Non-Cooperation 1920-1922: Regional Aspects of the All India Mobilization

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NON-COOPERATION 1920-1922: REGIONAL ASPECTS OF THE ALL INDIA MOBILIZATION

Ph.D Thesis Submitted by: SAKINA ABBAS ZAIDI

Under the Supervision of Dr. ROOHI ABIDA AHAMAD, Associate Professor

Centre of Advance Study Department of History Aligarh Muslim University Aligarh(India) 2016 Acknowledgements

I am immensely thankful to ‘Almighty Allah,’ and Ahlulbait (A.S), for the completion of my work in spirit and letter.

It is a pleasant duty for me to acknowledge the kindness of all my teachers, friends, well-wishers and family with whose help and advice I was able to complete this work, as it is undeniable true that thesis writing involves other aiding you directly or indirectly.

First and foremost, beholden to my supervisor, Dr. Roohi Abida Ahmed, for her encouragement, moral support, inspiring suggestions and excellent guidance. The help she extended to me was more than what I deserve. She always provided me with constructive and critical suggestions. I felt extraordinary fortunate with the attentiveness I was shown by her. I indeed consider myself immensely blessed in having someone so kind and supportive as my supervisor from whom I learnt a lot. A statement of thanks here falls very short for the gratitude I have for her mentorship.

I gratefully acknowledge my debt to Professor Tariq Ahmed who helped a lot in picking up slips and lapses in the text and who has been a constant source of inspiration for me during the course of my study.

I am thankful to Professor Ali Athar, Chairman and Coordinator, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh for being always receptive and supportive. I am gratefully indebted to Dr. Hasan Imam, Dr. Parvej Naazeer and Dr. Jibraeel for their interest and guidance in my work. I would also like to extend my thanks to my pre submission presentation examiner Dr. Sajjad for providing me an encouraging and constructive feedback. I am also thankful to Professor Ishrat Alam and Dr. Farhat Hasan who guided me during my course work.

I owe my indebtness to the Staff of the Seminar Library, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh for their ardent and constant care to respond to my requisitions. I would also like to put on my record of thanks to the Staff of the following archives, museum and libraries for providing me access to the sources and secondary works concerning my thesis: National Archives of India (New Delhi), Nehru Memorial Mesum and Library (New Delhi), Library of ICHR (New Delhi), Maulana Azad Libraray (AMU), Seminar Library, Department of History (Allahabad University), Regional State Archives (Allahabad), U.P State Archives (Lucknow), Bihar State Archive (Patna), Rajasthan State Archive (Bikaner) for searching and providing me the valuable documents indispensible for the writing of the thesis.

My thanks are also due to the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), New Delhi, for having sanctioned me Junior Research Fellowship which made it possible to complete this work.

I would also love to thank all my research fellows in the Department, and my dear friends for their endearing encouragement and for keeping my spirit high and anxiety at bay. I regret my inability to mention each one of them, by name, here. The list would indeed be far too long, but let me make you know that there is part of all of you in all the pages of this thesis.

My family has been a constant source of inspiration who had remained patient with me, especially in the last year of my course, despite my poor behavior, sometimes due to research pressure, and occasional disappearance into academic woods. I am indebted to my Father Syed Ali Jawad Zaidi and Mother Shaheen Zaidi for their teachings of honesty and hard work which instilled ethical and moral values in me. This work would not have taken shape without the support and care of my in- laws Syed Mohd. Akbar, who left for the heavenly abode during the course of my research now his blessings continued to quell all the obstacles, and Mrs. Kaneez Kubra, who has always been a pillar of strength for me to do the work sincerely.

I extended my special thanks to my husband Mr. Zakir Hussain, it is indeed his inspiration, moral and emotional support and blessings that gave me the strength and determination to complete this work.

I am also indebted to my daughters, Maria Hussain and Insia Hussain who adjusted themselves to my busy schedule.

SAKINA ABBAS ZAIDI

ROOHI ABIDA AHMAD Dated: 23rd August, 2016 Associate Professor

Certificate

This is to certify that the thesis entitle “Non- Cooperation

1920-1922: Regional Aspects of the All India Mobilization” is the

original work of Ms. Sakina Abbas Zaidi completed under my

supervision. The thesis is suitable for submission for the award of the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.

(Dr. Roohi Abida Ahmed) Supervisor

Telephone: (0571) 2703146; Fax No. (0571) 2703146, Internal: 1480 and1481 Abstract

ABSTRACT

It was in the 1920‟s that India witnessed the dawn of the Non-Cooperation Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. In his ‘Young India,’ under the title „Swaraj In One Year,‟ Gandhiji, suggested to wage a struggle against the mighty British Empire based on discipline and self-sacrifice.

Mr. Gandhi was of the opinion that the British were totally relied o India‟s man power to overcome their imperialist greed, and if the Indians refused to supply them with men and money, they will be able to achieve the goal of „Swaraj.’

Gandhiji with his policy of Non-Cooperation Movement tried to insist that, and believed that India can achieve her destiny by pure self-sacrifice, i.e self-purification.

This was happened for the first time that the Movement was not limited to the certain area or group of persons but penetrated deep in the localities and the different sections of the people irrespective of their caste, creed or religion. It had taken up the issues of the comman people living in the interiors of the country and was strict to its rule of non-violent struggle. It was proved to be a great threat to the mighty British Empire.

The First World War, totally wreck the backbone of the country. The breach of the promises by the British Government completely upset the Indians. The passage of the Rowlatt Bills, the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919, the Khilafat issues all paved the way for the struggle on a broader scale. This was the time when the masses were involved in the war against the injustice.

The uniqueness of the movement took up by Mahatma Gandhi was that, it was started up on a broader issues to fight for the national cause but it involved the regional issues within its domain. The leaders were unaware of the situations and the distress of the people who were the real sufferers. It was made possible only because of the leaders who were working

Abstract on the grass root level that the issues of the common people came to the forefront. It was but only possible with the efforts of the Nationalist leaders that it was not limited to the regions only but also gained the national character.

Taking into account the region of United Provinces, the movement had the drastic effect on the region. The peasants of this region were the real sufferers and they had already started the struggle against the zamindars and the taluqadars, who exploit them their level best.

While touring throughout India, Gandhiji realized that they lacked the organizational skills. He laid much emphasis on non-violent struggle, Hindu-Muslim Unity to bring the entire nation on a comman platform. The Movement was popularized with great zeal and gusto by the nationalist leaders in the remotest area of the country. It had greatly affected the grass root struggles which amalgamated with the national struggle.

The peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and because they were closely related with the Congress. It was for the first time that the organization had expanded its base and every strata of the society joined the struggle.

The Kisan Sabhas and the Kisan Movement were gathering storms since 1918, and their morale was boost up by the Congress workers particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and it really became difficult to distinguish between the Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan Sabha meetings.

The other area which was affected the region of United Provinces was Aligarh, where the students were deeply concerned with the political developments of the times. The Khilafat issue had adversely affected the Muslim University. This was, the time when the relations between the Congress, the Muslim League and the Khilafat Committees were improving which became a great threat to the British Government. With the result, they had implemented the AMU Act, which finally came into existence on 1stDecember, 1920.

Moving ahead in the region of Punjab, the issues were totally religious in nature. The launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement was itself based on the religious issue that was- the Khilafat Question. So the Congress did not take time to carry forward the demands of the Sikhs.

The Sikh shrines were under the corrupt mohants who were mere puppets in the ahnds of the British. This was not accepted by the common people and thus they revolted against them. The Akalis formed the group called jathas to fought against their enemies. The

Abstract

Congress provided them the full support and they on the other hand joined the national struggle.

Apart from that the religious movement, the schools and the colleges were greatly affected. Large number of the students left the Khalsa college, and Professors withdrew from the college. Lahore Islamia School and Muslim High School were temporarily closed. Many lawyers gave up their practices and programme of Khadi was tremendous. Punjab was heading the list as far as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was concerned.

The Bijolia Movement of Rajasthan, was not taken up by the Congress officially but it gained the attention of the leaders. Despite this fact, the Non-COopertaion Movement had largely affected the regional movements of Rajasthan. Such as in 1920, Kisan Panchayats began to run their own parallel governments. The Panchayats appointed by the Kisans organized the Charkha movements. The peasants boycotted the courts and the peasants refused to pay the land revenues and the other illegal cesses.

The region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was evenly affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement and great enthusiasm could be witnessed in these regions. Here the national leaders provoked and incite the people to raise their voices against the unjust rule. Hindu- Muslim unity was preached at its greatest length. Some of the people denounce their titles as the first step in the progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement. National leaders hold meetings to hold boycott of election campaigns. The anti-liquor movement was in a full swing. In Bihar the peasants raised their voices against the Dharbanga Raj and in Orissa they were stood against the Kanika Ruler in order to remove their tyranny. In Bengal, Krishak and Praja Smaiaties started demanding their economic and social rights and it was in 1920, that it was dragged into more widespread agitation.

The South India also did not remain the silent spectator of the growing mass movement. However, the leaders of the Deccan, disheartened Mahatma Gandhi as they suggested that it was a, „mistaken policy to stand out from the Councils and to go to the electorate.‟ Even then the circumstances changed. Strikes were observed throughout the region. Bombay was suffering most acutely. There was all over demonstrations and protest by the workers on the eve of the visit of Prince of Wales. The Turkish Question was a heated topic among the Press. In Madras, the Madras Provincial Congress Committee had remained under the sole control of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

In Kerala, the peasants rose against the oppressive landlords, which draw the Mapilla peasantry into a tenancy movement. The Manjeri Conference was the beginning of the propaganda work of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

Abstract

The movement of Mahatma Gandhi had done one great thing that it had exposed many of the so-called „leaders.‟ In the Calcutta Notes it had been mentioned under the heading, „The Test of the Leadership,‟ it writes-“The Non-Cooperation Movement had at least done one great service to the country. It had afforded an infallible test for winning over the chaff from the grain……… Those who joined the ranks of politicians in order to advertise themselves as champion of the rights of the people feel mortally disconcerted when the people feel actually come forward to claim their due and demand that their views be given the effect to ……. The sweets of the office, even honorary offices, are far too tempting for Indian character to resist……”

CONTENT

Acknowledgment

Abbreviation

Introduction 1-29

Chapter 1. Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement 30-47

Chapter 2. Non -Cooperation in United Provinces 48-69

a. Oudh Peasants And The Non Cooperation 52-63 Movement

b. The Aligarh College and the non-cooperation 64-69 movement

Chapter 3. West and the Non-Cooperation Movement 70-106

a. Punjab and the Non Cooperation Movement. 70-93

b. Rajasthan and the non-cooperation movement 93-106

Chapter 4. The Whirlpool of Non-Cooperation Movement in East 107-146

Chapter 5. Wave of Non-Cooperation in South India 147-166

Conclusion 167-178

Bibliography 179-187

ABBREVIATIONS

A.I.C.C All India Congress Committee

AIKS All India Kisan Sabha

AITUC All India Trade Union Congress

AKPC All Kerala Provincial Conference

AKS Awadh Kisan Sabha

BPC Bihar Provincial Congress

BPCC Bihar Provincial Congress Committee

BSA Bihar State Archives

CWMG Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi

FR Fortnightly Report

FRBO Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa

IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review

MDCC Malabar District Congress Committee

MLC Madras Legislative Council

MPCC Madras Provincial Congress Committee

NAI National Archives of India

NMML Nehru Memorial Museum And Library

PCC Provincial Congress Commttee

SGPC Shrimoni Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee

UPCC Uttkal Provincial Congress Committee.

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

The policy of the Non-Cooperation was not a very new concept. Earlier, it had been adopted by the Hungarian nation to free itself from Australian domination and later on it was adopted by Ireland, Egypt, and in Korea. It was only due to the triumph of the non-cooperation movement in Hungary that Mr. Arthur Griffiths had also, adopted the same policy in Ireland.

It was in 1920’s that India also witnessed the dawn of the Non-Cooperation Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. In his ‘Young India,’ under the title ‘Swaraj in One Year,’ Gandhiji suggested to wage a struggle against the mighty British Empire based on discipline and self-sacrifice. He wrote-“……. For me the only training in swaraj we need is the ability to defend ourselves against the whole world and to live our natural life in perfect freedom even though it may be full of defects. Good government is no substitute for self-government. The Afghans have a bad government, but it is self-government. I envy them. The Japanese learnt the art through a sea of blood. If we today had the power to drive out the English by superior brute force, we would be counted their superiors, and in spite of our inexperience in debating at the Council table or in holding executive offices, we would be held fit to govern ourselves. For brute force is the only test the West has hitherto recognized. The Germans were defeated not because they were necessarily in the wrong, but because the Allied Powers were found to possess greater brute strength. In the end, therefore, India must either learn the art of war which the British will not teach, or she must follow her own way of discipline and self-sacrifice through Non-Cooperation.” He further states that –“Terrorism and deception are weapons not of the strong but of the weak.”

Mr. Gandhi was of the opinion, that the British totally relied on India’s man power to overcome their imperialistic greed. If the Indians refused to supply them the men and the money, we will be able to achieve our goal that is of ‘Swaraj.’

Gandhiji with his policy of the non-cooperation movement tried to insist, and believed that India can achieve her destiny by pure self-sacrifice, i.e self-purification. This could only be possible when those who initiate the co-operation with the British government, now inaugurate the process of withdrawal. For all this, the Indians had to

Introduction

free themselves from the Government controlled schools, law courts and the legislative council. They had to start their own educational institution, regulate and settled their own disputes and unconcerned to their legislation, try to govern themselves and only then it would be easy to convince the Government servants both from civil and military to resign from their jobs and to the taxpayers to stop the payment of the taxes. Lot of, emphasis, had been laid by Gandhiji on the ‘Swadeshi.’ For him, this was the most important part of the policy of non-cooperation as only through this medium India could be able to achieve its economic salvation and could get rid from the economic slavery. Gandhiji said that-“Had we not abandoned Swadeshi, we need not have been in the present fallen state……we must manufacture our own cloth and at present movement only by hand-spinning and hand- weaving…….. all this means discipline, self-denial, self-sacrifice, organizing ability, confidence and courage. If we show this in one year among the classes that today count, and make public opinion, we certainly gain swaraj within one year.”

Whenever we read about Mahatma Gandhi and his movement regarding our nation, it has a great impact on our mind, thinking and ideology. We are compelled to assert that this was a remarkable feat of Mahatma Gandhi to liberate the peninsular India from the clutches of an empire about which it is said that-‘the sun never sets in the British Empire.’

In 1915, the presence of Mahatma Gandhi on the political horizon had created a drastic impact in the political arena. The political parties active in those years were working mainly within the constitutional framework along with the elite classes trying their level best to achieve freedom, but all their efforts were in vain. As soon as, Mahatma Gandhi appears on the political picture he laid emphasis to gain freedom through non-violence for which he approached the masses taking up their causes and grievances, explained their rights and to fight for justice through non-violent means. Therefore, he gathered masses by fully mixing with them, inhabiting with them and with their social values, their social sufferings, etiquettes and manners. So, he descended deep into the feeling of the masses and assembled huge crowds for the attainment of freedom for his country. This mixing into the social network of the masses played a very significant role because the people felt that at least somebody was there who cares for their well-being, for their welfare and for their free existence.

Introduction

This aspect of Mahatma Gandhi helped him to amass masses and mobilize them for a free India.

A historical look on this fact will reveal, that this mobilization of masses was observed in history, after the appearance of Mahatma Gandhi in the political scenario of Indian polity. At this juncture it was observes that all classes of people like workers, peasants, women and people from all walks of life were gathered on a single platform.

This work has been based on the original sources, which I found relevant for my work such as Proceedings, Telegrams, Letters, extract of different news papers, Government Reports, Resolutions, CID reports, Speeches, statements of leaders found in the Home Political Files and Deposits of the different years and also the consulted the Police Department files of the different years. I have also gone through A.I.C.C Papers, newspapers of those years and Autobiographies. Apart from this, I have consulted journals and various relevant books as secondary works.

These archival material, gives the detailed account of the movement, how it spread to the countryside and in small towns and how the comman people enrolled themselves to the Congress creed. Weather the movement was successful or not and how far it had affected various regions, groups of people such as the peasants, students, workers and people from all walks of life is all set clear with the Government reports, Resolutions, and letters.

This had happened for the first time that the Movement was not limited to the certain area or a group of persons but it had penetrated deep in the localities and the different sections of the people irrespective of their caste, creed or religion. It had taken up the issues of the comman people, which they were facing in the interior of the country and there was no one to listen up to their grievances. It was strict to its rule of non-violent struggle and it proved to be great threat to the mighty British Empire.

The very first chapter, which captioned as “Sprouting of the Non-Cooperation Movement,” deals with the reasons and the causes which, helps in the germination of the Non-Cooperation Movement. What was so significant, about the movement and why this movement was so unique?

Introduction

“Honest, but a Bolshevik and for that reason very dangerous”-so was Gandhi described by Lord Willingdon, Governor of Bombay in 1918.1

The above, cited lines by Willingdon, depict Gandhi to be revolutionary, of course, as he was able to remove all genre of social evils and tyranny and injustice but never had ill-will towards any one.

The whole, Gandhian philosophy revolves around the concept of Ahimsa and Satyagraha, which was believed to be a nucleus for Indian politics and became a social hindrance to the colonial power.

It was not for the first time, that people were raising their voices against the ruling classes. Our pasts witnessed, many popular resistance such as Dhandhak, Hijrat and Traga. Mahatma Gandhi tried to mould these practices and wanted to launch a legitimate means of resistance, based on older practices keeping in mind to avoid the violent activities. Ahimsa and Satyagraha were the two main weapons carried on by Mahatma Gandhi in the entire national struggle.

The consequences of the First World War were drastic. The Rowlatt Bills, were introduced to deal with the revolutionary activities. The Bills of 1919 aimed at crushing the civil liberties, of Indians, and to yoke them in order to guide the Indian nation as per their wishes. The Rowlatt Bills deals with the fact that it empowered the executive machinery of the government to arrest any person found to be in possession of seditious material and to be, tried without proving his innocence and punishing him for a period of two years. This aspect was definitely against the law, justice and equity. This Mahatma Gandhi did not relish it and adopted a non-violent civil disobedience against such unjust laws and observed hartal on 6th April 1919. The Government took repressive measures to suppress the activities during the campaign. The Government was, totally brutal in Punjab where 1200 people were killed at Jallianwala Bagh in a firing by General Dyre on the 13th of April 1919.

