THE ·OSLER·LI BRARY·NEWSLE TTER· NUMBER 109 · 2008 Osler Library of the History of Medicine, McGill University, Montréal (Québec) Canada

IN THIS ISSUE • , MEDICINE AND WILLIAM LESLIE LOGIE: MCGILL’S FIRST GRADUATE AND IN THIS ISSUE, DAVID S. Professor Nikola von Merveldt of CANADA’S FIRST MEDICAL Crawford, Emeritus Librarian, the Département de Littérature et TH who now has more time to de Langues Modernes, Université GRADUATE. 175 ANNIVERSARY, devote to the history of medicine, de Montréal. The event began 1833–2008 celebrates the 175th anniversary with an interdisciplinary seminar of McGill University’s first with guest speaker Professor John graduate and the first medical B. Lyon of the University of by David S. Crawford, Emeritus graduate in Canada, William Pittsburgh. This delightful Librarian, McGill University. Logie. As he explains, the process exhibition will remain in place th was anything but smooth and until mid-June when another ay 24 2008 is an ultimately involved an appeal to guest curator, Dr. Allister Neher important anniversary in the history of the Court of King’s Bench. of the Humanities Department of M McGill University, its Faculty of (David Crawford’s activity in Dawson College, will present an Medicine, and medical education medical history actually began exhibition entitled, Anatomy and in Canada. On that day, 175 well before his retirement. the Representation of Knowledge, a years ago, William Logie, Among other activities, he was fascinating topic that focuses on McGill’s first graduate and responsible for producing our on- European anatomical prints from Canada’s first medical graduate, line Canadian Health Obituaries our collections from the 16th to received his degree.1 To ap- Barbara th data-base, a hugely popular the 19 century. preciate the significance of this Tunis and resource for the obituaries from achievement, one needs to review Canadian medical journals from A regular contributor, Dr. Charles the state of medical education Edward 1833-2000, http://www.mcgill. Roland, Hannah Professor of the and “medical politics” in Bensley have ca/osler-library/collections/links/ History of Medicine Emeritus, Montreal in 1833. explored both biographies/) McMaster University inaugurates Between 1820 and 1840, much what will become a regular was changing in Montreal, Logie’s life Our display area continues to column entitled, Roland’s Canadian including many aspects of and career, attract attention. We highlight a Medical History Miniatures. In each medical education and licensure. and medical seminar and exhibition on Johann issue, he will present a miniature Major events included the Caspar Lavater and the tradition history of some of Canada’s well- granting of a Royal Charter to licensure in of physiognomy, prepared by known and less well-known McGill College in 1821, and the Lower medical figures and events. opening of the Montreal General Hospital (MGH) in the same Canada in year.2 There was considerable Finally, we note here, the passing great depth. demand for a medical school to of Barbara Tunis, nursing be established in the British historian and the charming and North American colonies, References 1 intrepid researcher, who, 25 years because the only way to get a and 12 are ago, did the spadework that medical qualification at that time resulted in just about everything was to study in either Europe or essential that we now know about William the United States. Going to reading.  Logie. •

·1· • Europe was costly and quite dangerous, while going to the United States could expose hen the establishment of the Montreal General students to revolutionary ideas. Hospital was being discussed in 1819, one of its To quote Archibald Hall, “On W fiercest opponents was the Member of the Legislature October 20th, 1822, a meeting for Huntingdon, Michael O’Sullivan. He recommended expanding of the medical officers of the Hôtel Dieu hospital instead, and also foresaw the opening of a medical school connected to the proposed hospital – which he hospital was held, consisting of also opposed. Indeed, as he had predicted, the opening of the W. Robertson, W. Caldwell, A.F. Montreal General Hospital led directly to the creation of a Holmes, J. Stephenson, and H.P. medical school. Loedel, for the purpose of taking into consideration the ex- O’Sullivan had a reasonable point of view but an unreasonable pediency of establishing a way of expressing it, which led to his famous duel with William medical school in this city.”3 This Caldwell, one of the founders of the MGH and the MMI.