Euphrates - a fact natus ad Euphraten, molles quod in aure fenestrae2 which the holes2 in my effeminate ears would testify even though I myself might deny it - I am arguerint, licet ipse negem, sed quinque tabernae the owner of five shops which bring me in four quadringenta3 parant, quid confert purpura maior4 hundred thousand sesterces3. -
Violence Against Women on the Column of Marcus Aurelius
Violence Against Women on the Column of Marcus Aurelius The Column of Marcus Aurelius is an imperial Roman monument of uncertain date, like- ly either 176 or 180 CE. Its elements (pedestal, spiral frieze, and statue) and its content (a mili- tary narrative) are largely modeled on the earlier Column of Trajan. One major difference be- tween the columns is that the Column of Marcus Aurelius shows physical violence much more often and more explicitly than the Column of Trajan. This pattern of increased violence on the Column of Marcus Aurelius extends into non-military contexts that involve women. On the Column of Trajan, women never appear alone: they are unthreatened and accompanied by other women and by husbands and/or children. Meanwhile on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, women are more often isolated and sometimes victims of rape and murder. Only one scene on the Col- umn of Marcus Aurelius appears to represent intact unthreatened families. In this scene, XVII, emperor Marcus Aurelius stands on an upper register, while a group of non-Romans gathers on the lower register. The group is composed of families, many with young children. Eugen Petersen, a German scholar, documented the column’s frieze, publishing a series of photographs and descriptions in 1896. In his companion to the frieze, Petersen sug- gests that “perhaps” scene XVII may represent families being separated, though he gives no evi- dence for this claim (Petersen vol. 1, 59). More recently, Paul Zanker has analyzed the scene as part of his work on women and children on the Column of Marcus Aurelius. -
Five Good Emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders
Five good emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders All material due by 11/29/2011 Final study guide – 11/29/2011 Today: ◦ Film ◦ Boudicca ◦ Five good emperors Boudicca and the Iceni Roman Britain C.E. 60 The evidence ◦ Tacitus Agricola ◦ Archaeology not helpful Iceni ◦ Celtic tribe in East Anglia ◦ farming Prasutagus, king of the Iceni Women among the Iceni ◦ power and positions of prestige ◦ Owned land ◦ Right to divorce Prasutagus ◦ Client/king ◦ Left kingdom to two daughters and Nero Roman law prohibits inheritance by women Members of ruling class enslaved Boudicca flogged, her daughters raped The Iceni look to Boudicca for leadership Revolt begins Supported by neighboring tribes, the Iceni numbered about 100,000 Attacked Camulodunum (Cambridge) and Colchester Successful for awhile due to guerilla tactics, use of chariots, lack of respect Last victory at Londinium (London) 230,000 faced smaller Roman force (Midlands – location unknown) 70,000 killed as Roman weapons and tactics under Paulinas prevail Suicide c. 61/62 Nerva 96-98 Period of five good emperors generally prosperous Chosen by senate Recalled exiles Modified taxes Tolerated Christians Adopted Trajan as his successor Purchased land from wealthy and rented them to the needed Promoted public education including poor children Trajan 98-117 Born in Spain Father was a consul Patrician status Adopted by Nerva in 97 Extended the empire As emperor Deified Nerva Optimus Augustus – the -
The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura
Colby Quarterly Volume 30 Issue 3 September Article 5 September 1994 Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura S. Georgia Nugent Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/cq Recommended Citation Colby Quarterly, Volume 30, no.3, September 1994, p.179-205 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Colby. It has been accepted for inclusion in Colby Quarterly by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Colby. Nugent: Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura by S. GEORGIA NUGENT PIC POETRY CELEBRATES the creation of a certain kind of self. l That creation E will often-but not always-be directed toward, tested through, and dam aged ordestroyed by war. AI ways, it will be male. This is not to say that females do not appear on the epic stage; they may even appear in the guise of heroic warrior-there is Camilla, there is Atalanta.2 But each such figure is anomalous; the "real" subject of epic is how to be a man and, beyond that, how to be a community of men-an army, a polis, a republic, an empire. Typically, such epics will address questions ofautonomy and social comrade ship, appetite and sublimation, intellection and action. Whether via the portrayal of Achilles sulking in his tent, Aeneas setting sail from Carthage and Dido, Tydeus single-handedly slaughtering an ambush party of fifty men, or even Epicurus laying bare the secrets of nature, epic provides narrative models for male life in the world. -
A Martial Acronym in Ennius?