The breach of promises made by the British Government during, the war time resulted in high discontentment in second decade of the twentieth century. The new constitution popularly known as Government of India 1919, in spite of the hard opposition made by the Bengal leaders was passed. In ‘Young India,’ Mr. Gandhi

1 Brown Judith., Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, Cambridge, 1972., p.xiii. 4

Introduction

wrote-“The Reform Act coupled with the proclamation is an earnest of the intention of the British people…….. our duty therefore is not to subject the reform to carping criticism…….as to make them a success.”

Suddenly, the situation changed within the next nine months. The Rowlatt Bills, the Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act and the breach of promises made to the Indian Muslims regarding the treatment of Turkey, all lead to the inauguration of the Non-Violent Non-Cooperation Movement by Mahatma Gandhi.

“The Khilafat question has now become a question of questions. It has become an imperial question of first magnitude…. That the Sultan should control the Holy places of Islam and should have suzerainty over Jaziat-ul-Arab. This was what, promise made by Lloyd George and this was what Lord Harding had contemplated…. To reduce the Turks to impotence would not only be unjust, it would be a breach of solemn declarations and promises.”2

The All-India Khilafat Conference met at Allahabad on 2ndand 3rdJune 1920, and was attended by M.K. Gandhi, Mr. Sahukat Ali, Mr. Chotani and others. Mahatma Gandhi declared that he wholeheartedly sympathesised with the Muslims and suggested for the non-cooperation as an only means of remedy. Eventually, the non-cooperation, was adopted on 1stAugust, observed by a hartal.

It was decided, that the Non-Cooperation to the Government was taken step by step such as to relinquish all honors and titles, resignation by Council members, to give up the Government jobs, schools and colleges and withdrawal of Mussalmans from the army and refusal to pay taxes.

Finally, the resolution on the Non-Cooperation Movement, was finally adopted approved by the Central Khilafat Committee, which appoints a sub- committee to give practical effect to the movement.

Khilafat Movement and the Gandhi’s leadership played a vital role in the National Movement, it was, for the first time that the mass movement was launched

2 Extract from “Independent.”Allahabad, dated 12thMarch 1920. 5

Introduction

and its uniqueness was that it was beyond the range of liberalism and extremism. It espouses the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity.

However, the opinion differs among the educated political circles. Some of the Congressmen found Mr. Gandhi’s programme as impracticable and were of the opinion that it should be revised before it could proved to be a failure.

Congress in its annual session at Nagpur after facing all obstacles in its way finally, adopted the non-cooperation movement. Mr. C.R.Das moved on the resolution. The establishment of National schools and colleges followed up the programme of the non-cooperation, which includes the four successive stages. Panchayats were established, Hindu-Muslim unity was maintained, hand-weaving and spinning was to be encouraged and to strictly follow up the gospel of non- violence.

The second chapter deals with the Non-Cooperation Movement in the region of United Province. The movement was widespread throughout the country and affected the regions in different ways. As the different regions were facing different problems and crisis, the movement was intermingled with the local movements. The reason was that for the first time the local issues, were raised and came to forefront by the efforts of the national leaders.

Soon, after the Calcutta session, the rising tide of the Non-Cooperation Movement advanced throughout the country, and United Provinces became one of the main centers of the movement. In such an atmosphere Gandhi accompanied by the Ali Brothers and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, toured throughout the country and also the region of United Province propagating the cult of the non-cooperation movement and addressed the students, the women, the kisans and tried to persuade them and convince them for the need of the movement.

During his tour, he realized that the Indians lacked organizing skills and further he laid much emphasis on the non-violent means. Gandhiji constantly preached Hindu-Muslim unity, and in his speeches laid emphasis, on hand spinning and hand weaving and to wear khadi while propagating non-cooperation.

Introduction

The ongoing national struggle through the medium of non-violent non- cooperation programme had a drastic effect on the movements, which were limited in the particular area of the United Provinces. In this region, the movement affected the peasant discontent drastically. Boycott of school and colleges was another feature of the movement in the region of the United Provinces.

Agriculture was the main occupation of the people of India. According to the Montague-Chelmsford Repot of 1918-“this improper dependence on agriculture as the only occupation of the people is not part of primitive Indian society but a direct impact of the British Rule…….”

According, to a survey conducted by Dr. Harold Mann, in 1921, comparing the land revenue of pre-British and post-British days. The level of the land revenue assessment was to be raised at each revision was very evident in the modern period, resulting in over burdening of the peasantry class, leading towards revolt…….. “In Madras, Bombay and the United Province, in particular, assessments have gone up by leaps and bounds.”

Previously the King’s share constituted of annual production, completely dependent on year’s production, paid in forms of tributes and taxes by village community or by peasants in joint ownership. This system has now been completely transformed and now payments were made in cash at fixed prices on assessed lands. The real possession was now in the hands of the British officials and the peasantry class, were reduced to the level of tenants and always faced the danger of ejections from their lands for non-payment of taxes. In Oudh, there were no occupancy tenants or even life tenants in 1920. There were only short-term tenants, who were continually being ejected. In U.P, the evictions increased by 100% in U.P during the first two decades of the 20th centenary.

Social tensions started emerging between the landholders and the cultivating tenants because of the agrarian structure of the Oudh accompanied by ineffective rent law and increasing demands of lands among the tenant’s cultivators. The two main factors which rose the peasant discontent were the –nazrana and bedakhali. The other worst activity, which was commonly practiced was that of begar.

Introduction

Peasants now realized the need to organize themselves to fight for their class demands and the initiative was taken in this region by the two-Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh at a village of Rure in the Patti tehsil of Pratapgarh District. A U.P Kisan Sabha was organized by the nationalist who were participating in the Home Rule League. Unlike the Congress, the U.P Kisan Sabha felt the need to enter the legislative council.

Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh took the help of Baba Ramchandra, who came into the contact of the peasants of Jaunpur and Pratapgarh during the period of 1917-18. He utilized the ‘tradition of Rambhakti’ for the upliftment of the peasants.

Soon Rure became centre of Kisan Sabha activities by June 1920, about 50 branches of sabha were established in this region, through which the peasantry’s propaganda continued.

Ramchandra tried to gain the support of Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders. Nehru was delighted to see the organizational skill and touched with the miserable conditions of the Indian peasantry, and started a vigorous campaign in putting forward the problems of the peasantry class. Congress thus gained the popularity in the countryside.

After the adoption of the non-cooperation movement in 1920, the AICC asked Jawaharlal Nehru to spread the message of the non-cooperation movement. With the efforts, of Jawaharlal Nehru, Matabadal Pandey, G.S Mishra and Baba Ramchandra Oudh Kisan Sabha came into existence on 17thOctober 1920 and started working on the rules conceived under the non-cooperation programme.

The charismatic personality of Gandhi, and call for non-violent non- cooperation movement with the slogan of ‘swaraj within a year’ draw large number of peasants. They were quite surprised as they were told to with hold their land revenues, which they considered, it to be their religious duty.

However in the late 1920’s, the situation turned violent. There were several incidents of clashes, which took place during this period. The landlords accused the Congress and the Bolsheviks of inciting the rebellion among the peasants. The allegations on the Congress to incite violence among the peasantry disturbed the

Introduction

Congress and with the result it completely breaks away with the peasant movement. Gandhi completely condemned the violence and declared that if the peasants continued with their violent means then the Congress withdrew its support from the movement.

During the entire movement the peasants were closely related with the Congress. By May 1921, the Kisan Sabha movement lost its intensity as the efforts were laid to suppress the movement by the Government.

Yet one another movement by the name of ‘Eka Movement,’ emerged in the region of the Awadh. It comprised the district of Hardoi, Sitapur, Bahraich. There were many dissimilarities between the Kisan Sabha Movement and the Eka Movement. Unlike the Kisan Sabha movement it was against the amendment of the Oudh Rent Act. It was gaining a political tone and shifted its focus from the local to larger issues. Even the Congress extended their support to the movement. In its meetings it declared to form Eka to gain swaraj, encourage Khadi cloth and charkha, boycott government courts and decided criminal cases in village panchayats. By March 1922, it was also suppressed by the Government.

Lot of work had been done on the topic. Some major works on this region had a subalternist approach which in their theory revolves particularly around the structural independence and revolutionary capabilities of the poor peasants.

Still some questions struck to my mind regarding the Non-Cooperation Movement. Undoubtedly, it was not for the first time that the peasants stood against their rulers. They had a long history. They fought, agitated, revolted but they failed as they lacked organizational skills and their leadership were limited, to the their particular region. The Non-Cooperation gave them the opportunity to come up on a single platform and provide them a national leadership.

Not ignoring the fact that the peasants had their own history. It was not for the first time that they were participating in the revolts and the agitations against their rulers. The difference lies in the fact that it was totally launched against the zamindars and taluqadars. It was for the first time that they raised their voices against the British authorirties who were sole responsible for the miseries and suffereings of the peasantry class. It was possible only with the efforts of the Nationalists leaders.

Introduction

Gyan Pandey in his work and with his subalternist approach, ‘Peasants Revolt and Indian Nationalism: The Peasant Movement in Awadh 1919-22,’suggested that it was long before the involvement of the Nationalist, the AKS Movement took a strong hold in the region emerging with 585 panchayats working in the Pratapgarh District and around 100,000 were enrolled with the association and got the sympathetic support of V.N Mehta, Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh.

Only what I have tried my level best to prove that how far the movements which were concentrated in the regions were now got a national fervor. Their grievances, their demands, their aspirations were now not limited to the areas but now became a national question. It has not now recognized only as the ‘peasants struggle’ but on a more broader term a ‘national struggle.’

One should not ignore the fact that the leaders who were working and leading their movements in regions were themselves the followers of Mahatma Gandhi and his policy of Non-Cooperation Movement. Baba Ramchandra himself was a disciple of Gandhi and followed his footsteps. Despite the fact that the movements in the later years took the violent turns which was really shocking and discouraging for Mahatma Gandhi. Therefore, he detached himself from the movement.

D.N Dhanagre in ‘Peasant Movements in India, 1920-1950,’ observers certain features of the Gandhian-Congress Peasants Protests. Firstly, he observers that the movement was localized. Here the question arises that, Is it so? Was it a localized movement? How and Why? Because this was the period when the peasants grievances had been already taken up by the nationalist leaders on the advice of Mahatma Gandhi.

‘Abhudya,’ clearly states about a meeting held at Balwaghat which was attended by J.L Nehru, Gauri Shankar Misra, P.D Tandon and others and organized a commission through the medium of Kisan Sabha or PCC to probe the miserable conditions of the peasantry.

Indeed these leaders themselves reached Pratapgarh, and according to ‘Independent,’ J.L Nehru started vigorous campaign in putting forward the problem of Indian peasantry. This is sufficient to prove that it has now become a national question and not remained confined to the regions.

Introduction

Secondly, it involved the more affluent section of peasantry. This point has to be looked on the broader scale. As if to launch a movement on regional basis or on the national level, only few people can hold a leadership and only those who are ‘affulent,’ or ‘influential,’ because the general masses are ignorant. What is important here is their participation. Here Mahatma Gandhi was able to gain the support of the peasantry class through his slogan of ‘swaraj,’ in one year. This call has drawn large number of the masses to join the national movement.

Thirdly, the Gandhian Congress peasant protest involved compromises. One should not deny the fact that the movement was launched against the British Raj, and not against the zamindars and taluqadars. This was the time to organize the Indians against the British rule and not to create a wedge among the different sections of the society. Gandhiji stood against the unjust principles and rules prevailing in the country. In his speech at Pratapgarh, he asked the kisans to not to serve those zamindars who does not pay any wages in return of their work. He only asked to pay the genuine rents to the zamindars and stood totally against the illegal cesses. So, there is no question of any kind of compromise.

Lastly, it was characterized by constructive programme to integrate the poorer section of the society. The constructive programme of Mahatma Gandhi involves the concept of ‘swadeshi,’ which was important for the Indians to get rid of the economic slavery. Not only it helps in the self dependence of the people but it also helps to make the masses disciplined and to create organizing ability and to boost the confidence of the people.

In one of his speeches at Mathura on 22nd November 1920, Gandhiji said- “…… It is the highest duty of the Indians to adopt the swadeshi movement. So long as we do not favor swadeshi, it is implied that we want to remain a slave to France, America. If we favor swadeshi, Lancashire and Japan are doomed to be ruined…… Whenever we want to purchase swadeshi cloth made from our own mills, the mill owners demanded high prices for them…….If we want to use swadeshi cloth we have to manufacture. You have no other alternative but to establish mills….Unless they do so they cannot make India an independent country.3

3 Speech by Mahatma Gandhi at Mathura on 22nd November, 1920. 11

Introduction

Kapil Kumar in ‘Peasants in Revolt,’ gave a detailed account of the peasants strength and how they had an independent nuclei of power and organize themselves to fought a struggle. I found that the Non-Cooperation Movement had a deep impact on these local leaders and their followers. They (local leaders) themselves follow the leaders of the Non Cooperation Movement, their style of preaching and propagating and organizing the peasants were very much inspired by Mahatma Gandhi such as Baba Ramchander was saintly figure who spread his message through Rambhakti. That means they had adopted the same modus oprendi as the leaders at the national level.

The subalterns, like Ranjit Guha, ‘Subaltern Studies,’ Sumit Sarkar, ‘Modern India,’ Gyanendra Pandey’s- ‘The Ascendency of the Congress in U.P.’ who in their theory provided two separate spheres to the Nationalist Movement–one elite and the other one subaltern. The elite are to be blamed that under the Congress leadership they tried to control the movement and suppress it whenever found necessary.

One should not ignore the fact that the Non-Cooperation Movement was a movement which was started on an All-India basis. So while studying the movement one should not confine themselves to a particular group or section of society. It was not a struggle of the peasants, or the workers or the students or the professionals. It was a movement of all “Indians,” as a whole to achieve the goal of ‘swaraj.’

The rules laid down by Mahatma Gandhi before proceeding toward the launch of Non-Cooperation Movement, were not easy for everyone to follow. Still up to great extent it was followed up by the peasantry class who were considered to be the revolutionaries of their times. This is sufficient to prove that the Non-Cooperation Movement works successfully in the interior of the country and the nationalist leaders played a vital role in removing their tyranny.

The peasants discontent was truly inspired and influenced by the non- cooperation movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

The other area which was affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement were the schools and the colleges. The Aligarh College was the one which was greatly affected with the ongoing national struggle during this period.

Introduction

Many major works are related to the politics of the universities such as Aijaz Ahamed in his book Aligarh Muslim University, had gave exhaustive account of the Muslim University at Aligarh, the politics of those days. How the loyalist groups tried their best to counter the nationalist politics and followed the principles of its founder Sir Syed Ahamad Khan. S.Y Shah’s- Higher education and Politics in India- A Study of Aligarh Muslim University (1857-1920), also throws light on the subject and mentions that how the coming of the two different communities that is Hindus and Muslims was a great threat to the British Government and how they tried to appease the loyalist sections of the University by granting the status of the Muslim University by passing the Act of Aligarh Muslim University.

During 1919-20, the political developments resulted in the general unrest in India, all this adversely affected the Muslim University. The post war years were really a threat to the British Government as it witnessed the cementing of the relations between the Congress, the Muslim League and the Khilafat Committee. To overcome this situation the British Government tried to bribe the loyalist lobby of the Muslim University.

The Khilafat issue was a hot topic among the Muslims of the country. Gnadhiji’s Non-Cooperation programme initiated in June 1920 in the meeting of the Central Khilafat Committee was opposed by the loyalist group of Aligarh college led by Sayed Raza Ali. On the other hand, the nationalist Muslims of the country led by Maulana Shaukat Ali decided to establish contacts with the Ulemas of Darul-Uloom of Deoband, Firangi Mahal and Nadwatul Ulema of Lucknow. There were lot of difference of opinion regarding the Khilafat issue which had affected greatly the Aligarh college. Shaukat Ali got the signature of about 200 students who were ready to extend their support to the national cause.

The visit of Mr. Gandhi and Shaukat Ali alarmed the British Government. The Government now tried to gain the support of ‘sober minded’ people in order to combat the situation. Despite the fact that many loyalist tried to control the situation but large numbers of students joined the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement. In order to deprive the nationalists of the students support, the college authorities decided closure of the college (sine-die).

Introduction

Gandhiji tried to convince the Trustees of the College to build up a “larger, nobler and purer Aligarh….” The nationalist demands were rejected. With the support of the students started an “Independent Muslim National University’ under the nomenclature of Jamia Millia Islamia, at Aligarh on 29thOctober 1920.

In some way or the other, the Aligarh College was deeply influenced with the ongoing national struggle and played a vital role in the Movement.

The third chapter deals with the Non-cooperation Movement in the western part of the country which covers the area of Punjab and Rajasthan. The very special feature of the movement was that it had not took up the particular way of struggle and the particular grievances of the people but touched every aspect and every problem of the society weather social, economic, religious or political and touched every corner of the country.

As far as the region of Punjab is concerned, O.P Ralhan in his book- Indian National Movement: Punjabi Martyrs of Freedom, vol. I, gave a detailed account of the Punjab politics and how the circumstances gave a new shape and transformed the character of the politics of that region and Non-Cooperation was adopted. The other works I gone through was the Raghbir Singh’s- Akali Movement 1926-47, which provided an account of the Akalis who made great contribution in the India Struggle against the British Government and the Non-Cooperation Movement was largely supported by them. Mohinder Singh in his book- The Akali Movement, rightly points out that: “it was the idea of liberation of the country from a foreign government that united all sections of the Sikh community and brought the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs of the province into the fold of the Akali movement.”

Ranjit K. Mazumdar in his book- The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, clearly states that how these two movements that is the Akali and the Non- Cooperation Movement merged with each other and proved to be a great threat to the British Government. The other works which deals with the politics and gives the detailed account of the Non-Cooperation Movement in Punjab are – S.C Mittal- Freedom Movement in Punjab, H.S Singha- The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Mohinder Singh’s – The Aklai Struggle: A Retospect.