* school, the Montreal Medical * Bensley, E.H and Tunis, B.R. The Caldwell - O’Sullivan duel: a prelude to the Institution (MMI), was founded founding of the Montreal General Hospital. Canadian Medical Association in 1823, though Hall reports that Journal, 1969 June 21; 100(23): 1092–1095. (A digitised version is freely the first (twenty-five) students available at PubMed Central; see http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/ were actually enrolled in the picrender.fcgi?artid=1946046& blobtype=pdf) Going to 1824/25 session. Europe was William Robertson and costly and William Caldwell had attended country is indebted to the many sacrifices flattering testimony of their lectures at the University of quite incurred by heads of families to procure qualifications to the task. We must, Edinburgh but had not graduated Medical Education to their children out however, deplore that some defect dangerous, from there. (Robertson acquired of its limits, ought to impress on the complained of by the great majority of while going a degree in 1832 — honoris causa public, and particularly our Legislature, the Profession in Montreal, should have from the University of Vermont. the indispensible (sic) necessity of some given rise to a spirit of division, which to the United Caldwell acquired his degree in Medical School being established among we fear is to be referred to political States could 1817, by attestation, from us, where the student might acquire in dissentions kept up by national Marischal College, Aberdeen). expose his native country, that Anatomical and prejudices.”6 Andrew Fernando Holmes and practical knowledge which is the only students to John Stephenson were both fundamental basis of Medical Science, The authorities were certainly revolutionary graduates of the University of and which have to this day, been aware of this issue and Charles Edinburgh (their graduation ideas. acquired at such an enormous expense, Ogden, the Solicitor-General of theses are in the Osler Library), as must have in some instances precluded , commenting to and Henry-Pierre Loedel re- 4 entry in the Profession, to many who the Governor, Lord Aylmer, on  ceived his degree in England. might have become its ornaments, and the proposed Statutes of McGill The opening of the MMI was contributed to its advancement. I am College in 1831, noted, “I incline not greeted with enthusiasm by aware that new establishments have been to think that this evil [fran- all sectors of the community erected, but which do not appear to cophone students needing to go because it had decided to require answer the purposes intended, nor to meet abroad to obtain a medical a knowledge of Latin and English the views and approbation of the degree] would be aggravated if but not French. Certainly the Legislature.”5 the restriction [of language] were francophone community did not suffered to exist.”7 However, his find this satisfactory, and In January 1827, the Journal de suggestion to lift the restriction frequently expressed its dis- Médecine du Québec / Quebec Medical on French was not accepted. content over the policy. In 1825, Journal returned to the subject As today, medical education at a farewell dinner with his and commented: was linked with medical Quebec City medical colleagues licensure, which in Quebec before moving to England, Pierre “Four Medical Gentlemen, viz: Drs. began on 30 April 1788, when de Sales Laterrière said: Caldwell, Robertson, Stephenson and the governor, Lord Dorchester, Holmes, have, since a few years, been proclaimed “An Act or Ordinance “The rapid improvements which have but engaged in giving lectures on various to prevent persons practicing lately taken place in the Medical departments of Medical Science, and the physic and surgery within the Profession in Canada, and for which the success they have encountered, is a Province of Quebec, or • ·2· Midwifery in the towns of France). Dissatisfaction with the of both Boards. At the initial Quebec or Montreal, without medical registration Act of 1788 election meeting for the Licence.”8 This Act created had been widespread prior to Montreal Board, the four Boards of Medical Examiners in 1823 (efforts had been made to surviving members of the 1823 both Quebec City and Montreal; repeal it in 1820 and 1822) but Board (Robertson, Stephenson, all Board members were ap- now both Drs. Arnoldi and Caldwell, and Holmes; H-P pointed by the Governor. By Loedel Sr. (whose appointments Loedel had died in 1825) were 1822, the Montreal Board had to the Montreal Board had just not elected — in fact, all had Papineau only three active members: been terminated) joined the been nominated and seconded was one of Henry Loedel (father of Henry- chorus of complaints and but were defeated by a “decided Pierre), Daniel Arnoldi (former petitions. Finally, in 1831, the majority.”14 those who teacher and partner of Andrew 1788 Act was repealed and a new The new Montreal Board had accused Holmes), and William Robertson Act passed by the legislature in consisted of twelve members, Robertson of (one of the founders of the MGH Quebec: “An Act to repeal a with Daniel Arnoldi (from the and the MMI).9 certain Act or Ordinance therein pre-1823 Board) as Chairman. indirectly In 1823, at the rather self- mentioned, and to provide Not only was the new Board causing three serving suggestion of the medical effectual Regulations covering different in composition, it was officers of the MGH, the Go- the Practice of Physic, Surgery also different in its political views, deaths during vernor, Lord Dalhousie, modified and Midwifery.”13 and included several supporters the 1832 the composition of the Montreal This 1831 Act retained of Louis-Joseph Papineau, leader riots. Board, ruling that in future this separate Boards in Montreal and of the Reform Party. Papineau Board was to consist of “persons Quebec City but completely was one of those who had holding diplomas or testimonials changed the situation by