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From Lower Canadian Colonists to Bermudan Convicts – Political Slavery and the Politics of Unfreedom

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From Lower Canadian Colonists to Bermudan Convicts – Political Slavery and the Politics of Unfreedom “By What Authority Do You Chain Us Like Felons?”: From Lower Canadian Colonists to Bermudan Convicts – Political Slavery and the Politics of Unfreedom Jarett Henderson, Mount Royal University At 3:00 PM on 2 July 1838, Wolfred Nelson stepped, for the first time since his arrest in December 1837, outside the stone walls of the newly built Montreal Gaol. Iron shackles hung from his wrists and ankles. Heavy chains bound him to Robert Bouchette, who, like 515 other Lower Canadian reformers, had been arrested under the auspices of leading an insurrection against the British empire. That July day Nelson, Bouchette, and six other white British subjects – often identified as patriots – began a journey that took them from Montreal to Quebec to Hamilton, the capital of the British penal colony of Bermuda. Their procession from the gaol to the Canada steamer moored in the St. Lawrence provided these eight men one final opportunity to demonstrate their frustration with irresponsible colonial government. The rhetoric of political enslavement once used by Nelson to agitate for reform had been replaced with iron shackles. This symbol of unfreedom was both personal and political. Furthermore, it provides a vivid example of how Nelson, Bouchette, and their fellow compatriots Rodolphe DesRivières, Henri Gauvin, Siméon Marchesseault, Luc Masson, Touissant Goddu, and Bonaventure Viger’s ideas about the reach of empire had encouraged their political engagement and transformed them from loyal to disloyal, from free to unfree, and from civil to uncivil subjects. Though there is little record of the removal of these men from Lower Canada, we must not take this as an indication that their transportation to Bermuda went unnoticed. For the hundreds, if not thousands of Montrealers who lined St. Mary’s Street, their presence demonstrated the extent of public interest in the struggle to abolish irresponsible government and transforming the relationship between metropole and colony.1 Some, to be certain, came to offer their support, while others to cheer the departure of these ‘rebels’. Louis Perrault, whose brother Charles-Ovide had been killed in battle at Saint-Denis, witnessed the spectacle. He wrote that the men had been chained “Nelson with Bouchette, DesRivières and Gauvin, Marchesseault with Masson, [and] Goddu and Viger.”2 Joseph Schull observed in his study that a “great noise” erupted when those on the street realized that these men were “enchaînés 1 On political engagement in the Canadas around the issue of colonial reform see: Michel Ducharme, Le Concept de Liberté au Canada à l'époque des Révolutions atlantiques 1776-1838, (Montreal-Kingston: 2010); Louis-Georges Harvey, Le printemps de l’Amérique française: américanité, anticolonialisme et républicanisme dans le discours politique québécois, 1805–1837 (Montreal: 2005); Allan Greer, The Patriots and the People, (Toronto:1993); Jeffrey McNarin, The Capacity to Judge, (Toronto: 2000); Cecilia Morgan, Public Men and Virtuous Women, (Toronto: 1996); Carol Wilton, Popular Politics and Political Culture in Upper Canada, 1800-1850, (Montreal-Kingston: 2001); Allan Greer and Ian Radforth Eds., Colonial Leviathan, (Toronto: 1992); and Bryan Palmer, “Popular Radicalism and the Theatrics of Rebellion,” in Transatlantic Subjects, Ed Nancy Christie, (Montreal-Kingston: 2008), pp 403-38. 2 Louis Perrault, Lettres d'un patriote réfugié au Vermont, 1837–1839, Ed. Georges Aubin (Montréal: 1999), p. 130. 1 deux à deux.”3 The reaction to the enchaînement of these men suggests that Montrealers, like British subjects in Bermuda, New South Wales, and Britain, were also familiar with the moral implications of unfreedom that dominated imperial political debate and discourse for much of the 1830s.4 Flanked by officers of the cavalry and chained like individuals who lived beyond the pale, it took over an hour for these men to navigate the crowded Montreal streets. As offensive and as immoral as some may have found theses shackles, this procession proved to be an opportunity to shore up support for colonial reform. Their shackles conveyed a message that the language of political enslavement could only imagine: irresponsible government had quite literally led to the personal and political unfreedom of these white British subjects. Bouchette recalled in his memoires that as he and the others exited the gaol they raised their shackled arms high into the air so that the crowd could see and “draw their own conclusions about the past, the present, and the future.”5 As they did so Nelson’s voice reportedly boomed: “By what authority do you chain us like felons?”6 Once aboard the Canada steamer that carried Nelson, Bouchette and the others to Quebec, the iron shackles were removed from their swollen wrists and ankles. At Quebec the men explained to Charles Buller, one of the councillors who had sanctioned the Bermuda Ordinance that legalized their removal from the colony, that their enchaînement had tainted their reputations. “We explained to Mr. Buller,” Marchesseault wrote to his parents, “our great surprise when our hands were chained with infamous irons; the same irons that are used only for the vile, the poor, and the malicious.” “We further explained,” he continued, “that our shackling could have had disastrous consequences and that Lord Durham ought to testify his disapproval of it, for our friends did not expect such a treatment.”7 Buller, who had personal and political ties to Lord Durham, the British peer who had been sent to govern the colony in the wake of rebellion, and Bermuda’s convict establishment, assured Marchesseault that had 8 the governor general suspected such uncivil treatment he would have intervened. 