Introduction

The First World War gave a new character to the Punjab politics. The Congress opinion that the victory of the allies would result in the betterment of the Indians proved wrong, as the Committee under the Justice Rowlatt introduced- The Rowlatt Bills also came to be known as Black Laws. These laws, were considered as a malaise and the ‘satyagraha,’ was the only remedy suggested by Mahatma Gandhi.

In Amritsar two champions rose into prominence- Dr. Saiffudin Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal, both of them raised their voices against the Rowlatt Act.

Gandhiji in his telegram to Private Secretary to Viceroy dated February 24th 1919, Ahmadabad regarded these Bills as-“The symptom of deep seeded disease among the ruling class.” Finally, 6thof April was observed as the day of humiliation and prayers. This all resulted in the incident of Jallianwalla Bagh Massacre. Gandhiji was held responsible for such tragedies but for the majority of Indians Amritsar even provoked strong feelings of Indians against colonialism.

Undoubtedly, Rowlatt Satyagraha was a widespread movement but was limited to towns and cities. Gandhiji, was now in a mood to launch a more broad based movement. The Khilafat agitation became intense in the province of Punjab. Gandhi was transformed from a ‘cooperator to a non cooperator,’ after the Jallinwala Bagh Massacre. After such a horrible massacre, Punjab, was still administered under martial law. People were living completely under reign of terror. Gandhiji was convinced that-“British Rule need to be ended not mended.” Finally, the Non- Cooperation programmed, was launched under the leadership of Gandhiji.

This was the period when the province of Punjab was witnessing the Akali Movement. This was entirely a religious in nature but it became an important part of the Indian freedom struggle as it extended its support to the Non-Cooperation Movement.

The integration of the two movements changed the Government’s policy. The Government chalked out the legislation to appease the moderates and on the other hand decided to crush the Akalis in the name of law and order. Akalis on the other hand decided to stop the Governments intrusion in their religious affairs. The Non- Cooperation took control of SGPC and passed the resolution to boycott of foreign goods, liquor and established panchayats in place of Government law courts.

Introduction

Akali movement played a significant role in the political developments of Punjab and aroused the peasants of Punjab. Mohendra Singh clearly states that-“it was during the Akali Movement that the pro British feudal leadership of the Sikhs was replaced by educated middle class nationalists and the rural and the urban classes united on a comman platform during the two pronged Akali struggle.”

The British Government, was really worried with the entire situation. With the visit of the nationalist leaders the wave of excitement and enthusiasm was witnessed throughout the province. Non-Cooperation Movement made a headway with the remarkable progress. Non-Coopertaion Committee was set up in Punjab to carry on the agenda such as the use of khaddar gained a lot of importance, the liquor shops were picketed, the schools and the colleges were affected at large such as the Sri Krishna High School, Haryana, transformed itself into a national school, Khalsa school and the Islamia College were also under the sway of the movement.

As far as the Akali Movement was concerned, it was religious in its entity. Its aims and objectives were to release the Sikh Gurudwras from the clutches of the traditional clergy, which was so powerful and ritualized. The movement was started by the Singh Sabha, which later came to be known as the Akali Dal.

In November 1920, Shromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee was elected to sort out the religious issue. The visit of Mahatma Gandhi and Ali Brothers in October 1920 provoke the excitement of the locality and resulted the merger with the Non-Cooperation Movement. A Central Committee known as the Shrimoni Akali Dal, which was mainly comprised of the Jats peasantry, was formed in December in order to carry on the struggle into a more systematic manner.

Akalis formally adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement on 11thMay, with two main objectives that were- to reform the Gurudwara and secondly to launch a non-cooperation against the British Government. The Government was more bewildered with the blending of the two movements.

After the Nankana tragedy in February 1920, which resulted in the killing of 130 people completely changed the nature of the agitation. At the Nankana massacre the Govrenment’s perception was quite complicated as it took place at the time when the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation Movement were also progressing. At Shaidi

Introduction

Diwan at Nankana, Gandhiji compared the Nankana massacre to Jallianwalla Bagh Tragedy and asked the Sikhs to join the non-cooperation movement.

On the other side, the Government made the constant efforts to keep the keys of the Toshakhana of the Golden Temple under their custody. Immediately, Akali’s organized the protest meetings and ten of the Akali Jathas reached Amritsar and won victories in the ‘Keys Affair.’

A non-violent struggle culminated at Guru-ka-Bagh Gurudwara, which was a movement to liberate the Gurudwara. In the initial stage, the Government stayed from the religious matter but latter its involvement was witnessed as it was regarded as property dispute of ‘law and order problem.’ The Government now got the opportunity to bow down the Akalis as the non-cooperation movement had been withdrawn in February 1922.

A Committee, was appointed by the Congress Working Committee to investigate the matter. The authorities were criticized throughout the province by the nationalist leaders. Once again, the Government failed and resulted in Akali’s triumph.

Worried with the entire situation the British decided to introduced ‘Gurudwara Bill,’ but it was rejected by the SGPC and was postponed and then the ‘Sikh Gurudwara and Shrine Bills,’ of 1922 was introduced but it was again opposed by the Hindu and the Sikhs.

Again, in 1923, the Akalis tried to control the Gurudwara at Jaito. Agaitations were launched by the SGPC, but they were arrested on the charges of the sedition. At the Delhi special session of the Congress, the INC declared and extended its support to the Akali Movement.

Finally, the Government of Punjab transferred the control of the ‘Sikh Gurudwara Bill,’ in 1925.

The government was really bothered with the growing unrest prevailed in the Sikh District, which affected the morale of the Sikh Regiment. The Government also remained much confused as the religious movement had been much affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement. They launched suppressive measures to crush the

Introduction

Movement. Such as Seditious Meeting Act was implied in various areas of Punjab, many national and regional newspapers, were attacked and proscribed etc.

The Civil Disobedience Enquiry Committee was appointed by the Indian National Congress, which concluded and congratulated the martial people of Punjab for their grand success through non-violent means.

The aim and objective of the Non-Cooperation Movement is to get in touch with the problems and grievances of the comman people irrespective of their religion. As the movement, was launched because of the breach of promises made by the British Government regarding the Turkish question. Now the Non-Cooperation Movement has taken in its ambit, the Akali Movement of the Sikhs. In brief, the movements aim was to get rid of the British Rule, which has penetrated deep into our country and exploit its resources to its extent.

It has been very clear from the facts that it could not be restricted to any particular group or class or religion.

This chapter also deals with the state of Rajasthan during the Non-Cooperation Movement. The very first uprising which the state witnessed was in the Bijolia feudatory, where the peasants were suffering hardships under the feudal oppression. Bijolia Movement was the pioneering movement of Rajasthan.

B.K Sharma in his work- Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, gave a detailed account of the facts about Rajasthan that how it was always linked with the Central Authorities and how it came under the control of the British. He also states the root cause of the Bijolia Movement in this region and later on, how the Non-Cooperation Movement had affected the movement. B.L Panagaria and Dr. N.C Paharia in their work- Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, states, that the Bijoilia Movement was the ‘most longest and the most organized,’ movement of its time. The other major works, which deals with the state of Rajasthan are- Ram Narayan Chaudhary- Hamara Vartaman Rajasthan (Hindi), P.S Chaudhary- Rajasthan Between the Two World Wars (1919-1939), R.N Chaudhary-Beesavi Sadi ka Rajasthan (Hindi), S.S. Saxsena and P. Sharma- Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas (Hindi), R.N Chaudhary- Adhunik Rajasthan Ka Utthan (Hindi), Laxman Singh’s- Political and Constitutional Developments in Princely States of Rajasthan (1920-

Introduction

1949). All these works provided a detailed account of the regional politics and how far it was affected with the on-going national struggle.

Lata and Kunta were the two methods which were plundering the peasants and deprived them of their earned produce. Secondly, the peasants were ejected from their lands on grounds of non-payment of land revenue. Moneylender on the other hand made their conditions worsened by extracting money from the poor peasants in name of loans on high interest rates. In 1913-14, the movement was under the leadership of Sadhu Sita Ram Das but in 1916, Vijay Singh Pathik hold the command.

In 1916 when the Bijolia faced the failure of monsoon, Pathik asked the peasants to not to pay the revenue and taxes which the authorities were collecting in form of revenues and war funds. Soon he organized Bijolia Kisan Panchayat in 1916, which took up the major issues of the time. They demanded to abolish the lag-bags and begar to stop to contribution of the war funds. ‘No Rent,’ campaign was also launched by the Panchayat Board, which was started with the Non-Cooperation Movement.

In July 1921, the then Agent to the Governor-General Mr. Robert Holland on behalf of Viceroy showed his worries about the entire situation. The authorities continuously tried to suppress the activities of the kisans.

Rajasthan Seva Sangh was formed in 1919 with its headquarter at Ajmer by Vijay Singh Pathik. From there he guided the movement and came into contact with Ganesh Shanker Vidhyarthi. Bijolia Movement came into national scene through the Vidhyarhi’s Paper ‘Pratap.’

Vijay Singh Pathik tried to put the Bijoilia affairs before the Congress session of December 1919. However, the Congress did not take it up officially but it gained the attention of the leaders. Mahadev Desai was deputed by Gandhiji to enquire into the matter and promised Pathik if found peasants as sufferers he himself lead the satyagraha.

The enquiry commission found it genuine and recommendations were made for the redressal of the peasants grievances but all in vain.

Introduction

By 1920, Kisan Panchayat began to run their own parallel government and organized the charkha movement, built small industries and became self-reliant. They boycotted courts and police and refused to pay land revenues and other illegal cesses. This was all part of the Non-Cooperation Programme. By 1920, Gandhiji became much popular among the peasants of Bijoilia.

British were highly alarmed of these activities and tried their best to crush these activities. The Kisan Panchayats counter it. With the efforts of Vijay Singh Pathik, the movement spread to the other parts of Udaipur. By 1921, the movement took a militant turn, however, it was carried on in the name of Gandhi.

In 1921-22, Motilal Tejawat started the tribal movement of Bhils of Mewar. Bhils treated Motilal as ‘emissary of Gandhi,’ which created panic among the British. Even they considered him as the ‘disciple of Gandhi.’

The movement became a great threat to the empire and the Government, decided to crush the movement completely. After a long discussion, they reached an agreement.

The Non-Cooperation Movement had a great impact in the state of Sirohi. The Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood against the authorities. The nationalist took active part in mobilizing the Bhils and so the state adopted the counter measures.

However, Gandhi was not directly involved in the matter of the state but, was influenced by the method of struggle adopted by Pathik. Gandhiji’s Non-Cooperation Movement was so popular among the masses of the country that they started to follow the programme in the name of Gandhi. They were, deeply inspired by the Gandhian method and believed that they will get rid of their miseries and sufferings once they freed themselves from the clutches of the unjust rule.

The Chapter Four deals with the region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and how far these areas were affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement or up to which extent the movement was successful in these areas.

Important works concerned with the region of Bihar are- K.K Dutta’s- History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, states that how in the region of Bihar the Non- Cooperation Movement, was propagated, and highlighted the role of the local leaders

Introduction

of the region in spreading and propagating the cult of non-violent struggle. Dr. Rajendra Prasad’s, Autobiography clearly states that how the different parts of the province holds meetings to boost up the election boycott campaign and how far it was successful in refraining the people from voting and to convince the candidates to withdraw their names from the election. Ran Vijoy Kumar in his work- Role of Middle Class in the Nationalist Movement, describes the role of the educated middle class. In his work, he states that the national schools emerged during those days and many of them rejected and refused the grants and the aids of the Government.

Kauskal Kishore Sharma in his work- Agrarian Movements And Congress Politics in Bihar, gives a detailed account of the impact of the Non-Cooperation Movement on the minds of the ignorant masses of Bihar and the role of Mahatma Gandhi in this region. However, he is of the opinion that the Congress tried to mobilize the people of Bihar on political grounds and that the Congress opposition to the Vidhyanand’s movement was because of its limited and conservative politics in Bihar. Congress had a fear that it will not be limited to the zamindari of North Bihar but it magnetized the entire zamindari system which led to the ill effects on their interests. Stephen Henningham in his work-“Agrarian Relations in North Bihar: Peasants Protest and the Dharbanga Raj, 1919-20,” described the first organized struggle against the Dharbanga Raj and laid much emphasis on the leadership of the subalterns that is the leadership of Swami Vidhyananad.

According to the official reports, Vidhyanand’s speeches had a militant tone and the demonstrations held in the Dharbanga district were to incite the feeling against the zamindars and the planters which can lead to serious rioting. As far as the Congress creed was concerned it was strictly stick to the non-violent means. Mahatma Gandhi had never supported the struggle based on violence. However, he whole- heartedly supported the peasants cause but there were several occasions on which he deviates itself from the local movements because of its violent nature.

The Gandhi’s movement was not new to the region of Bihar as the people had already followed the footsteps of Gandhi during the Champaran Struggle. According to the report of the Dharbanga Police Suprentendent, Swami Vidhyanand inflaming the minds of Ryots against the Dahrbanga Raj as Gandhiji did in Champaran. In the office of ‘Searchlight,’ Patna the Bihar Provincial Congress Committee approved the

Introduction

policy of Non-Cooperation in order to redress the national wrongs and decided to support the Khilafat issue.

Several meetings took place in the Patna city. The people poured from every corner with great enthusiasm. Hindu-Muslim unity was preached. Maulana Shah Badruddin Shaib discarded the tiltle of Shams-ul-Ulema.

The another feature in the progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement can be seen from the election of the Provincial Councils, in which very small percentage of the voters exercised the votes. The B.P.C.C was making efforts to convince election candidates to withdraw their names and refrain from voting.

Schools were greatly affected with the visit of Mahatma Gandhi. He laid the foundation of National College and Bihar Vidhyapith. In 1921, some of the schools were nationalized and some new of them emerged.

The urban and rural areas both came under the sway of the Non-Cooperation Movement. The movement was largely supported by the professionals, students and others in the towns. The educational boycott, the boycott of law courts, surrender of titles and resignations from honorary post were all proved successful in the area. The large number of panchayats emerged in the Saran district. The anti-liquor movement was in a full swing.

The Government was really, concerned with these developments and so they imposed Seditious Meeting Act to stop the national activities.

Not only this but the first organized struggle was launched against the biggest landlord of Bihar, the Dharbanga Raj under the leadership of Swami Vidhyananad. He was inspired with the personality of Mahatma Gandhi.

The B.P.C meeting was held at Bhagalpur which was attended by large number of peasants for the first time. In some parts of Bihar, the growing spirit of the Non-Cooperation Movement, peasants combined themselves in order to oppose the payment of rent to the landlord. The agrarian movement in Bihar was deeply influenced by the spirit of Non-Cooperation Movement.

Introduction

The other movements which shoot up in the region were that of the caste movement such as that of the kurmis, banias, koeries, goalas and others.

Despite some of the shortcomings the Non-Cooperation Movement was culminated and followed by the people of Bihar with lot of excitement and vigour.

Regarding the region of Orissa, Rajib Lochan Sahoo, in his work- Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest in Colonial India: Orissa 1912-1939, discussed about the new province of Bihar and Orissa which had been separated from the province of Bengal and how the peasants of Orissa suffered with the shortcomings of the colonial agrarian structure. The peasants unrest against the colonial rule provided the strength to the national struggle. Acharya Pritish in-Nationalist Movement and Politics in Orissa, 1920-29, states that the region was badly affected with the drought and famine which lead to large scale deaths. He further states the role of the nationalist that how they stood against the authorities and provided the relief to the victims. The other major works on this region are-Biswamoy Patti’s- Peasant, Tribal and National Movement in Orissa, H.K Mahatab, Gandhi:The Political Leader, which in details deals with the problems of the region, its consequences and the role of the nationalist intelligentsia in national awakening in the region and spreading the Non-Cooperation Movement, the emergence of the Utkal Provincial Congress Committees, Utkal Kisan Sanghs and the role of the peasants in the national struggle.

Orissa was yet another region where the spirit of non-cooperation was observed with great gusto here also the agrarian unrest prevailed due to the shortcomings of the colonial structure. The state faced drought and famine and during this phase the relief was provided by the nationalist.

Gopalbandhu Das propagated the non-cooperation with the Government if their grievances were not taken up by the Government. Daily newspaper was established and people from educated sections were recruited as volunteer to incite nationalism among the masses.

With the beginning of the Non-Cooperation Movement, the peasants in Orissa started expressing their grievances in more organized form. Satyagraha weeks were observed, public meetings were held. There were all over hartals, students boycott,

Introduction

processions in the region of Balasore. The local Party office worked as Swarajya Panchayat.

During 1921-22, the agitation was started by the people of Kanika. Gopalbandhu school played a vital role. The alliance of imperialism with feudalism was also exposed during the years. Here a saintly figure of Ramdas Babaji began agitation. He appealed to people of Kanika to follow the Non-Cooperation Movement. Many national leaders also visited the place and propagated the creed.

The people in Khurda resented against the chaukidari tax, forest laws and the Union Board Tax. As the Non-Cooperation Movement speed up in the region the British authorities tried to suppress it and alert the people to not to attend the Congress organized meetings but they were failed as it was attended by two thousand people.

Related to Bengal, Sugata Bose in her work-Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947, provides an extensive account of the Krishak and Praja Samities, which started demanding the economic and social rights of the peasantry class and later on it was drag into more broad based agitation that is the Non-Cooperation Movement. She also gives an account of the economic difficulties of the people and the introduction of the local-self Government. Gautam Chattopadhyay, Bengal Electoral Politics and Freedom Struggle 1862-1947, gives an information of the effects of the Non-Cooperation Movement in the entire province. Partha Chatterjee in his work-The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political Critisim, states that the political movement was primarily against the colonial government and under the leadership of the rich peasants. It was not raised against the zamindari class but was an attempt to check the encroachment by the colonial government in the village society. In all this, the Gandhian ideology played a vital role. Binay Bhushan Chaudhary in his work- ‘Agrarian Movements in Bengal and Bihar, 1919-39,’ states that it was first time after the partition of Bengal in 1905, the nationalist were able to draw the masses into the national struggle.