calling accused Robertson of indirectly from Medical Institutions in for the medical practitioners causing three deaths during the Great Britain, of those who are themselves to select the members 1832 riots. at present Medical Officers of the Montreal General Hospital.”10 Drs. Robertson, Stephenson, t is worth commenting briefly on the impact of local politics. Caldwell, Holmes and H-P The fact that the participants knew each other is not Loedel were appointed, while the I surprising in a city with a population of about 20,000 and appointments of all former probably not over 60 physicians. It was a very inbred community members were terminated.11 To where personal and political differences could easily influence quote Tunis, “This created an professional actions. uneasy situation in the pro- Until 1833, Montreal was under the control of appointed local fession. But more serious was the magistrates rather than a mayor and council. In 1832 an election fact that those who already riot occurred: William Robertson, one of the magistrates on conducted the only medical duty, read the Riot Act and was accused of ordering the troops school in Montreal or Quebec to fire into the crowd and of allowing them to shelter in the were now the sole possessors of Faculty’s lecture rooms (whose windows were “shivered to the power to license prac- atoms”.)** After an enquiry, both Robertson and the troops were 12 exonerated but in October 1832 the Courant noted, “We believe titioners.” that the feelings of some individuals in this city, relative to the It was also seen as a blatantly medical school, are not to be considered as altogether anglo-centric move, since the unconnected to this outrage.”*** MGH regulations (Chapter 8, Article 3) stated that one had to Montreal’s first City Council, elected in June 1833, included possess a degree or professional Robert Nelson, whose brother Wolfred was vice-chair of the qualification from a university or Board of Medical Examiners. Both Nelson brothers were college “within the British members of the 1831 Board, and Wolfred presided at the meeting at which Logie’s candidacy was rejected. In 1848, both dominions” in order to be granted Wolfred Nelson and Daniel Arnoldi were awarded honorary an appointment at the MGH — degrees by the McGill Faculty of Medicine — clearly an effort to which excluded physicians who “mend some fences.” had obtained their medical degrees in the USA or Europe ** Tunis, B.R. Medical licensing in Lower Canada: the dispute over Canada’s first medical degree. Canadian Historical Review.1974, Dec; 55 (4): 489-504. (many francophone students *** Canadian Courant and Montreal Advertiser, 1832, Oct. 10. preferred to study medicine in  ·3· • Meanwhile, the Montreal Medical Institution had been training students, but was unable to get authorisation from the Governor to grant degrees. In contrast, McGill College had received a Royal Charter in 1821 In 1833 as that allowed it to grant degrees, now, McGill but was involved in a legal dispute with James McGill’s had no estate and had neither money nor building students. For legal reasons, the suitable for a College had appointed five professors in 1823 including a convocation; professor of medicine, Thomas the ceremony Fargues (yet another Edinburgh graduate), who lived in Quebec took place at City and never taught in the Museum Montreal.15 The solution for both of the institutions was clear: in 1828 the MMI suggested that its members Natural should be appointed professors of History the College. Though initially Society on St only one of them could hold the title of Professor, pending James Street, changes to the Statutes, this attended by suggestion was approved by the Governors of McGill at their members of meeting of June 29, 1829, when the clergy “the Members of the Montreal LOGIE’S GRADUATION THESIS “MEDICAL INAUGURAL DISSERTATION Medical Institution were en- on Cynanche trachaealis” (croup). The Latin quotation («and it blocked the (both ways which brought her life and breath») is from Ovid’s Metamorphoses. grafted upon the College as its (Book 2 Line 828.) Unfortunately most of McGill’s early medical theses Protestant 16 medical faculty.” Doctors were lost in a fire in the early 20th century and no original copy of this thesis and Roman Caldwell, Robertson, Holmes has been found in Canada — the Osler Library has a photocopy. Originals Catholic), the and Stephenson became the are held at the US National Library of Medicine, the Wellcome Library and Medical Faculty of the University the libraries of the University of Edinburgh and the Royal College of Legislature of McGill College. Stephenson Surgeons. The Early Canadiana Online project has recently made a and the Bar. was both Secretary of the MMI digitised version available; see reference 17. and Registrar of McGill, while  Robertson became the head of the Faculty. and became a student of McGill in order to practice. In this The students who had been College when the MMI became regard, Logie had two problems enrolled in the MMI thus became the Faculty of Medicine in 1829. to contend with: firstly, the Act students of the new Faculty, and He seems to have been both a of 1831 was rather unclear about on May 24, 1833, William Leslie good and a popular student, the exact requirements for Logie became its first graduate, apprenticed to Dr William licencing; and secondly, many of awarded the degree of Doctor in Robertson during his studies, and the recently elected members of Medicine and Surgery. In fact, invited to dinner by his fellow the Montreal Board of Medical Logie was McGill’s first graduate students at “Mr Rasco’s splendid Examiners were very opposed, for in any subject, and was the first establishment at Varennes” (a several reasons, to McGill’s new person to receive a medical suburb of Montreal) just after he Faculty of Medicine. Article 5 of degree in Canada.17 graduated. 