From Museum Criticum XXX-XXXI (1995-96), 281-83 MICHAEL HEN Two Notes on Suetonius1 1. Vers. Pop. 5 FLP Courtney (apud Jul. 80.3) In his account of events leading up to the assassination of Julius Caesar (Jul. 80), Suetonius preserves a fascinating bit of contemporary verse.2 Though customarily in- cluded in collections of fragmentary Latin verse, the pasquinade is surely complete in it- self. Whether the text is quite sound is another question. I quote 80.3-4:3 subscripsere quidam Luci Bruti statuae: ‘utinam uiueres—’. item ipsius Caesaris: Brutus, quia reges eiecit, consul primus factus est: hic, quia consules eiecit, rex postremo factus est. conspiratum est in eum a sexaginta amplius, Gaio Cassio Marcoque et Decimo Bruto principibus conspirationis. Despite the hazards involved in emending the text of an author as utterly and irretrievably anonymous as this one,4 I suggest that postremo should be emended to postremus. Once abbreviated to postremu’, the smallest slip of the pen would have produced postremo. There would have been nothing to arouse the suspicion of the copyist, since the meaning of postremo is at least adequate. Caesar did more or less ‘become king in the end’, and might well have done so in name as well as in fact, if he had not been assassinated. There are two specific advantages to reading postremus. First, it produces better par- allelism. Everything else in the two lines is strictly parallel, except hic for Caesar, but 1 I quote Suetonius (including the embedded quotation) from the Teubner text of M. IHM, Suetonius, Vol. -
Vigiles (The Fire Brigade)
insulae: how the masses lived Life in the city & the emperor Romans Romans in f cus With fires, riots, hunger, disease and poor sanitation being the order of the day for the poor of the city of Rome, the emperor often played a personal role in safeguarding the people who lived in the city. Source 1: vigiles (the fire brigade) In 6 AD the emperor Augustus set up a new tax and used the proceeds to start a new force: the fire brigade, the vigiles urbani (literally: watchmen of the city). They were known commonly by their nickname of spartoli; little bucket-carriers. Bronze water Their duties were varied: they fought fires, pump, used by enforced fire prevention methods, acted as vigiles, called a police force, and even had medical a sipho. doctors in each cohort. British Museum. Source 2: Pliny writes to the emperor for help In this letter Pliny, the governor of Bithynia (modern northern Turkey) writes to the emperor Trajan describing the outbreak of a fire and asking for the emperor’s assistance. Pliny Letters 10.33 est autem latius sparsum, primum violentia It spread more widely at first because of the venti, deinde inertia hominum quos satis force of the wind, then because of the constat otiosos et immobilestanti mali sluggishness of the people who, it is clear, stood around as lazy and immobile spectatores perstitisse; et alioqui nullus spectators of such a great calamity. usquam in publico sipo, nulla hama, nullum Furthermore there was no fire-engine or denique instrumentumad incendia water-bucket anywhere for public use, or in compescenda. -
Joseph Grzywaczewski Sidonius Apollinaris' Pagan
Studia Theologica Varsaviensia UKSW 1/2014 JOSEPH GRZYWACZEWSKI SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS’ PAGAN VISION OF ANCIENt ROMA BELLATRIX IN CHRISTIAN ROME Sidonius Apollinaris was born in Lyons c. 430. His father was prefec- tus pretorii in Gaul. He received a good classical education, especially in grammar, literature and rhetoric, in Lyons and in Arles1. He published several poems and wanted to be considered as a poet2. He married Papia- nilla a daughter of Senator Eparchius Avitus. His father-in-law had good relationships with two kings of Visigoths, Theodoric I (418-451) and his successor Theodoric II (453-466). The Visigoths kept peace with Rome as allies (federati) of the Empire. On July 9th 455, Avitus was proclaimed Emperor of the West in Arles. In such circumstances, young Sidonius started his career in public activity. 1. ROMA BELLATRIX IN THE panegyric IN HONOUR OF AVITUS Sidonius received a proposal to pronounce a panegyric in honour of the new Emperor at the ceremony of his enthronisation in Rome on Ja- nuary 1st 456. He accepted such an honourable proposal and according 1 Sidonius Apollinaris in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Ox- ford 1997, p. 1498. 2 See Sidoine Apollinaire, Poèmes, ed. André Loyen, Paris 2003, vol. I. There is the Latin text and a French translation with commentary. For the bibliography con- cerning Sidonius, see W.J. H a r r i e s, Sidonius Apollinaris and Fall of Rome AD 407- -485, Oxford 1994. 180 JOSEPH GRZYWACZEWSKI [2] to the tradition of that time pronounced his panegyric (Carmen VII)3. -