The region of Bengal was equally affected. Initially, many of the Bengal leaders were opposed to the scheme of Non-Cooperation Movement, but later on accepted it. The Muslim public was showing great interest in the Turkish matter. The

Introduction

response was amazing regarding the refusal to contest elections. Almost all nationalist withdrew their candidature and about 80% of the voters refrained from the voting. The Muslims were adviced by Jamiat-ul-Ulema to boycott elections.

There had been an expression of the industrial unrest in Bengal. There were strikes by the coolies of four mill and seven jute presses. In Calcutta, there had been strikes by the Rajmistries, and there were reports of disturbances throughout the region. A strike in Tea Garden of Assam occurred in which 5 European officers were assaulted.

Large number of the students were drawn to the movement. Mr. B.C Pal and Sisir Chattreji urged the people to start national schools and Arbitration Courts. In late 1920’s, Gandhi visited Bengal and urged the students to train themselves in spinning and speak only Hindustani and also to collect funds.

The visit of Prince of Wales was completely boycotted. There were complete suspension of business, hartals and demonstrations took place.

The peasants and tenants associations were formed by the name of Krishak and Praja Samities, to give organized expression to the peasants demands at the grass root level and with the inauguration of the Non-Cooperation Movement, it was dragged into a more wide spread agitation. Jute boycott campaign was launched due to the decline of jute prices in 1920-21.

In 1921, in Midnapur the masses revolted against the increase in the chaukidari taxes upto 50%. This was lead by the rich peasants- the jotdars. As they found it as an interference in their local power. In all that the Gandhian ideology played a crucial role as the struggle between the rich peasants and the colonial state, the old class of zamindari was outmoded in the region. The leaders of the mass movement united throughout the province and overpower the zamindars.

The Congress was now able to draw larger support from the various class of the ‘owner peasantry,’. According to Partha Chatterjee- the Congress movement from 1920’s onwards “became for many people in the region successor to those earlier movements of mass mobilization on social issues.”

Introduction

The fifth Surma valley Conference held at Sylhet on 20thSeptember, encourage trade in Indian Raw material with the friendly countries outside the British Empire. Further recommendations were set up Trade Unions and organizing Indian labour.

Despite lot of differences in opinion the struggle of non-violent non- cooperation work wonders in the region. The wave of the Non-Cooperation Movement blown throughout the region with full enthusiasm and zeal and touched all sections of class of people-students, peasants, workers.

My last chapter deals with the Non-Cooperation Movement in South India. The Nationalist party in Poona was not satisfied with the Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Programme. Mr. Tilak had formed his National Democratic Company to demand for the self-determination of India. The Deccan Nationalist and their Allies in Central Provinces and Berar suggest that it was a ‘mistaken policy to stand out from the councils and not to go to the electorate.’

Ravindra Kumar, in his work-‘From Swaraj to Purna Swaraj: Nationalist Politics in the City of Bombay, 1920-32,’ describes the influence of the Non- Cooperation Movement on the workers of the city and how they were involved in the mass struggle.

For Malabar, O.P. Salahuddin in-‘Political Ferment in Malabar,’ gives the detailed account of the Home Rule Movement, the consequences of the Khilafat Movement and the Non-cooperation Movement. The Muslim peasants were the real sufferers, who faced miseries and hardships from the Hindu landlords. The other major work in this field is that of K.M Pannikar- Against the Lord and the State: Religion and the Peasants Uprisings in Malabar 1836-1921, in which he describes that the peasants came together to chalk out their comman action or plan and to raise their voices against their exploiters. Wood Cornad in- The Moplah Rebellion and its Genisis,’ states that the nationalist agitation of 1920-21, had less impact on the Mopallas of South Malabar but they picketed toddy shops which were welcomed by the rest of Malabar.

As far as the industrial discontent was prevailing in India, Bombay was suffering most acutely. Also marked by Postal Strikes. A Labour Settlement

Introduction

Committee was formed to negotiate between the workers and the owners. Sholapur also witnessed the strikes involving about five mills and about ten thousand men.

The call for Non-Cooperation Movement resulted in the resurrection of the working class from the year 1919-20. They started forming their own organizations on the national level and the most important development was the formation of the All India Trade Union Congress. On 31stOctober 1920, the First All India Trade Union Congress was met. According to the Government reports, the attempts were made to coordinate the organization in the region of Bombay, Madras and elsewhere into a national movement which was scattered in unrelated sections. Protest and demonstrations were witnessed throughout the country. During the visit of Prince of Wales in November 1921, the workers observed the general countrywide strike on the Congress call.

The Congress however did not receive much success in the boycott of schools in the region of Bombay, but still the efforts were made by the nationalist to provoke students. Mr. Gandhi chalked out a plan to establish a national university at Bombay. According to the official reports, 35 students left their schools and three schools decided to relinquish Government aid and affiliation. The Swarajya Sabha was making extensive propaganda to dissuade the electors to not to go to the polls. In Poona, voting was even below 10%.

In Madras Provincial Congress Committee, some of the nationalist under Mr. Kasturiranga Ayangar resigned on the issue of the Non-Cooperation Movement. It was now under the sole control of the Non-Cooperators. Here much of the propaganda work was done by the Khilafat Committee, which alarmed the British authorities and proposals were made to extern Mr. Shaukat Ali from the province two sparked much enthusiasm among the masses.

In Malabar, the Home Rule League and the M.D.C.C, gave a new impetus to the national activities. The Assistant Secretary of both these organizations Mapilla P.A Kunhammed attracted large number of Mapillas to the struggle.

Khilafat Resolutions were passed by the Komu Menon, for the cause of the Turkish question. In Malabar the Mapillas, the Muslim peasants rose against the oppression of the landlords, which draw them into tenancy movement.

Introduction

Near, Kottakal, the tenants formed the Unions and adopted Non-Cooperation Movement and socially boycotted the jenmies due to which the jenmies faced lot of troubles.

The Manjeri Conference held an important place as there the resolutions were passed for the adoption of the Non-Cooperation with ‘loud and prolonged applause, shouts of ‘Bande Matarm’ and ‘Hindu-Muslim ki jai.’

During their visit to the region both Mr.Gandhi and Shaukat Ali made objectionable speeches. Mr. E.F Thomas, the D.M was worried about the influence of the Congress-Khilafat duo, into the interior of the districts.

The Nagpur Congress was attended by large number of delegates from Malabar. In almost every area, the Khilafat Committees were organized. A Khilafist and the member of M.L.C, Mr. Yakub Hasan was invited to address Mapillas. The authorities were concerned with these activities, but despite their repressive measures the non-cooperation gained momentum.

The most significant was the Ottapalam Conference which was attended by 4000 delegates. Its different sessions took up the issue of the Khilafat, students and tenancy.

In South Malabar, where the majority was comprised of the peasantry class, the Khilafat movement was amalgamated with the tenancy movement. The year 1920- 21, proved to be a ‘fusion of the anti-British and anti-feudal sentiments of the Mapilla peasantry.’

On 20thAugust 1921, a revolt broke out at Tirurangadi, and was an integral part of the anti-imperilist movement. The police forced entry into the mosque inflamed the Mapillas and they broke into violence. Soon the revolt spread to the entire region. The local leaders brought the area under their control and established their administration. They established criminal courts, recruited their own police, allowed the peasant to harvest their crops and remitted the taxes for a year.

The revolt was totally anti-British and anti-feudal. No harm was done to the innocent landlord or to the poor Hindus. Therefore, it was totally free from the communal colors. In the latter years both the Hindus and the Muslims were killed by

Introduction the rebels. As the comman people became the informers of the authorities. So, in retaliation they were killed by the rebels.

The Non-Cooperation Movement had affected both the peasants and the laborers in the country. The city of Madras was struck with the tramway strikes on 26thJanuary 1920 and put their demands before the owners. The rumors afloat about the strike to be held at Electric Power House. There were also possibilities of the strike to be started at the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills. The Government was worried about the developments and appointed a Labor Commission to enquire into the matter.

It is very clear from the facts that the movement was whole-heartedly accepted and adopted by the people of South India, irrespective of the fact that many leaders there opposed to the scheme of the Non- Cooperation Movement.

Briefly analyzing the entire programme of the non-violent non-cooperation in different regions of the country as per requirement of the topic of my research, it can be suggested that every regions were struggling for their own cause as they were faced with different challenges created by the British Rule. On a broader scale, if we throw light on the political development of our country then the causes which became a great threat to the entire nation were the – passage of the Rowlatt Bills, the Jallianwalla Bagh Massacre, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919 and the deteriorating economy in the post war years. All this was a matter of great worry for the national leaders, who finally launched a movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, which was popularly came to be known as, the Non-Cooperation Movement.

In addition, if we peep into the different regions of the country, of those years we will find that the illiterate masses were limited in their own spheres and dealing with their own issues. They were unaware of these developments such as the peasants or the workers were facing the sorrows and hardships because of their rulers such as zamindars/taluqadars or the owners of the mills respectively and fighting for their rights. It was only with the efforts of the nationalist leaders that the masses were get aware of their real enemy, that was, the British Rule. Then they continued their struggle by incorporating themselves with the national movement.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

Chapter -1

SPROUTING OF THE NON COOPERATION MOVEMENT

“Now a word as to what may be done if the demands are not granted. The barbarous method is warfare, open or secret…But my argument today against violence is based upon pure expedience, i.e. its utter futility. Non-Cooperation is therefore the only remedy left open to us. It is the cleanest remedy as it was most effective when it is free from all violence…..Those who are holding offices of honor or emolument ought to give them up. Those who belong to menial services under Government should do likewise ….It is a voluntary withdrawal which is effective. For voluntary withdrawal alone is a test of popular feeling and dissatisfaction…every step withdrawing cooperation has to be taken with greatest deliberation. We must proceed slowly as to ensure retention of self control under the fiercest heat.”1

Non-violence (Ahimsa) and Satyagraha* were the two Gandhian philosophies which believed to be the nucleus of Indian politics and became a solid hindrance to the colonial power.

Goal Krishna Gokhale, the political guru of Gandhiji gave him the idea of ‘Spritualizing Politics’. Gandhiji was much inspired by his ‘Servant of India Society’. The application of such an idea was not limited to his ashrams but was expanded to his politics.2 Gandhi stated in ‘Young India,’ January 1921- “If India adopted the doctrine of love as an active part of her religion and in her politics, swaraj would descend upon India from heaven.”3

Gokhale defined Gandhi’s passive resistance in South Africa in 1909 as follows- “It is essentially defensive in its nature and its fight with moral and spiritual

1 Extract from “Independent”, Allahabad, dated 12th March, 1920. THE KHILAFAT, MR. GANDHI’S MANIFESTO, APPENDIX-I , Home Poll-A , September 1920, p.18. Also see Bamford P.C, Histories of Non Cooperation and Khilafat Movement , Deep Publications , Delhi, 1974, pp. 150-51. * ‘Satyagraha’ means literally ‘persistence in truth’. It has been translated variously as non- cooperation, passive resistance, civil disobedience, civil resistance. The satyagraha pledge was first taken at a public meeting in Johannesburg in South Africa, on September 11th, 1906, against the Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance. According to Mr. Gandhi, satyagraha eschews the use of violence in every form and has not the remotest idea of injuring the opponent. Mr. Gandhi states in his preface to Satyagraha. In South Africa that before 1919 he had occasions to experiment with satyagraha five times in India. See Bose S.C, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, Asia Publishing House, Calcutta, 1964, p.42. 2 Nanda B.R, Gandhi and His Critics, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 72-73. 3Young India, January-1921. 30

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weapon. A passive resister resist tyranny by undergoing sufferings in his own person. He pits soul force against brute force; he pits divine in man against the brute in man, he pits suffering against oppression; pits conscience against might, he pits faith against injustice, right against wrong.”4

The breach of generous promises made by the British Government during war time resulted in high discontentment in second decade of the twentieth century.

The new constitution popularly known as Government of India Act 1919,* in spite of the hard opposition made by the Bengal leaders – B.C Pal, B.Chakarvarti and C.R Das was passed.5 On 31st December 1919, Mr. Gandhi in his weekly paper ‘Young India’ wrote-“The Reform Act coupled with the proclamation is an earnest of the intention of the British people to do justice to India and it ought to remove suspicion on that score….Our duty therefore is not to subject the reform to carping criticism but to settle down quietly to work so as to make them a success.”6

Suddenly, the circumstances had been drastically changed within the next nine months. The Khilafat issue and the Punjab wrongs were the two most severe problems which arose after the war and were supposed to be the major cause for the existence of the non- cooperation movement.7

The situations which turned him against the British Government was described by Mr. Gandhi himself in March 1922, when he was tried by Mr. Broomfield, a British judge. He said –“The first shock came in the shape of Rowlatt Act, a law designed to rob the people of all real freedom, I felt called upon to lead an intensive agitation against it. Then followed the Punjab horrors beginning with the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh (Amritsar) and culminating in crawling orders, public floggings and other indescribable humiliations. I discovered too, that the plighted words of the Prime Minister to the Mussalmans of India regarding the integrity of Turkey and the holy places of Islam was not likely to be fulfilled.”8

4Bamford, Histories of Non cooperation & Khilafat Movement, p.1. * Government of India Act popularly known as Montague-Chelmsford Reform, came up with the innovative idea of diarchy. The provincial governments were now composed of two subjects- Reserved and Transferred. 5 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.37. 6 Young India-31st December 1919. 7Bamford, Histories of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.3. 8 Bose, The Indian Struggle, pp.37-38 31

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Further he explains that –“in spite of the foreboding and the grave warning of friends , at the Amritsar Congress in 1919, I fought for cooperation and working the Montague- Chelmsford Reforms, hoping the Prime Minister would redeem his promises to the Indian Musalamans, that the Punjab wound would be healed and that the reforms , inadequate and unsatisfactory though they were, marked a new era of hope was shattered. The Khilafat promises was not to be redeemed. The Punjab crime was white washed and most culprits were not only unpunished but remained in service and some continued to draw pensions from the Indian revenue, and in some cases were even rewarded…..”9

Rowlatt Bill was a malaise, and satyagraha, was the only remedy which exhibited and justified the demands of Gandhiji in particular and Indians as a whole.

“The remedy was the satyagraha movement already launched in Bombay. Satyagraha was a harmless, but unfailing remedy. A satyagrahi was ever ready in endure suffering and even lays down his life to demonstrate to the world the integrity of his purpose and justice of his demands. It is the only weapon with which India could be rid of the Bills.”10 Gandhiji described this Bills to Srinivas Shastri as ‘a stray example of lapse of righteousness and justice’ but ‘evidence of determined policy of repression and consequently he was considering the possibility of passive resistance if they became law.’11

Gandhiji further describing these Bills as a national ‘wrong’ and suggested that it could only be righted by the methods and the way to gather the nation to attain swaraj by the means of satyagraha.12

In the initial phase of opposition to these Bills, Gandhiji gave a call for satyagraha which resulted in the establishment of a Satyagraha Sabha. Bombay city was the centre of the movement, in particular Bombay city and Ahamadabad.13

9Ibid, p.38. 10AmritBaza Patrika, 13.3.1919. Speech on Rowallat Bills, Delhi , March 7, 1919; Collected works of Mahatma Gandhi, (here after CWMG) vol.15, Ahamadabad,1965, pp.126-7. 11 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, Cambridge University Press, 1972, p.163. 12Ibid, p.164. 13 Ibid, p.165. 32

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From Ahmadabad were Vallabbhai Patel, ChanduLal Desai, K. Thakoor, Anusuyia Sarabai other members who joined from Bombay were- Jamnadas Dwaraka Das, Sarojni Naidu, B.G Horniman-editor of Bombay Chronical and Umar Subhani.14

At this juncture, a Satyagraha pledge was concluded-“ The Bills are unjust, subversive of the principles of liberty and justice and destructive of elementary rights of individuals on which the safety of the community as a whole and the state itself is based with solemnly affirm that , in the event of these Bills, becoming laws and until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws as a committee to be hereafter appointed may think fit and we may further affirm that in this struggle we will faithfully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person or property.15

Gandhi worked with great gusto to repeal the Rowlatt Bills by implementing the policy of satyagraha therefore he informed Secretary of State E.S Montague- “This retention of Rowlatt legislstion in the teeth of universal opposition is an affront to the nation. Its repeal is necessary to appease national honor…….I think the growing generation will not be satisfied with the petitions etc. we must give them something effective. Satyagraha is the only way it seems to me to stop terrorism.”16 In the meantime the worst violent activities occurred in Punjab particularly in Amritsar. The two Punjabi politicians Drs. Kitchlew and Satyapal were arrested which again led to non-violence on 10thApril. Burning and looting was all around in which four Europeans were killed martial law was enforced under General Dyre. 13th April 1919 witnessed the most infamous Jallianwala Bagh tragedy. A crowd of innocent people assembled in the ground of Jallianwala Bagh. General Dyre blocked the exit points and opened fire, killing hundreds of innocent people.17

By the end of 18thcentuary, Turkey’s power and prestige was deteorating day by day. According to Chirol, Turkey was magnified in the eyes of Indian Muslims by England herself. Pan-Islamic movements were the danger realized by the British during the period but ‘Russio-Phobia’ was something which was compelling them to extend their support to Turkey.18

14Ibid, p.165. 15 New India-3-3.1919, Satyagraha Pledge, Ahmadabad, Feburary,24.1919, CWMG, pp,101-102. 16 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.164. 17 Ibid, p.175. 18Prasad Y.D, The Indian Muslims and the World War-I, JankiPrakashan, New Delhi, 1985, p.2. 33

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

During the First World War, it was but obvious to suspect the intentions of Britain as she was an ally of Russia, who was considered to be a traditional enemy of Islam.19

Turkey was totally crushed in October. 1918, the Sublime Port was confiscated. British armies comprised of soldiers particularly Muslims, occupied Palestine, part of Syria and Mesopotamia. Soon after the outbreak of war with Turkey, the viceroy declared ‘ that the holy places of Arabia, the holy shrines of Mesopotamia and port of Jeddha would be “immune to attack or molestation by the British naval and military forces so long there is no interference with pilgrims from India to the holy places and the shrines, in question Lloyd George in his speech on January 5, 1918 said-“nor as we fighting …. To deprive Turkey of its Capitalor of rich or renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which are predominantlyTurkish in race- while we do not challenge the maintenance of the Turkish empire in the home lands of Turkish race with its capital as Constantinople, Arabia, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Palestine are in one judgment entitled to a recognition of their separate national conditions.20 This was what the promises made by the British Government during wartime. But soon the breach of promises was witnessed on part of the British Government, which raised Indians in general and Musalmans in particular.