18 the Act of 1831 stipulated that Logie was born in late 1810 or Then as now, a degree alone to be licenced, one required a early 1811, in or near Montreal. was not enough; medical “regular and continued ap- He enrolled at the MMI in 1828 graduates also had to be licensed prenticeship of at least five years, • ·4· with some licenced Physician or Surgeon . . . or in some Medical School or Institution teaching publicly,” but Article 6 allowed for applicants to be licenced if they held a degree, diploma or license which had been obtained “after a course of Medical study, performed in such University, College or Medical Institution, in conformity to the rules therof, and after five years’ study at least, and not otherwise.”13 Though the MMI and McGill were clearly connected, Logie had technically attended two institutions. The Board chose to be difficult, had some precedent on its side19, and rejected Logie’s application for a license. He would He would doubtless have been doubtless licenced if he had agreed to be have been examined by the Board, but he refused this option, also strongly licenced if he opposed by McGill, which had agreed to wanted to ensure that it alone could determine its graduates’ be examined eligibility to practice. If graduates by the Board, of other universities, such as but he refused Edinburgh, could be licenced without further examination, this option, then those from McGill should also strongly be treated in the same way. opposed by Logie’s application for a licence was heard in July 1833 and La McGill,… THIS DRAFT OF WILLIAM LOGIE’S DEGREE CERTIFICATE IS IN THE Minerve reported, “M Logie hand of Dr William Robertson, then head of the Medical Faculty — the term présenta un Diplôme de M.D. de Dean was not used at this time. This document and drafts of two additional l’Université du Collège McGill. certificates dated two months earlier signed by J. Stephenson, Registrar of the Faculty, and Robertson, who was also Logie’s apprentice master, were Ce Diplôme fut rejeté unaniment. presented to the Faculty of Medicine by Dr Robertson’s grandson, Mr En ayant été informé, on lui offrit Angus Hooper. They are in the Osler Library of the History of Medicine at d’examiner, ce qu’il refuse.”20 McGill. Logie decided to appeal to the Court of King’s Bench in October Note that this certificate states, “We therefore admit him to be a Graduate 1833; in October 1834, the of this University — and authorise him accordingly to practice medicine Court ruled that the Board should and surgery” (my emphasis). Interestingly, the 1841 degree certificate for Terrence Sparham, Charles Decelles and Samuel MacMurray — have accepted his McGill degree reproduced in Hanaway and Cruess2 — states “…that their Literary and as satisfactory for the issuing of a Professional qualifications render them fit and qualified to be admitted to licence to practice. In May 1835, the Degree of Doctor in Medicine and Surgery”. Stephenson and Holmes, after a few months of foot- who both signed this certificate, seem to admit that permission to practice dragging, the Board recogni- was not actually theirs to bestow. sed (by licencing Patrick McNaughton, one of the three 1834 McGill graduates) that McGill’s medical degrees met the licencing conditions. Though ·5· •

None of this mattered to Logie, as he had become not only Canada’s first medical LETTERS PATENT OF 18 JANUARY 1831 RE-APPOINTING CALDWELL, HOLMES, ROBERTSON AND graduate but Stephenson as the Medical Board of Montreal under the Act of 1788. This act was repealed when the 1831 Act also its first was assented to on March 31 so these were short-lived appointments. A new Board was elected in July 1831 and none of these MGH/McGill physicians were elected. These Letters Patent were donated to the Osler Library in medical 1969 by Elliott Frosst. export! commanded by the Court to New York City on October 4, medical profession and the country in  grant a certificate, the Board 1879, following what may have which he was born and educated.”21 never explicitly issued a licence been a nervous breakdown, and Although the CMAJ did offer to William Logie. was buried in Geneva, New York, the William Logie Prize for an None of this mattered to Logie, where he had previously essay on medical ethics between as he had become not only practiced. 