Frontinus: De Aquaeductu Urbis Romae by Robert H. Rodgers Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries 42
Frontinus: De aquaeductu urbis Romae by Robert H. Rodgers Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries 42. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 2004. Pp. xv + 431. 11 Tables. ISBN 0--521-- 83251--9.Cloth $130.00 Reviewed by John Peter Oleson University of Victoria [email protected] In AD 97, Sextus Julius Frontinus, one of the most distinguished and influential men in late first century Rome, accepted from Nerva the post of curator aquarum for the city. Not coincidentally, at the same time, he served on a senatorial commission looking for ways to cut the costs of administering Rome and the Empire. In 98, Frontinus was part of the small group of senators who held the constitutional reins of power until the arrival of Trajan, and he may have contin- ued in office as curator aquarum until 100, or even until his death in 103/4. After a life of these and other accomplishments, with ironic modesty, he declared that a funerary monument would be superflu- ous: inpensa monumenti supervacua est; memoria nostri durabit, si vita meruimus 1 [Pliny, Ep. 9.19.6--8]. Sometime around 98, Frontinus prepared a booklet that may have been entitled De aquaeductu urbis Romae. This commentarius on the water-supply system of Rome is unique among the surviving works of Latin literature, and—although relatively brief (about 12,750 words in length)—it has spawned a bulky modern bibliography. Rodgers has meticulously prepared a critical edition of the text and a commentary that synthesizes all this previous work, and supersedes previous editions and commentaries. It is a shame that Rodgers’ elegant and precise translation, which has now appeared with notes for undergraduate readers in Rodgers 2005, was not included with the edition.2 The issues involved in the study of the De aquaeductu are many and varied: the text, the form of the booklet, its intended audience 1 ‘The expense of a monument is superfluous. -
Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action Under the Principate Thomas E
Xavier University Exhibit Faculty Scholarship Classics 2010 Saving the Life of a Foolish Poet: Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action under the Principate Thomas E. Strunk Xavier University - Cincinnati Follow this and additional works at: http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/classics_faculty Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Byzantine and Modern Greek Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Indo-European Linguistics and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation Strunk, Thomas E., "Saving the Life of a Foolish Poet: Tacitus on Marcus Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Political Action under the Principate" (2010). Faculty Scholarship. Paper 15. http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/classics_faculty/15 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYLLECTA CLASSICA 21 (2010): 119–139 SAVING THE LIFE OF A FOOLISH POET: TACITUS ON MARCUS LEPIDUS, THRASEA PAETUS, AND POLITICAL ACTION UNDER THE PRINCIPATE Thomas E. Strunk Abstract: This paper explores Tacitus’ representation of Thrasea Paetus. Preliminary to analyzing this portrayal, I discuss two pas- sages often cited when exploring Tacitus’ political thought, Agricola 42.4 and Annales 4.20. I reject the former’s validity with regard to Thrasea and accept the latter as a starting point for comparing Tacitus’ depictions of Marcus Lepidus and Thrasea. Tacitus’ char- acterizations of Thrasea and Lepidus share the greatest resemblance in the trials of Antistius Sosianus and Clutorius Priscus, both of whom wrote verses offensive to the regime.