“The Khilafat question has now become a question of questions. It has become an imperial question of the first magnitude……that the Sultan should control the Holy places of Islam and should have suzerainty over Jazirat-ul- Arab,…..This was what promise by Lloyd George and this was what Lord Harding had contemplated….. To reduce the Turks to impotence would not only unjust: it would be a breach of solemn declarations and promises.”21

The All India Khilafat Conference met at Allahabad on 2nd and 3rd June 1920. Those who attended the conference were M.K Gandhi, Mr. Shaukat Ali, Mr. Chotani,

19 Ibid, p.46. 20 Neimeijer A.C, The Khilafat Movement in India 1919-1924, Hague- Nijeoff Publication, 1972, pp.79-80. 21 Extract from ‘Independent’, Allahabad, dated 12thMarch 1920, The Khilafat, Mr.Gandhi’s Manifesto, Appendix-I, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, September.1920, nos. 100-103, p.17. 34

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President Central Khilafat Committee, Maulana Abdul Bari, Mrs. Besant and others.*22

Under the Presidentship of Mr.Chotani views were engaged freely and frankly with each other and political and religious issues were fully considered.23

Hindu leaders* deeply sympathesized with their Muslim brethen and were of view that an attack on Islam was totally politicized and thus supported non- cooperation.24 The views and opinion differed regarding the remedy of ‘non- cooperation movement’, Mrs. Besant was strongly opposed to it.25

Mahatma Gandhi said that –“he knew full well that the Muslim realized that non-cooperation was the only remedy now left to India. He whole heartedly sympathesised with them and was prepared to cooperate with them to get the peace term revised.”26Ultimately, non-cooperation was adopted on 1stAugust observed by a hartal.27

It was already decided, that withdrawal of cooperation with the Government would be taken systematically as-

1-All titles and honors should be relinquished.

2- Resignations by members of Councils.

3- Private servants to give up their jobs.

*ChaudharaniSarladevi, Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Pt. Motilal Nehru, Lala Lajpat Rai, Dr. Tej Bahadur Sapru, Bipin Chander Pal, Maulana Hasarat Mohani, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Dr. Ansari, Mr. Satyamrti, Haji Abdullaha Haroon, Mr.Rajgopalyacharaya, Mr. J.L. Nehru, Mr. Chintamani, Mr. Gonhardhan Das, Mr. Kitchlew, the Hon’ble Mr. Fazlul Haq, the Hon’ble Mr. Raza Ali, Mr. Yaqub Hasan, Maulvi Taj Mahmood Sindh, Mr. Zahoor Ahamad, Mr. Jairamdas, Mr. Jamnadas Dwarakadas, Mr. Kidwai, Mr.Jeevan, Mr. Mahmood Hussain, Mr. Kamaluddin Ahamad Jaffri, Maulvi Maulana Wilayat Hussain etc. 22 APPENDIX –IV, All India Khilafat Conference, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos.100-103,p.23, “Pioneer”, Allahabad, 6th June 1920. 23 Ibid, p.23. * Pt. Malviya, Pt. Motilal Nehru, Dr. Sapru, Mr. Satyamurti, Mr. Bipin Chandra Pal, Mr. Rajgopalacharaya, Lala Lajpat Rai and others. 24 Ibid, p.23. 25 Ibid, p.23. However she was deeply sympathezied with the Muslim sentiments and was ready to help them in all ways. 26 Ibid, p.23. 27 Demi-Official letter from J.Crerar, Esq., to the Hon’ble Mr. McPherson, C.S.I, C.I.E., I.C.S, no. S.D- 1140, dated, Bombay, 2nd December 1920, Appendix-II, Home Poll-A, September 1920. Nos. 100- 103, p.19. 35

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4- Resignation of subordinate Government servantsincluding the police.

5-Resignation of superior Government servants.

6- Withdrawal of Mussalmans from the army.

7- Refusal to pay taxes.28

The following resolution on non-cooperation was ultimately adopted- “This meeting reaffirms the movement of the non-cooperation in accordance with the four stages already approved by the Central Khilafat Committee and appoints a sub- committee, consisting of the following gentlemen with powers to add their members to give practical effect to the movement without further delay: Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulavi Mohammad Ali, Mr. Ahamad Haji Siddiq Khatri, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Dr. Kitchlew, andMaulana Hasarat Mohani.”29

In September, the Congress adopted non-cooperation in its programme. Gandhiji in an article published in ‘Young India’, dated 28thJuly 1920 stated-“Non- Cooperation in itself is more harmless than civil disobedience, but in its effect it is far more dangerous for the Government than civil disobedience. Non-Cooperation is intended so far to paralyze the Government as to compel justice from it. If it is carried to its extreme point, it can bring the Government to a standstill.”30

There was hurly-burly throughout the country regarding the non- cooperation movement. “ Its principle exponents have frankly avowed that their object is to destroy the present Government-‘ to dig up the foundations of the British Government in India and they have promised their followers that if only their gospel be generally accepted India shall be self governing and independent within one year.”31

A meeting was held by Mr. Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali, on the evening of 23rd August 1920 at Bezwada in connection with the non-cooperation

28 Appendix IV, Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.24.

29 Appendix II, Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.19. 30 Extract from an article by Gandhi ‘Young India’, dated 28th July 1920, ‘Mr. Montague on the Khilafat Agitation.’, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos. 210-216 K.W, p.11. 31 Telegram no. 4475, dated Shimla, 4th November 1920, from Secretary to the Government of India , Home Dept., to the Private Secretary to His Excellency the Viceroy, Viceroy’s Camp., NOTES- Home Poll- A, November 1920, nos. 273-274, p.2. 36

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movement, and arousing the nation against the ‘satanic’32 British Government, where Gandhiji declared- “India will commit suicide if we do not appreciate and understand the forces that arrayed against us. We have got a mighty Government, with all the powers, with all the forces of arms arrayed against us…… It is a government which does not scruple to use means fair or foul in order to gain its ends……It resorts to bribery in the shape of titles, honors and high offices. It administered opiates in the form of reforms….It is a Government which represent a civilization which is purely material and godless…..But we have to meet the godlessness by godliness. We shall have to meet their untruth by truths. We have to meet their cunning and their craft by openness and simplicity. We shall have to meet their terrorism, their frightfulness by bravery, and it is an unbending bravery which is today demanded from every man, woman and child.33

Khilafat movement and Gandhi’s leadership played a vital role in the Indian National Congress, as well as for the country. For the first time mass movement was launched which gave a new track in Indian politics which was beyond the range of liberalism and extremism. Khilafat movement gave the golden opportunity to espouse the Hindu-Muslim unity. For Gandhiji, Muslim participation and of course the other communities was important in order to achieve freedom. The liberals attempt was in vain as they were limited to the elite section of the society. Gandhi’s concept of communal feeling depends on liberal interpretation of Hinduism.34

Gandhiji was strongly holding the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. In ‘Independent’, Allahabad, dated 12th March 1920, he laid great emphasis on Hindu- Muslim brotherhood by declaring that- “I will cooperate whole heartedly with the Muslim friends in the prosecution of their just demands so long as they act with sufficient restraint and so long as I feel sure that they do not wish to resort or countenance violence. I should cease to cooperate and advice every Hindu and for that matter everyone else to cease to cooperate the moment there was violence actually

32Gandhiji declared British Government as ‘Satanic’ in Young India, 3rdNovember , 1920. 33 Proceedings to the meeting held in connection with the visit of Mesers. M.K Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali, on the evening of 23rd August 1920 at Bezwada in the compound of the Municipal Traveller’s , Bungalow, Home Poll-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216 and K.W, p.12. 34 Khan Mohammad Afaque, Gandhian Approach to Communal Harmony, Ajanta Publication, Delhi, 1986, p.13. 37

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done, advised or countenance…..There is certainty of victory if firmness is combined with gentleness.35

Opinion regarding the revision of the Congress Resolution on Non- cooperation varies in educated and political circles. Some Congressmen found Mr. Gandhi’s non-cooperation programme as impracticable and were of the opinion that it should be radically revised before it could proved to be a failure. However, for some Mr. Gandhi’s position was greatly strengthened among those who were bitterly anti- Government.36

Referring to the political situation in India, His Excellency the viceroy in his speech at Bikaner, condemned the method adopted by political agitators. Correctly diagnosing the entire situation, he said that- “India lacked leaders possessed of political sanity.”37

Lord Ronaldshay in speech at St. Andreo’s dinner in Calcutta said- “His Excellency mercilessly dissected Mr. Gandhi’s political creed and exposed its revolutionary character.”38

Sir Reginald Craddock in Rangoon spoke on non-cooperation and warned the anti-British agitators that- “ though at present the velvet glove was more in evidence and the iron hand lay concealed underneath the Government would not hesitate to bring it out if the need arose.”39

These speeches made by the British Government on different occasions annoyed the extremist group but it was welcomed by the moderate faction, as the bulk of the moderate leaders were opposed to the gospel of non-cooperation and were of the opinion that it was ‘ to be full of harm for the country’.40

According to the opinion of the Indians in general regarding the speeches made by Lord Chelmsford in Bikaner , Lord Ronaldshey in Calcutta, Sir Regnald Craddock in Rangoon and Lord Willingdon in Madras were to encourage the

35 Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.17. ‘Independent’, Allhabad, dated-12th March1920. 36 Notes in Intelligence Bureau, Copy of O.M’s report, dated, 6thDecember 1920, Home Poll Deposit, December 1920, Reference no.48, pp.2-3. 37 Ibid, p.3 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. 38

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moderate section to come into forefront and organize opposition to non- cooperation.41

As far as the extremist wing was concerned, they were even much divided among themselves over certain provisions of non-cooperation resolution particularly withdrawal of students from school and colleges and abandonment of practice by lawyers and some were against the boycott of foreign manufactured goods.42

Gandhiji counter these differences stating in ‘Young India’, Ahmadabad, Wednesday, 5th May , 1920 that- “ it is easy enough to pass resolutions or write articles condemning non-cooperation. It is no easy task to restrain the fury of people incensed by a deep sense of wrong. I urged that those who talk and worked against non-cooperation to descend from their chairs and go down to the people, learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart against non-cooperation .They will find as I have found, that the only way to avoid violence is to enable them to give such expressions to their feelings as to compel redress….. It is logical and harmless. Non- Cooperation as a voluntary movement can only succeed if the feeling is genuine and strong enough to make people suffer to the utmost. If the religious sentiments of the Muhammedans are deeply hurt and if the Hindus entertain neighborly regard towards their Muslim brothers they will both count no cost too great for achieving the ends. Non-Cooperation will also be an effective test of sincerity of the Muslim claim and Hindu profession of friendship.”43

Congress in its annual session at Nagpur after overcoming all its obstacles in its way, finally adopted the non-cooperation programme. The Resolution was moved on by Mr. C.R.Das. The programme of non-cooperation which included the four successive stages was followed up by the establishment of National schools and colleges. Panchayats were established, Hindu-Muslim unity was maintained, hand weaving and spinning was to be encouraged and to strictly follow up the gospel of non-violence.44

41Ibid, pp.3-4. 42Ibid, p.4. 43 (n) C.I.D., Bombay Presidency, May 15th – The Young India has the following in its issue of the 5th May 1920- Home Poll –A, September, 1920, nos. 100-103, p.21. 44 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle For Independence 1857-1947, Penguine Books, Delhi, 1989, p.186. 39

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The non-cooperation movement emerged because of the fundamental political problems prevailing during those days. Congress leaders made serious efforts to mobilize people on a broader platform against the British. The participants of the movement were from all strata of society-professional and non-professionals, men and women, businessmen, intellectuals, peasants and workers.45

During this period Gandhiji along with Ali Brothers toured extensively throughout India to preach the theory of non-violence. In this context, he delivered a speech in Aligarh in August 1921- “The attainment of swaraj means that the whole of Hindustan should come under our control. Just as at present control can be established all over the Indian empire by means of gun powder, shots and aero planes, so we proclaim our non-violence by means of non-cooperation and there is no need to fear the aero planes and machine guns of the government…….”46

The most striking feature of the movement was that every strata of society whether peasants or workers to the capitalist class started joining the movement which expands its social base.47

Reading, correctly points out that-Gandhi’s domination in the Congress is based on three main aspects- newly emerged groups and areas, which did not participate earlier in nationalism, an alliance with Muslim community, which provide him with new thrust area of politics, an unwilling consent by some political leaders.48

People were generally perplexed with the programme on non-cooperation. Gandhi in ‘Young India’ rightly explained that- “Government is an instrument of service only in so far as it based upon the will and consent of the people. It is an instrument of oppression when it enforces submission at the point of the bayonet.”49

The passing of this resolution was considered to be the personal victory for Gandhi as most of the Congress leaders opposed him. All India Congress Committee, an assembly of representatives elected by the members of the National Congress was responsible to carry on the non-cooperation agitation; and the working committee, an

45 Bakshi S.R (ed.), Documents on the Non Cooperation Movement, Akash deep, Delhi, 1989, p.1. 46 Police Department, File no.16/15/1920. Uttar Pradesh State Archives (here after UPSA). Also see Bamford, Histories of Non Cooperation & Khilafat Movement, pp.49-50. 47 Chandra Bipin, Nationalism And Colonialism in Modren India, Delhi, 1981, p.134. 48 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.307. 49 Young India, October, 22, 1919. 40

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executive body comprised of 15 Congress leaders, was responsible for the execution of the policy adopted from time to time, under the supervision of AICC. Provincial Congress activities in the province and working committee transmitted their policy to the District Congress Committees to provide coordination in their work.50

The coming up of different sections of society against the British rule serves as a wattle for the nationalists. The boycott of the titles was the most arduous but at the same time most essential part of the non-cooperation programme. It is an important item because this class must realize that they received gifts from an unjust and unfair Government. And it was difficult enough as it was applied to that particular group which was not a part of active public life.51

Proceedings with the Congress resolution, 23 nationalists of Bengal under C.R Das were the first to withdraw their candidature from Reformed Council, which was followed with more resignations from the council from different provinces such as- from Bombay, under Mr.Baptista seventeen congressmen took the same action, Bihar and Orrisa, eight nationalists headed by Mazahar-ul- Haq and Rajendra Prasad, from Central Provinces eleven nationalist under Dr.B.B Moonje and N.B Khare followed Bombay, from Punjab- Lala Lajpat Rai and Duni Chand would not stand for election.52

On 21stSeptember under the Presidency of Mrs. Sarladebi Chaudharani, Mr. J.N Banarjee made a strong speech. He remarked that “they could not cooperate with the tyrants and that was a conclusive argument for non-cooperation.53

Eleven candidates for election to Assam Reformed Council withdrew their candidature, thirteen members resigned their seats in the local boards and municipalities, an Honorary Magistrate resigned and some students are reported to have withdraw from the Government colleges at Sylhet.54

By 1921, hand spinning and hand weaving were revived at large scale, and the Congress promoted the boycott of foreign cloth. For this purpose both men and money was needed. For this, Mahatma Gandhi appealed for ten million members for

50 Bamford, Histories of Non Cooperation & Khilafat Movement, pp.18-21. 51 Bakshi S.R,(ed.) Documents on the Non Cooperation, p.279. 52 Home Poll Deposit, October. 1920. 53 Ibid, p.4. 54 Ibid, p.5. 41

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the congress and fund of ten million rupees.55 Two million charkas or spinning wheels were introduced in order to keep up the pace of the movement.56 Graphs shows a drastic decline in value of imported cloth from Rs. 102 crore in 1920-21 to Rs. 57 crore in 1921-22.57

To carry forward the above task the student community played a vital role in year 1921. Boycott of schools and colleges were made on extensive scale. The educational boycott was more vigorous in the region of Bengal.58 Till April 1921 near about 20 headmasters or teachers resigned per month and 11,157 out of 103,107 students departed from schools and colleges. Number of National schools emerged during this period like Jamia Millia Islamia in Aligarh which later on shifted to Delhi, the Kashi Vidya Pith at Benaras and Gujrat Vidhya Pith. Four hundred and forty four institutions were established in Bihar and Orissa and one hundred and thirty seven in United Province.59

Apart from educational institutions the other institution which were emerging spontaneously throughout the country were the ‘Ashramas’, on the model of hermitage of old, they became the homes for the political workers. Training to the new recruits is provided there and local offices of the Congress were housed often in these premises. Sometimes they became the centers of spinning and weaving from where the cotton and yarn was supplied to the spinners and weavers. Several ashrams were provided reading rooms and library to the congress workers and also for the local people.60

Congress appeal for the boycott of law courts was fairly successful. Large number of lawyers gave up their practices and tried to dissuade litigates to approach law courts, resulting in the establishment of arbitration courts. This considerably reduced the government’s revenue from litigation.61 By March 1921, over 180 lawyers resigned, 33 in Central Provinces, 43 in United Provinces, and 43 in Bihar and Orissa. Even some great lawyers like Motilal Nehru and C.R. Das resigned from

55 Bose, The Indian struggle 1920-1942, p.51. 56Resolution I at Bezwada AICC meeting, 31stMarch 1921, The Hindu-1st, April 1921, CWMG, vol.19, Ahmadabad,1965, p.496. 57 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.313. 58Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.52. 59Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, Macmillan, Madras, 1983, pp.204-06. 60Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.52-53. 61Ibid, p.50 42

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their practices. In Bihar and Orissa hundreds of cases were taken away from government courts in a single day.62Bengal came up with 866 arbitration courts between February 1921 and April 1922.63 In November 1920, Gandhiji delivered speech in Jhansi in this context-“We must regard as impure the courts of the Government which has become dominical and ‘satanic’ in its nature.”64

Gandhiji in his speech at Jhansi declared that-“I think in order to purify ourselves, we should renounce our Rai Bahadurships and other titles given us by the Government. As long as we are full of impurity of official titles, we are not fit to offer ourselves in sacrifices…”65