1981 and 1999, neither McGill Canada’s first medical graduate Despite efforts by Barbara University nor the country of his but also its first medical export! Tunis and Edward Bensley, birth seem to have made much It is unknown whether his Canada’s first medical graduate effort to commemorate Logie. It’s decision to move was directly has been virtually ignored in his not too late!  connected to his difficulty in homeland. In 1980, Tunis obtaining a licence but, whatever published a letter in the Canadian ACKNOWLEDGEMENT the motivation, he moved to the Medical Association Journal, drawing This article would never have United States in late 1833 or attention to the 150th anniversary been written without the support early 1834, becoming a licenced of the opening of McGill’s of Pamela Miller, who suggested medical practitioner in the State medical faculty. In this she said, the topic, and the extraordinary of Louisiana in January 1834. He “It seems a pity that there is no official editing prowess of Deanna returned to Montreal to marry commemoration of Canada’s first medical Cowan, who polished my prose Frances Matilda Ford in De- graduate. This might be a project of and checked the references. My cember 1834, but never practiced interest to McGill University, the gratitude to both; any remaining in his native country. He died in errors are mine alone. • ·6· Notes and references Vol. 271:64. Held at Library and 15. Thomas Fargues graduated from Archives Canada. University of Edinburgh in 1811; • Early Canadiana Online: http:// his thesis (Dissertatio medica www.canadiana.org/ECO/ 8. An Act or Ordinance to prevent inauguralis de chorea) is in the Osler • PubMed Central: http://www. persons practicing physic and Library. pubmedcentral.nih.gov/ surgery within the Province of Quebec, or Midwifery in the towns 16. Hanaway, McGill Medicine: v.1, p.16. 1.Tunis B.R and Bensley E. H. of Quebec or Montreal, without William Leslie Logie: McGill Licence. 1788; 28 Geo III, c8. A 17. Logie, William Leslie. Medical University’s first graduate and digitised version is available at inaugural dissertation on Cynanche Canada’s first medical graduate. Early Canadiana Online. Search trachealis. Montreal, A.H. Armour, Canadian Medical Association Journal, for “42695” and go to pp.130-133. 1833. A digitised version of this 1971 Dec 4; 105(11):1259-63. A thesis is freely available at Early digitised version of this article is 9. The senior Loedel was the first Canadiana Online. Search for freely available at PubMed Central. physician to be registered under “9_08208.” See http://www.pubmedcentral. the 1788 Act, and served on the nih.gov/picrender.fcgi?artid= Board for over 30 years; Arnoldi 18. Canadian Courant, June 12, 1833 1931389&blobtype=pdf had been a member since 1812 and Robertson since 1816. (In- 19. Of course, Logie’s was not the first 2. Hanaway, J and Cruess, R. McGill formation on Loedel, Arnoldi, application the Board had received Medicine: v.1. The first half century, Robertson and most of the other since its reconstitution in 1831. At 1829-1885. Montreal: McGill- protagonists of this story, though its first meeting, it had granted a Queen’s University Press, 1996. not Logie himself, appears in the licence to James Robertson (son of Despite efforts Dictionary of Canadian Biography William), on the presentation of his by Barbara 3. Hall, A. On the past, present, and future — freely available online.) 1830 degree from the University of the Faculty of Medicine of McGill of Edinburgh, but had refused to Tunis and University: An Introductory Lecture 10.Canadian Courant and Montreal issue certificates to two other delivered at the opening of the Session Advertiser (Montreal), May 25, 1833 students, Cyrille Cote and Edward 1866-67. Montreal, Dawson and The Gazette (Montreal), May 25, Seraphim Viger, who had started Bensley, Brothers, 1867. This was reprinted 1833. their education at the MMI but had in Canada Medical Journal, 1867 Jan; in fact graduated from the Canada’s first 3(7):289-302. A digitised version of 11. Abbott, M.E. An historical sketch University of Vermont, after three medical this article is freely available at of the Medical Faculty of McGill months of study. Early Canadiana Online. Search University. Montreal Medical Journal, graduate has for “8_05176_31” and go to 1902 Aug; 31(8):561-672. This 20. La Minerve, 4 juil. 1833. Tunis pp.289-302. lengthy article reprints a series of reports that this was an almost been virtually letters about the Faculty and its verbatim extract from the minutes ignored in his 4. Crawford, D S. Edinburgh Uni- founders. A digitised version is of the Board. versity medical theses at the Osler freely available at Early Canadiana homeland. Library. Osler Library Newsletter, 2004; Online. Search for “8_05178_170” 21. Tunis, B.R. Tribute to William No. 101:1-6. A digitised version of and go to pp.561-672. Leslie Logie. Canadian Medical  the Newsletter is freely available Association Journal, 1980 Feb. 9; at the Osler Library website. See 12. Tunis, B.R. Medical licensing in 122(3): 273. A digitised version of http://www.mcgill.ca/files/osler- Lower Canada: the dispute over this journal is freely available at library/Osnl101.pdf Canada’s first medical degree. PubMed Central. See http:// Canadian Historical Review, 1974 Dec; www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/ 5. Journal de médecine de Québec = The 55(4):489-504. A digitised version of picrender.fcgi?artid=1801817& Quebec Medical Journal, 1826 Oct; this journal will be available soon. blobtype=pdf. Tome 