3 Joseph Schull, Rebellion, (Toronto: 1971) p. 142. 4 Kirsten McKenzie, A Swindler’s Progress, (Sydney: 2009); Kirsten McKenzie, Scandal in the Colonies, (Melbourne: 2004); Zoë Laidlaw, Colonial Connections, (Manchester: 2005); Julie Evans, Edward Eyre, Race, and Colonial Governance, (Dunedin: 2005); and Alan Lester, Imperial Networks, (London: 2001); Catherine Hall, Civilizing Subjects, (Chicago: 2002); and Jack P. Greene, Ed. Exclusionary Empire, (Cambridge: 2010). 5 Robert S.-M Bouchette, Mémoires de Robert–S.–M. Bouchette, 1805–1840, (Montréal: 1903), p. 68; Library and Archives Canada [Hereafter LAC], MG24 A34, Nelson Fonds, vol. 2. 6 Schull, Rebellion, p. 142. 7 Yvon Thériault, Ed.,“Les Patriotes aux Bermudes,” Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française [Hereafter RHAF] 16 :2 (1962), p. 111. 8“Les Patriotes aux Bermudes en 1838,” p. 111. Reprinted in, Le Clarion, 14 mars 1930. On Durham in Canada see: Jarett Henderson, “Uncivil Subjects,” (PhD Thesis, York University, 2010); Bruce Curtis, “The ‘Most Splendid Pageant Ever Seen’: Grandeur, the Domestic, and Condescension in Lord Durham’s Political Theatre,” CHR 89:1 (March 2008): 55–88; Chester New, Lord Durham, (Toronto: 1929); Stuart Reid, Life and Letters of the First Earl of Durham, 1792–1840, 2 Vols., (London: 1906); and Frederick Bradshaw, Self-Government in Canada, and How it was Achieved: The Story of Lord Durham's Report, (London: 1903). Significantly more studies examine Durham’s report: G. M. Craig and Janet Ajzenstat eds, Lord Durham's Report, (Montreal-Kingston: 2007); Janet Ajzenstat, The 2 The colonial press devoted little space to the removal of these eight political reformers from Lower Canada. On 5 July 1838, the Quebec Mercury noted on its last page that: “HMS Vestal, having on board W. Nelson, Bouchette, etc, sailed for Bermuda yesterday morning, at half past 5 o’clock.”9 Durham’s official correspondence contains no additional details. “The state prisoners sailed this morning in Her Majesty's ship Vestal, for Bermuda,” he informed Colonial Secretary Glenelg before embarking on his vice regal tour of the Canadas.10 This archival silence has been amplified by studies that have focused primarily on the transportation of political prisoners from the Canadas to Australia in 1839 following the 1838 rebellion.11 This article focuses instead on those political prisoners transported to Bermuda by Lord Durham’s administration in July 1838. It explores three interrelated and understudied aspects of inter- rebellion Lower Canada: the imperial personnel networks that linked Durham’s 1838 administration to the Age of Reform; the negotiations that enabled Durham to transport Nelson, Bouchette, and the others to Bermuda alongside their personal accounts of the 1837 rebellion and transportation; and lastly, the imperial predicament that the arrival of these men ignited in Bermuda on 24 July 1838. To do so reveals the personal and political networks that bound Lord Durham’s administration of Lower Canada to the politics of empire and that demands in Lower Canada to abolish irresponsible government were influenced other empire- wide debates, in particular, the abolition of slavery and convict migration; debates that trust definitions and discourses of freedom, race, and governance into flux. To consider the material ties of Durham’s administration, the rhetoric of political enslavement employed by these eight reformers, and their removal to Bermuda illustrates the importance of reconfiguring the empire not only as a territorial project. Empire, as constituted in Lower Canada, was a space wherein Political Thought of Lord Durham, (Montreal–Kingston: 1988); Phillip A. Buckner, The Transition to Responsible Government, (Westport, Conn.: 1985); Nicholas Mansergh, The Commonwealth Experience, (Toronto: 1983); Ged Martin, The Durham Report and British Policy, (Cambridge: 1972); Gerald Craig, Lord Durham's Report, (Toronto: 1963); Marcel-Pierre Hamel, Le Rapport de Durham, (Montreal: 1948); Reginald Coupland, The Durham Report, (Cambridge: 1945); and The Report of the Earl of Durham: Her Majesty's High Commissioner and Governor-General of British North America, (London: 1902). 9 Quebec Mercury, 5 July 1838. Henderson, “Uncivil Subjects,” Ch. 3; Jane Errington, “Suitable Diversions: Women, Gentility, and Entertainment in an Imperial Outpost,” Ontario History, Vol. CII: No 2 (2010); 175–96; and George Brown, “The Durham Report and the Upper Canadian Scene.” CHR 20:2 (1939): 136–60. 10 LAC, MG24 A27, Lambton fonds, Vol.
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