Under this programme large number of men gave up their titles as compared to those who resigned their jobs. Among the latter was S.C Bose, who in his book ‘The Indian Struggle 1920-1942,’ states that-“I resigned my post in May 1921, and hurried back to India with a view to taking my place in national struggle that was then in full swing.”66

Yet one another movement was popular among the masses that was the temperance movement which served both the moral as well as the economical purpose. It promoted temperance as well as intoxicants of all kinds, reducing one- third of the Government’s excise revenue.67 According to Judith Brown it was a part of ‘sanskratization,’ anticipated by orthodox Hindus and Muslims, taken up by Mr. Gandhi.68 Sumit Sarkar rightly points out that Gandhi’s anti-liquor campaign provided an opportunity to lower caste people for their social upliftment.69

The Resolution passed in the political conference held in Bilaspur stated that- “people should give up excise able articles in order to cripple the Government financially and paralyze the administration.”70

62 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.310. 63 Sarkar, Modren India, p.209. 64 Speech at Jhansi on 20th November 1920. Police Deptt. File No. 16/15/1920, UPSA. Also see Bamford, p.49. 65 Ibid, 66 Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.53. 67 Ibid, p.50. 68 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.315. 69 Sarkar, Modern India, p.209. 70 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise To Power, p. 315. 43

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The campaign of Mr. Gandhi and Ali Brothers was heading towards Punjab where they gained dangerous sympathy of the Sikhs.71 In Punjab the movement was successfully launched by the students walk out encouraged by Lala Lajpat Rai in January 1921. The Akali Movement led by Shrimoni Guruduwara Prabandhak Committee, completely religious movement was identified with non-cooperation movement. The Akalis were fighting against the corrupt mohants, who had an alliance with the British Government. On refusal by the British Government to hand over the keys of the Golden Temple, Akali’s made huge arrest in November 1921. During this period non-cooperation was on its peak, resulting in release of Akali prisinors by mid- January 1922. Later on ‘Babbar Akali’, under Krishna Singh and Mota Singh switched to terrorism which made a shift from non-violent national movement.72

In Gujrat, the movement was more vigorous as compared to Bombay city, as Maharastrians were more suspicious about Gandhian policy.73

The region of Andhra delta witnessed non-cooperation in its most vigorous form. Under the leadership of Duggirala Goal Krishna inhabitants refused to pay taxes in a small town of Chirala-Parala in Guntur district of Andhra. During 1921-22, ‘forest satyagraha’ was also started in Andhra by tribal and poor peasants.74

Unrest prevailed in Bengal when collies of Assam Tea Garden were assaulted on 20-21 May at East Bengal port of Chandpur. There were hartals all over which paralyzed the entire railway and steamer service which was led by J.M Sen Gupta in Calcutta. Third successful hartal took place on 17thNovember on visit of Prince of Wales.

United Provinces was proved to be one of the strong base of non-cooperation movement. By 1922, ninety thousand volunteers were enrolled and 137 educational institutions were established by July 1921, of which the most important was Kashi Vidhya Pith.

71 Notes- ‘Issue Of A Resolution By The Government Of India, Explaining The Policy To Be Adopted In Regard To The Non-Cooperation Movement’., by Mr. McPherson on 3.11.1920., Home Poll-A, November, 1920, Nos. 273-274. 72 Sarkar, Modern India, p.210. 73 Ibid, p. 211. 74 Ibid, p. 214-15. 44

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After Congress sessions filibustering, finally Non-Cooperation has been passed in the Nagpur session. In its initial phase the British Government had took it as a ‘foolish’ step on part of the national leaders and under-estimated it and thought it to be a facile programme. The general policy of the Government towards the non- cooperation, as the Viceroy opined-“ the non-cooperation scheme is so intrinsically foolish that Government have every confidence that the common sense of India will reject it……….To all outward appearance it is doomed to failure and it seems unlikely that there will be any turning of the popular tide in its favor, unless some unexpected developments occurs.”75 The Government of India was of the opinion and believes that the sanity of the classes and masses would jointly reject the non- cooperation programme as a ‘visionary and chimerical scheme’, which successful led to disorder and political chaos and ruin all those who have any stake in the country. The appeal of the non-cooperation is devoid of any constructive genius.76

According to Government of India the policy of non interference was the wisest policy at this juncture because if they proceed against them under the ordinary criminal law then it would result in making them martyrs which may gain lot of attention and large number of adherents.77 The Government of India makes it clear that the violent utterances cannot be tolerated and conferred no immunity from prosecution for those who are working under the banner of Mr. Gandhi’s non-violent programme. Their policy is- “they seeks to prosecute any individual who by violence of language directly provokes or incite to disorder and they hope that vigorous action would be taken to give effect to this policy. They believe that a few successful prosecutions will have a very beneficial effect both in rallying moderate opinion and in discouraging those who think that they can break the law with impunity because they are ranged under the banner of Mr. Gandhi.”78

75 Home Department, Poll-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.11. 76 ‘Resolution, Government of India’, No.4484, Home Department, Political , Simla , 6th November, 1920, Prog. Nos.-274, p.6. 77 Ibid, p.11. 78 Ibid, p.12. 45

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

The moderate’s opinion was like fulcrum for the Government as they were among some of the loyal Indians who were totally against the policy of non- cooperation programme and find it to be a harmful for the entire country.79

Lord Selbourne’s*remarks in House of Lords shows his desirability of actions by Government of India to counteract the effects of the anti- British campaign. In the country, in the political circle it was taken as indication that authorities in England had realized the importance and significance of campaign in India and they were ready to give their full support to the Government of India to put down ‘disloyalty, sedition, revolution and anarchy, in the country.’80

According to the Government of India, by November 1920, the leaders of the movement were indulged in violent appeal to the masses and enroll them under the banner of the non-cooperation movement by gaining the sympathy of immature school boys and college students.81

The other thing which the British Government taking in great consideration was the appeal made to the ‘ignorant and illiterate masses’ which would result in grave danger. The leaders wandering from one place to another inciting excitement among the massesthrough inflammatory speeches and constantly making false statements may result in serious outbreaks and disorders.82

In May 1921, Government made attempts to create a wedge between Gandhiji and the Khilafat leaders, by continuously persuading Gandhiji to ask Ali Brothers to remove all violent passages from their speeches , but it all proved abortive a Gandhiji did not pay any heed to it. In the meanwhile announcement were made on the arrival of Prince of Wales in Bombay on 17th of November .the Congress Committees immediately issued notices to boycott the visit of Prince. Hartal was observed throughout the country. In Bombay it was not a success as it resulted in a clash

79 Copy of O.M’S report, dated 6th December 1920, Home Poll Deposit , December 1920, Reference no. 48.; p.4. * Lord Selbourne was one of the most highly respected and influential British Statesman and can have the Viceroyalty for the India. In Indian political circles he mentioned as future Secretary of State for India. Home Poll Deposit, December 1920, Ref. 48, p. 4-5. 80 Ibid, p.4. 81 Telegram no. 4475, dated Simla, the 4th November, 1920, from- The Secretary to the Government of India , Home Department, to- The Private Secretary to His Excellency the Viceroy, Viceroy’s Camp, Notes, Home Poll-A, November 1920. Nos, 273-274, p.1. 82 Ibid, p.2-3. 46

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between the supports of the Government and Congress volunteers. In Calcutta it was a great success. Even the Anglo-Indian papers like ‘Statesman’ and ‘Englishman,’ wrote that-“Congress volunteers had taken possession of the city”.83 By December, the Government declared the Volunteer Corps illegal and arrested its members.84

In Bengal large number of youths made court arrest as C.R Das was the first to be arrested, followed by his wife Basanti Debi.85Accompanied by her sister-in-law, Mrs. Urmila Devi and another associate, Miss.Suniti Devi.86 From all over the country 30,000 arrests were made. Negotiations were forwarded to Mr. Gandhi, in mid- December, initiated by Malviya, offering the sacrifice of the Khilafat leaders which was not acceptable to Gandhiji, and hence all in vain. Finally, Home Government withdrew from the negotiations. Repressive measures were continued by the British Government, newspapers gagged, public meetings and assemblies were banned, raids on Congress and Khilafat offices became comman.87

Gandhiji under great pressure from the congress rank and files was to start the phase of civil disobedience movement. Government on the other hand declined all the demands put forwarded by the congress leaders and Gandhiji related to the release of political prisoners and ban on civil liberties. Finally, Gandhiji was left with no other choice and announced mass civil disobedience movement in Bardoli taluka of Surat District. Unfortunately, Chauri-Chaura incident took place in which violent mob , irritated by the behavior of policemen, attacked police and ablaze the building, resulting in the death of 22 policemen. Movement was immediately withdrawn by Gandhiji and thus on 22ndFeburary1922, Non-Cooperation movement came to an end.88

83 Bose ,The Indian Struggle, p.63. 84 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.190. 85 Ibid, p.190-191. 86 Bose S.C, The Indian Struggle, p.65. 87 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.191. 88Ibid, p.191. 47

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

Chapter-II

NON-COOPERATION IN UNITED PROVINCES

The resolution of Non-Cooperation movement which came up at special Calcutta Congress was considered at the annual session of the Congress held at Nagpur in December 1920 under the presidency of veteran congress leader Mr.Vijayraghavachariar1, and completely changed the cult of the entire national struggle. It is one of the significant episode in the history of Indian national movement. The Rowlatt Bills, the Punjab wrongs, the announcement of the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms had crushed all promises made by British Government2 during the war and shattered the hopes of Indians in general and political leaders in particular.

These circumstances created restlessness among the leaders of Indian National Congress. The Government’s attitude became clearer regarding the Punjab wrongs, Khilafat issue and reforms which worsened the political situations in India. Now the time had arrived to move ahead with a rigorous action against the British Government. Therefore, at the special session of the congress held in Calcutta, passed a resolution on Non-Cooperation Movement.3 According to Gandhi, if the programme of the non-cooperation is fully implemented in the right direction then, swaraj would descend on India within a year.4

Gandhi, an exponent of the non-violent non-cooperation movement explicitly defined the concept of ‘swaraj within a year’, in ‘Young India,’ dated 15th October, 1920 as- “Swaraj means a state such that we can maintain our separate existence without the presence of the English. If it is to be a partnership, it must be a partnership at will. There can be no swaraj without our feeling and being the equals of Englishmen. Today we feel that we are dependent upon them for our internal and external security, for an armed peace between the Hindus and the Mussalmans, for our education and for the supply of our daily wants, nay, even for settlement of our religious squabbles. The Rajas are dependent upon the British for their powers and

1 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.44. 2 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence,p.186. 3 Trivedi Rehkha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non-Cooperation in U.P, Department of Culture, U.P.S.A, Lucknow, 1998, p.vi-vii. 4 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.186. 48

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millionaires for their millions. The British know our helplessness and Sir Thomas Holland crack jokes quite legitimately at the expense of Non-Cooperationists. To get swaraj then is to get rid of our helplessness….”5 He further defines the movement as- “The movement of Non-Cooperation is nothing but an attempt to isolate the brute force of the British from all trappings under which it is hidden and to show that brute force by itself cannot for one single moment hold India .”6

Soon after the Calcutta session, the rising tide of the non-cooperation movement advanced throughout the country, and United Provinces became one of the main center of the movement. In such an atmosphere, Gandhi, accompanied by Ali Brothers and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, toured throughout the country and also the region of United Provinces propagating the cult of the non-cooperation. Huge crowd gathered at Lucknow, Kanpur, Bareilly, Moradabad, Shajahanpur, Agra, Allahabad etc. to listen them. They addressed the students, the women, the kisans and tried to persuade them and convince them for the need of the movement.7

“The visit of Gandhi, Shaukat Ali and Motilal has considerable effect on the elections of this district…… The Raja of Manda was supporting Mohammad Yusuf and Babu Damodar Das, I hear they took some voters to poll but when they got inside, they insisted that they were voting for Gandhi and nothing would move them.”8

Jawaharlal Nehru witnessed this phenomenal change and quote C.F Andrews in his Autobiography- “Therefore it was with intense joy of mental and spiritual deliverance from an intolerable burden that I watched the actual outbreak of such an inner explosive force as that which actually occurred when Mahatma Gandhi spoke to the heart of India -‘Be free, be slaves no more’ and the heart of India responded. In a sudden movement her fatter began to be loosened and the pathway of freedom was opened.”9

Gandhian movement was so intense that M.R Jaykar, one of the liberal leaders from Maharashtra wrote in his book ‘The Story of My Life’ as such- “His whirlwind campaign none could withstand, while weaker men stumbled and tottered

5 Young India, dated 15th October, 1920. Home Poll Deposit, January 1920,Ref. no. 49, p.130. 6 Ibid, p.132. 7 Trivedi Rekha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non Cooperation in U.P, p.vii. 8 Police Department, File No. 16/14/1920, U.P S.A. 9 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, New Delhi, 1988, p.67. 49

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he took himself from one conquest to another and his increasing boldness in proclaiming his doctrines staggered not a few.”10

Touring throughout India, Gandhi realized that the Indians lacked organizing skills and in his speeches at Cawnpore on 14th October he said that-“….All of you should bear in mind that if we want to carry on the administration of India ourselves we should develop as much capacity and administrative ability as the English possess.” Further explaining the non-cooperation he said –“….the first thing is opposition with swords, but at present I am not going to oppose with the sword; rather I want to get this work done through non-cooperation.”11 He laid much emphasis on non-violent means to achieve swaraj he said-“Therefore, we have decided that we do not possess the power of the sword. Therefore we have also issued a manifesto and the Central Khilafat Committee, the Muslim-League and the Congress have decided; we do not want the murder of a single Englishmen; we do not want Government buildings to be burnt. If we want to burn anything it is our own heart; it is our own body. If we want to sacrifice anything, it is our heart. When we acquire the power of sacrifice, we will be able to remove this Government. We have also decided this and all of you brethren know, the Congress, the Muslim-League, the Khilafat Committee have all come to the conclusion and all have said that we should cease helping Government. This is our heritage.”12

Hindu-Muslim unity had been constantly preached by Gandhi in his speeches while propagating non-cooperation movement. In one of his speeches delivered in the premises of Swaraj Sabha* on 28th November 1920 he remarks that-“ One lac of ‘Goras’ are ruling over 30 crore of Indians. Such has not been the case elsewhere in the world. The chief cause of this lies in the fact that the Hindus and the Mohammedans have considered themselves to be enemies of each other. The heart of Hindus and Mohammedans had not yet been clean……. I ask both Hindus and Mohammedans if they have any confidence in British Government…… if there be

10 Jayakar M.R, The Story of My Life, vol.I, Asia Publishing House, New Delhi, 1958, p.375. 11 Police Department , File No.16/9/1920, U.P S.A, Lucknow. 12 Ibid. * Swaraj Sabha is a place in Allahabad associated with non-cooperation movement. Attended by 25000 persons including 1000 villagers and number of students. The speakers were Gandhi, Abul Kalam, Shaukat Ali, Wedgewood and Motilal Nehru. Gandhi talked about Satanic Government, and the duty of non-cooperation; he repeated his promise of swarajya within year if all would accept his proposal. Report, K.W Knox, Chief Secretary, dated 28.11.1920. Police Department File No, 16/14/1920.U.P.S.A. 50

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any difference between Hindus and Mohammedans we should understand that even then it is our duty to consider them as our brethren, with a view to ruin or ameliorate Government which is compelling us. Moreover words will not do but we have to clean our hearts.”13

Congress under the leadership of Gandhi, boycotted the foreign cloth and laid much emphasis on hand spinning and hand weaving and to wear khaddi. Gandhiji said-“…if you want swaraj, wish to settle the Khilafat question and want to get justice for Punjab, this year, we should have complete boycott of foreign cloth by 30th of September , 1921.”14This is one of the most successful item of the movement. The import of foreign cloth fell by Rs.102 crore to Rs.57 crore in 1921-22.15

Regarding the boycott of foreign cloth and picketing of foreign cloth shops Jawaharlal Nehru made a statement that-“….. In my correspondence with the cloth merchants I was acquitted by only one desire and that was to bring about a complete boycott of foreign cloth with the whole hearted cooperation and sympathy. I told them plainly that their shops will be picketed only in the events of their refusal to abide by their pledge that they had taken………picketing that by which I always understood a perfectly legitimate appeal to the good sense of patriotism of the consumers of India and of her hungry millions demanded the use of the charkha and the wearing of Khaddar and they would cast out all foreign clothes and consume them to the flames or the dustbin. I pray that the cloth merchants of Allahabad will adhere to their sacred pledges, twice taken, and to this utmost to bring about a complete boycott of foreign cloth in this ancient and holy city….. and I would appeal to the public of the city and province and earnestly request them to do this much for their country-wear khaddar and ply the charkha.”16

The ongoing national struggle through the medium of non-violent non- cooperation programme had a drastic effect on the movements which were limited in the particular area of the United Provinces. Such as the peasant discontent which was a familiar

13 Speech of Mahatma Gandhi in the premises of Swaraj Sabha, dated 28th November,1920, Police Department, File No. 16/01/1920, U.P.S.A. 14 Speech by Gandhi at the Railway Station of Pilibhit , dated 7th August 1921, Police Department, File No.16/15/1920, U.P.S.A. 15 Chandra B, India Struggle For Independence, p.188. 16 Statement by Jawaharlal Nehru, dated 17th May, 1922, D.M Office, Allahabad, File No.I, pp.9-11, Regional State Archive, Allahabad. 51

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feature of the nineteenth century, had drastic impact on the national struggle and vice- versa.17 In the same manner the boycott of school and colleges had a great impact on the Aligarh college and it played a significant role in national struggle in the region of the United Provinces. In this chapter I’ll going to deal with both these issues largely affected by the non-cooperation movement, under the following sub headings- (a) Oudh Peasants and the non-cooperation movement and (b) Aligarh college and the national struggle.

A- Oudh Peasants And The Non Cooperation Movement-

“Agriculture is one great occupation of the people .In normal times a highly industrialized country like England gives 58 persons out of every, 100 to industry, and only 8 to agriculture. .But India gives out of every hundred 71 to agriculture or pasture………In the whole of India the soil supports226 out of 315 millions, and 208 millions of them get their living directly by, or depend directly upon , the cultivation of their own or others fields."