1:257-261. A digitised version of this article is freely available at 13. An Act to repeal a certain Act or Early Canadiana Online is digitising Early Canadiana Online. Search Ordinance therein mentioned, and all Canadian journals published up to for “8_05171_4” and go to pp.257- to provide effectual Regulations 1920 — most medical titles are 261. covering the Practice of Physic, already freely available at http:// Surgery and Midwifery 1831; 1 www.canadiana.org. In addition, the 6. ibid, 1827 Jan; Tome 2(1):117. William IV, c27. A digitised version US National Library of Medicine has A digitised version of this article is is available at Early Canadiana digitised the complete set of the freely available at Early Canadiana Online. Search for “9_00926_41” Canadian Medical Association Journal, Online. Search for “8_05171_5” and go to pp.164-179 (subscription now freely available on PubMed and go to page 117. required for this item). Central, http://www.pubmedcentral .nih.gov/ . 7. C.R. Ogden to Lord Aylmer, 11 14. Election of members of the November 1831. Civil and Provincial Medical Board, 11 July 1831.Held The Dictionary of Canadian Biogra- Secretaries’ Offices, ‘S’ series, RG 4, A1, at Library and Archives Canada. phy is freely available at http:// www.biographi.ca .  ·7· •

READING THE BODY: JOHANN CASPAR LAVATER AND THE TRADITION True to the OF PHYSIOGNOMY spirit of Sir William by Nikola von Merveldt Osler, the n March 27, the Osler event brought Library hosted an together Ointerdisciplinary students and seminar organized by the Interacting with Print research scholars from group on Johann Caspar Lavater both sides of and physiognomics. True to the spirit of Sir William Osler, the the mountain event brought together students and from and scholars from both sides of various the mountain and from various disciplines. Based on his recent disciplines. article “The Science of Sciences: Replication and Reproduction in  Lavater’s Physiognomics,” the invited speaker John B. Lyon, professor of German at Pittsburgh University, showed how the Swiss pastor used the Lavater, Caspard. L’Art de Connaitre les Hommes, v. 9 (Paris, 1820) B.O. medium of the illustrated book to 3180, Plate 586. re-establish physiognomy as an artful science. Hundreds of plates with silhouettes of contem- poraries and portraits by great artists including Holbein and Hogarth were to serve both as scientific evidence and as aesthetic arguments for Lavater’s practice of deciphering the divine alphabet imprinted on the human face. With more than 800 en- gravings, Lavater’s Essays on Physiognomy was in fact one of the most lavishly illustrated and costly works available on the late eighteenth-century European Saunders, book market. The Osler Library boasts several editions in Richard. German, French, and English of Saunders this landmark in the history of Physiognomie… science and the history of the (London, book, among them a mag- [1670-] 1671) nificently restored English three- B.O. 3917. • ·8· volume folio edition published between 1789 and 1810 by John Murray with engravings by NEW EXHIBITION AT William Blake, and the rare THE OSLER LIBRARY second German edition from Bell, Charles, 1775-1778, on which Johann by Allister Neher Sir. The Wolfgang von Goethe colla- Anatomy and borated. Philosophy of Given these riches, the t the end of June the Osler Interacting with Print research Library will open an Expression as group put together an exhibition Aexhibition devoted to Connected to the on Lavater’s work within the anatomical illustrations and how Fine Arts context of the early history of they convey theoretical content. (London, 1844). physiognomics and the later The exhibition will focus on Bell instructs popularization of physiognomic European anatomical prints from th th artists on the knowledge through caricature the 16 century to the 19 subtlities and and parlour games. The exhi- century, especially in the English- speaking world. The images limits of bition “Reading the Body. Johann expression. Caspar Lavater and the Tradition found in the great anatomical of Physiognomy” shows how atlases and treatises of this fertile medicine. At the moment manuscripts and printed texts and period are often more than Allister’s interests are squarely especially images were called illustrations. Frequently, they are focused on artistic anatomy in the upon to render the body legible striking examples of visual English Enlightenment. It is a by illustrating the hidden thinking and analysis. The subject through which he can relations between human central aim of this exhibition will bring together all three physical features, character, be to reveal to specialized and disciplines and chart their moral disposition, animal traits, non-specialized viewers some of interaction in the creation of the ethnicity, cosmic order, and the factors that influence and modern idea of the self. Cheselden, divine providence. Condemned mediate the representation of the The general theme of the William. in Diderot’s and d’Alembert’s body. exhibition — factors that influen- Osteographia… Encyclopédie as an “imaginary Allister Neher of the Huma- ce and mediate the repre- (London, 1733). science” and praised by Lavater nities Department of Dawson sentation of the body — will be Cheselden and as the “science of sciences,” the College will curate the explored under four sub- his students exhibition. Allister has an headings. The first will concern history of physiognomy — and using a camera its deployment through the interdisciplinary doctorate in how the artistic style of the artist Philosophy and Art History and effects the representation of the obsura to avoid medium of the illustrated book — distortions has much to tell us about the for the past five years he has been anatomical specimen. The caused by intersecting fields of science and broadening his research program second will be about the nature art in the eighteenth century and to include the history of and limits of representational foreshortening. their mutual quest for a universal legibility, whether of books, bodies, or images. The exhibition was curated by Nikola von Merveldt (Dépar- tement de littératures et lan- gues modernes, Université de Montréal) and will be on display until mid-June. For more information on the exhibition and other activities of the Interacting with Print research group, please go to: http:// interactingwithprint.mcgill.ca/ index.html   ·9· • Cowper, William. The Anatomy of media (woodcut, engraving, Humane Bodies… (Oxford, 1698). lithograph, etc.) and how they This anatomically and morally determine what an image can instructive skeleton, and all the other communicate. The third will examine approaches that have engravings in this book, were been taken to measuring the “borrowed” by Cowper from Govert body and how they existed in Bidloo’s Anatomia humani corporis of tension with artistic canons of 1685, surely the most outrageous case beauty that governed the of plagiarism in the history of depiction of the human form. medicine. The fourth and final sub-heading will be on representational strategies, for instance, how the task of illustrating a physical Albinus, Bernhard Siegfried. Tables quality — or a structure or a of the Skeleton and Muscles of the system — determines which Human Body (London, 1749). visual resources are enlisted and A complete philosophy of beauty and why. While the four headings will nature in one picture. provide the basic structure for the The general organization of the exhibition, theme of the other issues from the history of exhibition — art and the history of philosophy will make cameo appearances.  factors that influence and mediate the ROLAND’S CANADIAN representation MEDICAL HISTORY of the body MINIATURES — will be explored by Charles Roland under four An Early French Surgeon sub-headings. ean Demosny (1643-1687)  can be seen as representative, J if not typical, of the large numbers of French medical practitioners who made their way to New France in the 17th and 18th centuries. He was born in Normandy. Nothing is known of his early years, nor of his medical training. He enters Canada’s history in January, 1673, when he married Catherine Fol, also Normandy-born. Theirs was the only marriage to be consecrated in Québec City that month. At this time, Demosny had only fourteen years of life remaining — news of which he was blissfully unaware — yet he and his wife produced seven • ·10· children, two boys and five girls. undertaking this educational professional ancestors in Canada. The oldest child, a son, was Jean effort, half of which was paid However, the kinds of in- Junior, and he also became a when the indenture was signed, formation are limited, and physician. the other half at its successful Demosny’s records provide a Most of what we know about completion. This document was typical example of these Demosny and his many medical signed 4 March 1676. limitations. We can discover a colleagues stems from legal A common reason for the few things about his personal life, records of one kind or another. survival of such documents is that but only in terms of events such Because Marriages, births, and deaths legal records must be conserved. as marriage. Had he been more repeated were recorded by the Catholic In Demosny’s case, some of his contentious we would find more parishes of New France. Through patients neglected to pay their lawsuits and more data. Un- requests for the court system, land dealings, accounts and eventually this fortunately, we know nothing payment were criminal records, court cases of became a matter for the courts to about how he practised medicine, fruitless, the all kinds, indentures, and similar settle. In 1676, the surgeon felt nor how his patients and his matters were recorded and the obligated to sue one family for colleagues viewed him.  doctor had records carefully preserved. an outstanding debt of 73 livres. two bulls Thus we know that Demosny Because repeated requests for was surgeon to l’Hôtel Dieu du payment were fruitless, the seized that Précieux Sang, in Québec, for doctor had two bulls seized that SPECIAL VISITS TO belonged to many years. Indeed, a note belonged to the family. The THE SLER IBRARY the family. surviving in the hospital records Sovereign Council declared the O L states that Demosny served the seizure illegal, but “sentenced the institution 30 years. If not appealing party to pay the n January 19th, Dr. exaggerated, this means that he amount claimed.” On another André Turmel of must have