A classic statement made by Montague-Chelmsford Report of 1918 on “Conditions in India”.18 The facts are very true in nature , but what exactly has been omitted in this imperialist approach is the fact that this improper dependence on agriculture as the only occupation of the people is not part of primitive Indian society but a direct impact of the British rule.19“The soil in India belonged to the tribe or its subdivision—the village community, the clan or the brotherhood settled in the village- and never was considered as the property of the king”.20With the expulsion of the Mongul Empire and establishment of British domination , the traditional land revenue was taken over by them but in a complete transformed character resulting in complete transformation of land system of India.21“A complete change came after the British conquest, when in 1823 an almost unheard of revenue of Rs. 2,121 was collected and village expenses went down to half what they had been in 1817.”22

17 Chandra B, India Struggle For Independence, p.197. 18 Dutt Palme R., India To-Day, Manisha Granthayala (p) Ltd., Calcutta,1992, p.202. 19 Ibid, p.202 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid, p.223. 22 Ibid. 52

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This was a second survey conducted by Dr .Harold Mann, in 1921, comparing the land revenue of pre-British and post-British days. The level of land revenue assessment was to be raised at each revision was very evident in the modern period, resulting in over burdening of the peasantry class, leading towards revolt.23 “In Madras, Bombay and the United Provinces, in particular, assessments have gone up by leaps and bounds.”24 Further he found that land revenue rose from 240 million rupees to 330 million rupees between the years 1890-91 and 1918-1919.and stated that: “while the agricultural income during three decades increased roughly by 30, 60, and 23 per cent, the land revenue increased by 57,22.6 and 15.5 per cent in the United Province , Madras and Bombay respectively. Such a large increase of land revenue coupled with its commutation in cash and its collection at harvest time has worked very unfavorably on the economic position of the cultivators of uneconomic holdings, who form the majority in these Provinces.”25

Previously king’s share was constituted of annual production, completely dependent on year’s production, paid in form of tributes and tax by village community or peasants in joint ownership .This system has now been completely transformed and now payments were made in cash at fixed prices on assessed lands .Completely ignoring the fact of good or bad harvest, irrespective of more or less cultivated land not depending on year’s production . For this the state was responsible to appoint the cultivators or land lords on which this settlement was fixed. This mode of payment was commonly termed as “rent” by the official documents and by the administrators, which clearly reveals that the peasantry was treated as mere tenants, of the state or of the landlords appointed by the state, who even holds some traditional and proprietary rights .The real possession was now in the hands of the British conquerors, and the class of peasantry who were now reduced to the level of tenants, were in danger of ejections from their lands for non-payment of taxes.26

23 Ibid, p.227. 24 Ibid, p.206. 25 Ibid, p.345. 26 Ibid, p.228. 53

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The province of Oudh was comprised of 12 districts in the Gangetic Basin. Before and after the fall of the Mughal empire landed aristocracy was of utmost importance because of semi-feudal structure prevailing in the region of Oudh.27

The class of ‘taluqadars’ were considered by the British as most reactionary and oppressive and thus the land settlement was chalked out in such a manner that it aimed at weakening of this class. Soon after the revolt of 1857, they became the ‘natural leaders’ of the people who in return extended their full support to the British Government.28 The ‘Tenancy Act of 1901’, passed by the UP Legislative Council, with an intention to prevent agrarian discontent, enabled a tenant to hold an occupancy right for the land held continuously for time period of 12 years.29 “In Oudh there were no occupancy tenants or even life tenants in 1920. There were only short term tenants who were continually being ejected.”30

Occupancy tenants comprised of small number forming only 2.02% and the bulk of the tenants were denied of such rights and had to face evictions and illegal exactions, rack-renting by landlords. The conditions of the peasants were pathetic, and the relationship between the tenants and landlords were embittered, during the first two decades of 20th centenary as evictions were increased by 100% in U.P.31 There was an increase of 7.5% in revenue demands and the rental demands rose by 12%and 26% for secured and ordinary tenants respectively, which left only a marginal profit for the land holders. Between, 1906-1921, the phenomenal price hike brought good amount of returns to the cultivating owners and secured tenants with large land holdings as they enter the markets by bringing a part of land under cash crops. On the other hand small land holders were worst affected due to rise in rent and of price hike as they had to depend on markets for basic needs for their families. There was more economic distress in Oudh district as compared to the province of Agra.32

The Act of 1919, bring under its orbit large number of people as it extended the right of franchise and obstruct the governments interference at the provincial level. The different political groups reacted differently regarding the reforms of 1919,

27 Dhanagare D.N, Peasants Movement in India 1920-1950, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1983, p.111. 28 Ibid, p.113. 29 Misra B.R, Land Revenue Policy in the United Provinces, Banaras, 1942, pp122-66. 30 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography; Oxford University Press, New Delhi , 1991(Reprint), p.54. 31 Ibid, p.142. 32 Dhanagre D.N, Peasants Movement in India, pp.115-16. 54

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some of them were favoring with the new system and the others decided not to cooperate with it. These changes marked a great changes on the agrarian scene as the government took two important initiatives regarding landlord –tenant relationships. The Oudh Rent Act of 1886 was put under consideration for the amendment.33

The British Government was of the opinion that the general grant of the occupancy rights are more valuable as compared to those of tenants –at-will, and probably would met with great opposition from landlords as they seems to have little chance of relief. According to the British Government, the existing occupancy rights would eliminate the ‘true economic rents’, due to which land revenue suffers and state was unable to receive its proper share of incremental values.34

The declaration of the First World War and the landlord’s strong opposition led to the drop of the proposal. Large number of British officials including the Governor favored the traditional Oudh policy. Secondly the British Government was wished to confine the participation of the Indians in the provincial Government. Landlords were more concerned to protect their rights and status in land holdings so they were united to prevent any such legislation which would affect their status. The British Government rightly analyze the landlord’s political significance so they tried to collect their views on the bills to be put forwarded in the legislative council.35

The pathetic masses lacked their definite aim. At present, they generally reflect their disaffection against the landlords and not against the British Government. The landlords appoints ‘sujawals, karindas’, as their middlemen who were the real cause of oppression of the tenetary. On the other hand it was really difficult for the Indian peasantry to understand the impact of the war, as how it resulted in the shortage of commodities and how the value of currency had fallen. The general idea of the Indian peasantry about the war was that they had supplied ‘the men and money’, and the credit goes to the zamindars.*36

33 Srivastav Sushil; Conflits In Agrarian Society- Awadh 1920-1939, Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi, 1995, p.254. 34 NOTES- Proposals made by Mr. O’Donnell’s on occupancy rights , dated 24th January 1921, Home Poll Deposit, Feburary 1921, Ref. No. 31,p.3. 35 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, Awadh 1920-1939. Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi 1995, p.254. * Zamindars-the village proprietary communities generally elected a representatives, who negotiated terms of payment with the royal collector and also defended the rights of the communities in land. 55

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Social tensions started emerging between the landholders and cultivating tenants because of the agrarian structure of the Oudh accompanied by ineffective rent law and increasing demands of lands among the tenants cultivators. The peasant discontent was because of two most important causes- the ‘nazrana* and bedakhali’. Without a premium of nazrana had not been paid the holdings were not handed to the cultivators and on refusal and if the peasant is unable to pay the sum it led to bedakhali or eviction. Sometimes, the taluqadar was himself unaware of the atrocities made by their karindas. The other worst activity which was fairly comman and practiced was that of begar.37

There were many reasons for levying of nazranas- (1) it helps landed tenants to maintain their social status. (2) the another important reason was there was no other option of livelihood apart from agriculture to which the tenant could look after being ejected and their ejection made them a landless laborer.38“ Congress seemed largely indifferently to rural conditions until towards the middle of the First World War.”39 By the end of the First World War, the Indian National Congress was dominated by the urban middle class, professional and landed gentry. Legislative Councils of Oudh were filled with taluqadars, professional class and businessmen. Thus it had hardly any support base amongst the peasants.40

Now the peasants realized the need for their emancipation from taluqadar’s tyranny, and then in 1917 some peasants thought of organizing themselves to fight for

These representatives were called ‘the zamindars, and their estates, the zamindaris’. Srivastava Sushil, Conflicts in an Agrarian Society-Awadh 1920-1939, Introduction, p.ii. 36 C.I.D; Memo No. 1052, dated, Allahabad, 7th January, 1921, Home Poll Deposit, Feburary 1921,Ref No. 31,pp-10-11. * Nazrana was another name given to the inflated rent, the landlords make several other exactions which combined to make the oppression of the Oudh peasants unbearable. There were other types of taxes levied on the peasants such as Ugauhi, in this the peasants had to left a portion of grain itself or bundles of the straw from a particular crop. Sometimes they had to gave up their bhusa as attribute which they had to use as fodder for their live stocks. Pagahni was yet another form of tribute , paid by those tenants who grew sanai on their lands with which they wove ropes, sometimes even land lords took the cost of rope in cash. Different kinds of tributes were paid by different cultivating caste such as-Muraos and Kurmis had to supply vegetables to the lords at cheaper rate than the market rates. Ahirs , Koreshis and Gadarias had to supply milk and ghee and sometimes their goats on certain occasions. Sugarcane juice, sugarcane leaves garlic, corrinder, gur, blankets, wool and several other items were taken as tribute. For details- See Siddique M.H, Agrarian Unrest in North India , The United Provinces 1918-22, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi ,pp.105-06. 37 Siddique M.H, The Agrarian Unrest in North India, The United Provinces, 1918-22, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, pp. 105-06. 38 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt- Tenants, Landlords, Congress and Raj in Oudh, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, p.78. 39 Dhanagre D.N, Peasant Movement in India, p.117. 40 Ibid, pp.116-117. 56

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their class demands. The initiative was taken by two- Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh at a small village of Rure in Patti tehsil of Pratapgarh* district.41 A band of nationalist who were participating in the Home Rule League organized U.P Kisan Sabha at Allahabad in the same year.42 The two organizations were very different to each other. In order to secure the cooperation of the peasantry class, the U.P Kisan Sabha was formed by the efforts of Gauri Shankar Misra and Indra Narayan Dwivedi with the help of Madan Mohan Malviya. It became active in 1919 and emerged with 450 branches in 173 tehsils of the province.43 Unlike the Congress, the U.P Kisan Sabha, felt the need to enter the legislative council and demostrated their eagerness for the upcoming elections.44

Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh, sincere in their efforts, turned towards Baba Ramchandra*, as they were not so dynamic to extract concessions from taluqadars and the British Government.45 Ramchandra took an active part for the emancipation of the indentured laborers during his stay in Fiji in 1905-1916.46 Through the medium of Sabha, Baba Ramchandra tried to promote a union between zamindars, kisans and mazdoors.47

Baba Ramchander came into contact with the peasants of Jaunpur and Pratapgarh and became familiar with their grievances and pathetic conditions while preaching his religious discourses during the period of 1917-18. Firstly, he tried to settle down the problem through peaceful means but found the taluqadars with their rigid tyrannical practices. Then he utilized the ‘tradition of Rambhakti’ for the upliftment of the peasants. Through this means he tried to attain the socio-cultural

* Pratapgarh was a taluqadari district. There were 52 taluqas who held 33 taluqas. They were mostly indebted because of their mismanagement, extravagance and reliance on their agents. Pratapgarh Gazetteer; Allahabad, 1904, Appendix-IX, p. 78. 41 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt,p.71. 42 Home Poll Deposit, File No. 75, Feburary 1920, N.A.I. 43 Home Poll Deposit, File No.49, 1920, N.A.I. Also mentioned in Chandra Bipin; India Struggle For Independence, p.197. 44 Leader, dated-18-6-1920. * Baba Ramchander’s real name was Shridhar Balwant Jodhpurkar, a Brahmin from Maharashtra. He left for Fiji as an indentured labor in1905, before that he worked as a laborer on daily wages, coolie and a vendor. Baba Ramchandra Papers, (Here after BRP). Cited in Kumar K, Peasants in Revolt, p.72. 45 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt, p.82. 46 Ibid, p.82. 47 Mehta Report; p.12, U.P.S.A. Mehta was deputed as Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh Distt. & was sympathetic towards the cause of peasants. 57

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unity for political action.48 Nehru remarks that-“The slogan ( Sita Ram) not only created a bond of unity among different villages but it also deterred the taluqadari agents from practicing tyranny and forcing evictions.”49 Jawaharlal Nehru bring into notice the significance of this slogan, in his Autobiography and state that-“Sita Ram was an old comman cry but he gave it as an almost war like significance and made it a signal for emergencies as well as bond between different villages.”50

Soon Rure became a theatre of Kisan Sabha activities, by June 1920, all about 50 branches of sabha started functioning in district. Initially, Baba Ramchandra tried to gain the support of the zamindars to improve the agricultural conditions, but all in vain. Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh marched with one thousand men and women on the instructions of Baba Ramchandra to Deputy Commissioner’s office to put the grievances before him, but he tried to stop Ramchander of all the activities. But peasantry’s propaganda continued under the Kisan Sabha.51 Further he urged them to with hold all kind of cesses, begar and asked them to only pay nominal rent. He worked for the upliftment of peasant and started a programme under which following programme were included-advanced payment of rent at a fixed time, jungle tracts should be reserved for grazing of cattles, digging wells, planting of orchards, half of the area used for grain crops and rest provided with cotton mills, female education was promoted through updeshikas (women teachers)etc.52

According to Abhudya, a mouth piece of the U.P Kisan Sabha, dated 12/6/1920, in order to broaden the movement, Ramchandra tried to gain the support of Mahatma Gandhi and other urban leaders. With this aim he marched along with 500 peasants on foot from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in early June 1920.53 A meeting was held at Balwaghat on 7th of June which was attended by number of delegates such as- Jawaharlal Nehru, Gauri Shankar Misra, P.D.Tandon and others and asked them to form a commission through the medium of Kisan Sabha or the Provincial Congress Committee to probe the miserable conditions of the peasantry.54J.L Nehru,

48 Ibid, pp.83-4. 49 Ibid, p.52. 50 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p53. 51 Baba Ramchandr’s Paper, Part-I, No.2A, 52 Mehta report, p.2, U.P.S.A. Mehta was the Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh, who promised to investigate the complaints made by the poor kisans. 53Abhudaya, dated,12.6.1920. 54 Ibid, 12.6.1920. 58

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P.D.Tandon, G.S Misra and K.K Malviya assured the peasants to make visit to their villages and make an assessment on the spot.55

On reaching Pratapgarh, politicians were warmly welcomed by the peasantry class. Nehru was really delighted to see the ‘orginizational skills of the peasantry, as well as emotionally touched to see the miserable conditions of the Indian peasantry. Through ‘Independent’, the leading newspaper of Allahabad, J.L Nehru started the vigorous campaign in putting forward the problems of Indian peasantry.56

Congress thus gained popularity in the countryside and peasants were convinced that the congress was opposed to the prevailing corrupt land tenure system. J.L.Nehru in his Autobiography wrote that-“Looking at them and their misery and overflowing gratitude, I was filled with shame and sorrow, shame at my own easy going and comfortable life and our petty politics of the city which ignored this vast multitude of semi-naked sons and daughters of India, sorrow at the degradation and overwhelming poverty of India.57

After the adoption of non-cooperation movement in 1920, the AICC asked Jawaharlal Nehru to spread the message of non-cooperation movement in the villages.58 Oudh Kisan Sabha was formed with the efforts of Jawaharlal Nehru along with Mata Badal Pandey, G.S Mishra, and Baba Ramchandra on 17th October, 1920 at Pratapgarh. The pledges under taken by the members, published in the edition of ‘Independent’, dated 27.10.1920 were-(i) not to cultivate the land from which a tenant had been ejected.(ii) not to pay nazrana or any other illegal exactions except rent and not to undertake begar and hari without full wages.(iii) to social boycott of offenders of the above affirmations and (iv)to resolve all disputes only through the village panchayat. Soon the organization gained popularity and about more than 330 branches sprang up in the villages of Pratapgarh, Sultanpur, Fyzabad,and Rai Barellie.59

Taking up the cause of the Kisans of U.P, Gandhi in his speech at Pratapgarh said-“…At present dispute is going on between Kisans and between kisans and

55 Ibid, 12.6.1920, Mehta Report, p.3. 56 Independent , dated,14-9-1920. 57 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p.52. 58 C.I.D Report on Pratapgarh disturbances, 4.9.1920, File No.358/1922, Police Department, U.P.S.A. 59 Independent, dated-27.10.1920. 59

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces taluqadars and zamindars. I gather that my brother Jawaharlal is helping you in this difficulty…. I have told you that I myself had become a kisan….. I understand your hearts quite well. Let me tell you that no one can remove you from the occupation of the land on which you have done work; you are to get whatever you produce from it….. the kisans ought not to quarrel with the zamindars…. If you want to serve the zamindars, you should serve them, but there is condition precedent that we shall not serve that zamindar who does not pay any wages in return for the work done…. I do not desire to be slaves in your zamindar’s service. I do not wish you to work for zamindar for nothing. We wish to remove the sarkar from the whole country… I am impressing this fact on you that you should forget the Haq or the dues of the zamindars… it is not our duty to withhold the payment of rents. But many zamindars levy extra cesses (abwabs)….. there should be no abwabs or cesses levied on you. Just as an owner of house is entitled to rent, so is a zamindar entitled to rent of the land and nothing more……. I have seen that some zamindars levy a motor cess, an elephant cess, levy a marriage cess. This is illegal and oppressive. There is no such law that compels us to pay such cesses.”60 Taluqadars and zamindars activites of illegal exactions were highly criticized and opposed by Gandhi. He asked the kisans to move against this injustice.