begun there in some occasion, Demosny seized taxes, O Quebec City’s Hôpital capacity at the age of 14, since rent, and other monies, to cancel de l’Enfant-Jésus held a day long he died at 44. By 1684, Demosny one of his bills. Obviously, bill- talk on the history of neuro- had earned the title of collecting was an active process surgery at the Osler Library. The “Lieutenant of the King’s First in those pre-insurance days. 24 neurosurgeons and residents Surgeon.” Demosny was also church- who attended from the Montreal A contract is extant between warden in the parish of Notre- area and other parts of Quebec Demosny and a student, one Dame de Québec, late in his life. also saw a number of treasures in Ignace Pellerin. There were no In his accounting, presented after Dr. Turmel’s and the Osler’s col- medical schools in New France his year in office, we find that lections. The event carries on at that time — nor anywhere in pew rentals amounted to more Osler’s particular wish to make North America — so one could than 273 livres per year. his collection available to his only obtain medical training via Obviously, much information French speaking colleagues. apprenticeship. Pellerin was 17 is available about our early when the indenture was signed; it was to be in effect for three years. Demosny promised “...to show and teach as best he can, Dr. André the said art and profession of Turmel of surgery as well as anything else Quebec City’s he involves himself in, to furnish Hôpital de him with board, a warm lodging, l’Enfant-Jésus and a bed, to treat him kindly and humanely as befitting.” and 24 The student undertook to serve neurosurgeons his master in the art of surgery, and residents “and in everything licit and honest which he might request,” to obey and work for him faithfully, not absenting himself nor working elsewhere. A sum of 200 livres was Demosny’s fee for  ·11· • College’s web page containing much information about Sir William Osler. The address is: http://www.green.ox.ac.uk/ about-the-college/13-Norham- gardens.html

Following the publication of the biography of H.Rocke Robertson entitled, Rocke Robertson, Surgeon and Shepherd of Change, McGill- Queen’s University Press, 2008, by Dick Pound, Stuart Robertson Photo by Professor Jaclyn Duffin of Queen’s University History of Medicine wrote to inform us that his students with Pam Miller. brother Ian had just published a book entitled, While Bullets Fly, Trafford Press, Victoria, about the development and operation of The event embers of The Queen’s approved by the Board’s the field surgical unit during University History of Committee of the Whole.” Dr. World War II. Their father (Dr. carries on MMedicine annual field Chuck Roland was the invited H. Rock Robertson) commanded Osler’s trip visited the Osler Library at speaker on that occasion. the No. 2 Canadian Field Surgical Unit in Sicily in 1943-44. The particular the end of an exciting visit to Montreal. Professor Jaclyn Duffin Recent Publications concept behind the field surgical wish to make a member of our Board of unit inspired the post-war his collection Curators and Hannah Professor Building on Osler’s much- development of trauma care and intensive care units in today’s of the History of Medicine at publicized address, “The Fixed  available to Queen’s kept them busy with Period”, Dr. Bill Gibson has just hospitals. his French visits to the Oratoire de St. published a volume, dear to his speaking Joseph, the Hopital General des heart entitled, Old Endeavour, Sœurs Grises and the Musée de Scientific and Humanitarian colleagues. l’Hôtel Dieu.  Contributions by Physicians Over Age 65. It includes 129 biographies of  retired physicians and surgeons from around the world who have NOTES FROM THE significantly enriched medical, SLER IBRARY scientific and social progress O L following retirement. Infor- mation about ordering this work n Tuesday, the 29th of Editorial Committee for the Newsletter: Faith may be obtained by writing to: April, the Sir William Wallis, Editor; Pamela Miller, History of [email protected] or by sending Medicine Librarian and Assistant Editor; O Osler Elementary a fax to the International Lily Szczygiel, Editorial Assistant. School in Dundas, Ontario held Association for Humanitarian its formal Opening Ceremony. Medicine in Palermo at + 39 091- (The school opened to pupils, K- Address: Osler Library of the History of 59-64-04 or by writing to IAHM, Medicine, McGill University, McIntyre 8, last autumn.) The name was Ospedale Civico, chirurgia selected by a naming committee Medical Sciences Building, 3655 Promenade Plastica, Via C. Lazzaro, 90127 Sir-William-Osler, Montréal, Québec, (students, parents, teachers, Palermo, Italy. Board personnel, and community Canada, H3G 1Y6. members), which invited Tel: (514) 398-4475 ext. 09873 Dr. Terence Ryan would like to Fax: (514) 398-5747 suggestions — and received more announce that historian Dr. than 120! “Based on prede- E-mail: [email protected] Alistair Robb-Smith’s papers are URL: http://www.mcgill.ca/osler-library/ termined criteria, Sir William now accessible through Green Osler was selected and later Legal Deposit 1/2008 ISSN 0085-4557 Legal Deposit 1/2008 ISSN 1712-7955 Graphic Design by David Morin 514-844-3237 • ·12·