The charismatic personality of Gandhi and call for non-violent non- cooperation movement with the slogan of ‘swaraj within a year’ draw large number of peasants. They were quite surprised as for the first time they were told to with hold their land revenues, which they thought to be their religious duty. Swaraj for them means to get rid of land revenue. For them Mahatmaji’s name and the slogan of ‘Non payment of taxes’ was very near to their hearts. Millions of peasants believed that the end of the British Raj freed them from paying their rents and revenues.61

Late 1920’s witnesses the peasant disturbances in the region of Oudh, which soon spread to the regions of Bareilly, Faizabad, and Unnao. It was marked by looting of bazaars, mainly the targets were the notorious merchants, landlords houses and grain stores were raided. The entire situation was out of control from the Congress and the Kisan Sabhas formed under the presidency of Motilal Nehru. Local leaders

60 Speech of Mahatma Gandhi on 29 /11/ 1902, Pratapgarh, Police Department, File No. 16/11/1920., U.P.S.A. 61 N.G Ranga and Swami Sahajanand Saraswati (ed.) ‘Agrarian Revolts,’ in Desai A.R., (ed.), Peasants Struggle in India, Oxford University Press, 1982, p. 56-7. 60

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were mainly from the lower castes from the villages. Police opened fire killing about dozen of peasants and thousands of them were arrested. Hindu- Muslim unity can be witnessed in the entire operation.62

Their were several incidents of clashes which took place during this period. The first upsurge took place on 2nd January 1921, when Nehal Singh’s, a taluqadar, crops were destroyed by a massive crowd at Aundu, a village under Jagatpur police station.63 Several other incidents of the same manner took place, some of them were reported by the ‘Independent’, such as on 5th January, Ram Gulam Pasi, along with 40 other men looted a cloth merchant shop as he was requested to sell the cloth at 4 annas, but he refused to do so.64 In one another incident of 6th January, police opened fire on peasants at Fursatganj Bazar. The crowd over there protested against it, and raised the slogans of –‘Ramchandra Maharaj ki Jai, Mahatma Gandhi ki Jai, Mohammad Ali-Shaukat Ali ki Jai.’ The Majistrate asked the crowd to disperse but it soon swelled to 8000 to 10000 men. The crowd was aroused at the banias for extracting heavy profits at the cost of peasantry and warned him to sell the cloth at 4 annas and flour at 8 seers per rupee. The guards as per order opened fire in the air but failed to terrorize the peasantry. Some people tried to loot the shops and for this act firing was ordered.65

The landlords were conveyed that the uprising is political in nature and accused the congress and the Bolsheviks of inciting rebellion among the peasants. So they urged the Government to take strict measures to deal with the situation. Earlier ‘Hitkari Sabahas’, formed as the counter organizations for the Kisan Sabhas proved to be unsatisfactory, and thus Hartcout Butler tried to organize the moderate opinion into anti-revolutionary leagues or ‘Aman Sabhas’. The landholders started joining these organizations and started criticizing the congress, and Gandhi’s activity.66

The allegations on the congress to incite violence among the peasantry disturbed the congress and with the result it completely breaks away with the peasant

62 Lahari Abani; The Peasant and the India’s Freedom Movement, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2001, pp.103-04. 63 Kumar Kapil; Peasants in Revolt, p.124. 64 Independent, dated-14.1.1921. 65 Ibid, dated-11.1.1921. 66 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, p.264. 61

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movement.67 The leaders of the congress criticized the kisans to indulge in the violent activities. Gandhiji, completely condemned the violence at Faizabad and insisted to adopt non violent means and completely refrain from the brute force.68 He declared that if the peasants continued with their violent means then the congress withdrew its support from the movement.69

The Government started suppressing the movement by oppressive measures. Many of their leaders were arrested and the Kisan Sabha movement lost its intensity by May 1921.70

The Peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and because they were closely related with the congress. For the first time in the history the organization has expanded its base- “new classes, communities, caste and professions, groups entered an arena that had been more or less the preserve of a new administrators, landlords, bankers and lawyers linking up only in the rare cases with groups in the middle and lower rank of society.” This was something, which closely associate the peasants and the congress.71

Gandhi along with the congress became the champions of the cause of the peasantry in the year 1920. There was a strong bond between the peasants and Gandhi, all because of the intense faith in him that large numbers of the peasants marched from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in order to present their grievances before him. “The unique feature of the march was that it was not an isolated event, but it reflects a change in the response of the peasantry to its proximate social and economic conditions.”72

The Kisan movement and the Kisan Sabhas had been gathering storms since 1918 and the non-cooperation propaganda by the congress workers and particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru boost the existing ferment and it really became difficult to distinguish between Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan Sabhas meetings.73

67 Independent,dated-6.2.1921. 68 Speeches of Mr. Gandhi at Benaras and Fiazabad on 9.2.1921 and 11.2.1921 respectively. Police Department File Nos. 16/15/1920.Also in File No.87, Home poll Deptt., U.P.S.A. 69 Ibid. 70 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, p.265. 71 Ibid, p.253. 72 Ibid, p.254. 73 Chandra Bipin, India Struggle For Independence, pp.189-90. Also in CWMG, vol.XXXVI, p.73. 62

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Once again the region of Awadh witnessed the peasants discontent under the name of Eka (unity) movement, in the northern part of the province centered in the district of Hardoi, Sitapur and Bahraich.74 Kisan Sabha movement and the Eka movement were different in many ways. Apart from their geographical positions and their timings there were dissimilarities between the two such as the Kisan Sabha movement was raised against the illegal cesses such as abwabs, nazranas, and bedakhali and gained impetus because of the non-cooperation movement. It was launched before the introduction of the bill of the amendment of the Oudh Rent Act 1886, but as far as the Eka movement was concerned it was started after the amendment of the Oudh Rent Act. It reflect the peasants dissatisfaction regarding the amended act.75 According to the Faunthrope Report, Eka movement was more political in nature as it was initiated by the peasants to show their dissatisfaction with the Oudh Amendment Act.76

Because of its emerging political tone, the Eka shifted its focus from local to larger issues. In its meetings it decalred to form Eka to gain swaraj, encourage khadi cloth and charkha, boycott government courts and decided criminal cases in the village panchayats.77 The Congress gave their full support to the Eka movement. It was directed against not only against the landlords but also against the real oppressors , the British Raj.78

By March 1922, the Eka movement was suppressed by the authorities and bring the movement to its end.79

The Kisan Sabha movement or later on the Eka movement was however the peasants discontent but in some way or the other they were inspired and influenced by the non-cooperation movement launched by the congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

74 Ibid, p.200. 75 “Report on the Eka Movement”, by Lt. Col. J.C Faunthrope submitted to Chief Secretary to Government, dated-8.4.1922. Also see Srivasatav Sushil, Conflicts in Agrarian Society, pp.265-266. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid , point no.91. 78 Srivastav Sushil, Conflicts in Agrarian Society , pp.268-269. 79 Chandra Bipin, India Struggle For Independence, p.201. 63

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The Aligarh College and the Non-Cooperation Movement

“It is widely known, that large sects of Indian Muslims intelligentsia have been greatly conscious of their fraternal links with their co-religionist in other countries, following their history with interest, driving comfort in their accomplishments, and lamenting their slow but steady decline.”80 It was indeed a heavy pain on part of the Muslim’s loyalty to support the British Government against their co-religionist, and provide them with arms and armies in Mesopotamia. The storm burst after the signing of the peace treaty with Turkey.81

On 14th May, 1920 Lord Chelmsford tried his best to overcome Muslim fears in his message to the Muslims of India, published in ‘The Times’ on 18th May, 1920. He said“….they include terms which I fear must be painful to all Muslims ……I desire to send you a message of encouragement and sympathy which I trust will up hold you…..I am confident that with the conclusion of this new treaty that friendship will quickly take life again and that a Turkey, regenerate and full of hope and strength, will stand forth, in the future as in the past, a pillar of Islamic faith. This thought will, I trust, strengthen you to accept the peace terms with resignation, courage and fortitude, and keep your loyalty to the Crown bright and untarnished as it has been for many generations.”82

The political developments in India during 1919-20 such as the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, the passage of the Black laws (the Rowlatt bills), price hike of the food grains , Gandhi’s decision to start a satyagraha for the attainment of swaraj and Muslim’s reaction over the fate of Turkey resulted in the general unrest in India.83 All these developments adversely affected the Muslim University. The post war years witnessed the cementing of the relations among the Congress, the Muslim League, and the Khilafat Committee. This was a serious threat faced by the British

80 Hasan Muhiral (ed.), Communal and Pan-Islamic Trends in Colonial India, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1981.p.1. 81 Aziz K.K, Britain and Muslim India, Heninngam, London, 1963,p.97. 82 The Times, dated 18th May, 1920. 83 Bamford, Histories of Non-Coopertaion and Khilafat Movements, Reprint (ed.), Deep Publications, Delhi, 1974, pp.136-63. 64

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Government, and therefore they thought to fulfill the demands of the loyalist lobby by providing them with the annual aid of one lakh of rupees.84

The real challenge faced by the British was the coming together of the Hindus and Muslims. The only way left open to them was to appease the loyal Aligarians, was to pass the Act of Aligarh Muslim University (Act NO. XL of 1920), which was passed by the Imperial Legislative Council on 9th September 1920.85

The treatment meted out to Turkey after the world war-I, caused much resentment among the Muslim throughout the country. The Mussalmans of India wanted an assurance to protect the holy places of Arabia from the clutches of the Allied Powers.86 Ulemas also join with the Muslim political leaders for the cause of Khilafat.87 The Sultan of Turkey badly lost his position, and the Indian Muslims stand by and large to protect the Khilafat. In June 1920, Gandhiji put forward the Non- Cooperation programme, in the meeting of Central Khilafat Committee.88 The loyalist group led by Syed Raza Ali opposed the proposal. But they could not stand against the nationalist group which was more dominant.89 Maulana Shaukat Ali was supported by Maulana Abdul Bari and it was decided in the next Khilafat Committee meeting to include the renunciation of titles, it was also decided to establish contacts with the Ulemas of Darul-Uloom of Deoband, Farangi Mahal and Nadwatul Ulema of Lucknow.90 Aligarh was much affected with these political developments and the division of opinion regarding the Khilafat issue.91 Gandhiji and his associates visit to the Aligarh college seriously affected the college. Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali backed by maulavis and the other Muslim agitators from outside, stirred up large number of students against the British rule. According to the reports Mohammad Ali

84 Aligarh Institute Gazettee, dated 15th September 1920. Also see Ahamad Aijaz; Aligarh Muslim University: An Educational and Political History 1920-47,p.22. 85 Shah S.Y, Higher Education And Politics In India- A Study Of Aligarh Muslim University (1857- 1920), Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi,1996. 86 Neimejer A.C, Khilafat Movement In India 1919-1924, p.89. 87 Ibid. 88 Ahamad Aijaz, Aligarh Muslim University: An Educational and Political History 1920-1947, p.94. 89 Ibid, p.95. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. 65

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got signature of 200 hundred students who promised to extend their support for the national cause.92

The news of the visit of Messers. Shaukat Ali and Gandhiji to Aligarh college to persuade the students to adopt the non-cooperation movement alarmed the British Government. Mr. Shaukat Ali was even taunted by Madras Law College on the preaching of the non-cooperation cult to them as their own college was doing nothing in this regard.93 The visit of Mr. Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali was a matter of great concern for the British Government as it may create an awkward situation in the province.94

On 11th October, Gandhiji reached Aligarh accompanied by Jan Mohammad ,Swami Satyadev, and Maulana Azad Subhani and others.95 Gandhi and his associates were invited by Ali brothers in order to persuade the Trustees and to appeal the students to boycott the British and to take part in non-cooperation programme.96

The most ‘mischievous attack’ made on the youth of the country who were to be sacrificed for the political campaign was a matter of great concern for the British Government.97 According to the British Government, the best weapon to combat this danger lies in gaining the support of the ‘sober minded’ people. The Government appreciated the move of the liberals and moderate minds throughout the country to show their displeasure concerning to the mischievous attack made on the system of education. The opposition at Aligarh was generally led by the Trustees of the M.A.O College, by majority of teachers and even by large number of the students themselves.98 Gandhiji ‘s direct appeal to the students without the consent of the teachers, Trustees and the Principal was objected by Dr.Ziauddin, but Gandhi replied that his opinion has been greatly influenced by the Hunter Committee Report and the terms of treaty with Turkey.99

92 Note- “On the effect produced in Aligarh by the visit of Mr.Gandhi,” by W.E.M Campbell. Home Poll –A, Proceedings December , 1920,nos. 210-216 K.W.p.4. 93 Notes- in the Central Intellegence Department by Tasaduq Hussain, Home Poll Deposit, September 1920, Ref. No. 36, p.1. 94 Home Poll Deposit, September 1920, Ref No.36, p.2. 95 Bombay Chronicle, date 16th October 1920. 96 Ziauddin to S.H Butler, Lt. Governer U.P,11th September 1920, Aligarh, No.6, File No. 46 of 1918, U.P Education Department, December 1920, U.P.S.A. 97 Notes-Political-A., November 1920, Nos. 273-274.p.7. 98 Ibid. 99 Ahamad Aijaz, Aligarh Muslim University, p.98. 66

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In Aligarh, the anti-British feelings were gaining momentum as generated by the Ali brothers and Hasrat Mohani. Even in the atmosphere of great displeasure of Trustees of M.A.O College, large number of students joined the Khilafat and Non- Cooperation movement.100 Sheikh Abdullha was so much worried with these developments as he himself admits that majority of the students joined the non- cooperation programme and felt that-“joining the Gandhian way would ruin the college and in turn harm the community.”101

On 12th October 1920 made a speech in the premises of the Aligarh college that-“….. We are taught the lesson of slavery in the Aligarh college.* We should boycott this slavish education. This is my first lesson. If we want to give up friendly relations with government, if we want to non-cooperate with it, if we realize that we cannot save Islam from the danger into which it has fallen by cutting the throats of Englishmen, the roads before us is clear and open. Thirty crore of men cannot remain under the leadership of a handful-one lakh of Englishmen……for this we should give up the favors received from Government. We should boycott Government educational institutions. It is a shame for us that we have not as yet left them as the non- cooperation movement has been in existence for some months…..Non-Cooperation is nothing more than sacrifice for our betterment and religion. The sacrifices we have to make in the first stage are very significant. If we do not have the strength to make even such a sacrifice, how can we become free.”102

The speeches delivered by Gandhiji, Maulana Shaukat Ali and the firm stand taken by Swami Satya Dev stirred the students and teachers. A letter was sent to Secretary of the college by Maulana Mohammad Ali and his associates including 9 Trustees regarding the termination of the affiliation of the college from the Allahabad University by 29th of October and to transform it into a ‘national university’ under the Central Khilafat Committee.103 The demand for an independent college was first made by Zakir Hussain, and was the first person to renounce the scholarship.104 To

100 Ibid, p.97. 101 Ibid, p.97. * Aligarh College- Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College established by Sir Syed Ahamad Khan, became Aligarh Muslim Univeristy in 1920. 102 Speech delivered by Mahatma Gandhi at Aligarh on 12th October, 1920, Police Department File No.16/3/1920. U.P.S.A. 103 Reddy Munni M, The Students Movement in India, R.K.S Acharya, Lucknow,1947, pp.80-81. 104 Aligarh Magzine, year-1953-54, 1954-55, p.72. 67

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chalk out future action and to deprive the nationalist of the student’s support the college decided the closure of the college (sine-die). According to Gandhiji, it was “a sin” for a nation to receive education in schools financed and controlled by a Government that has robbed Indians of their honor and put Islam in “peril”.105

Gandhiji tried to convince the Trustees of the college and assure them to build up a “larger, nobler and purer Aligarh that would carry out the inner most wishes of its founder without destroying its soul but by changing its form.106 The Board of Trustees rejected the nationalist demands by 2/3rd majority, and to run the institution on the principles of Sir Syed Ahamad Khan, the founder.107 The Liberals even do not give up the hope and continue their fight for the control of the institution and they managed to gain the support of about 1/3rd of the students and started an ‘independent Muslim National University’ under the nomenclature of Jamia Millai Islamia, at Aligarh on 29th October 1920.108

Gandhi addressing the parents of the Aligarh college said-“….the time has come for every young men and young women in this country to make their choice between duty to God and duty to others……… I have myself appealed to thousands of parents at scores of meetings at which hardly a parent has objected to the proposition of leaving Government-controlled schools. Indeed they have with wonderful unanimity passed resolutions on non-cooperation including the item on schools. I therefore take leave to think that the parents of the Aligarh boys are no less convinced than the others of necessity of withdrawing their children from schools and colleges supported or controlled by a Government that has participated in betraying the Mussalmans in India and has want only humiliated the nation through its barbarous treatment of the Punjab.”109 Worried about the fate of the University, the Trustees wrote to Hon’ble Secretary to protect the funds.110 To counter the influence of the nationalist, the Government speeded up the implementation of the AMU Act and finally on December 1st 1920, the Act XL of AMU came into existence.111

105 Young India, dated 27th October 1920. 106 Ibid. 107 Shah S.Y, Higher Polities and Education in India, p.258. 108 Ibid. 109 Home Poll –A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.-210-216 KW, p.13. 110 Shah S.Y, Higher Polities and Education in India, p.259. 111 Government of India notification, 1stDecember, 1920, Education ‘B’ Proceedings, April 1921, Nos.7, NAI. 68

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Despite so many hurdles in the way of non-cooperation movement, the students of Aligarh College played a vital role in the progress of the national movement.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

CHAPTER-III

WEST AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

The mass movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, in 1920 generated nationalism among the masses, which shook the mighty British Empire. The very special character of this movement was that it had not only took up the particular way of struggle and the particular grievances of the people but touched every aspect and deal with every problem of the society weather social, economic, religious or political. It played a vital role in bringing each class and community on a single platform against the unjust British rule. The local movements, which were sprouting in different regions of the country because of their own local problems irrespective of their religious, social, economical tendencies, gained momentum and were deeply inspired by the movement launched under the leadership of Gandhi.

This entire chapter is divided into sub chapters related with the three regions as per my chapterization. Taking into account the western zone of the country- Punjab and Rajasthan are the regions which I am dealing with.

(A) PUNJAB AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT.

The First World War gave a new character to the Punjab politics. The Congress was of the opinion that the victory of the allies would result in the betterment of the Indians. Even the Punjab Congress was of the same opinion. Fazal-i-Hussain argued that-“it was a struggle between freedom and slavery.” On the other side Lala Lajpat Rai popularly known as ‘Lion of Punjab’ totally opposed this attitude.1 Home Rule Movement started by Tilak and Annie Besant was an immediate effect of the war. Tilak was invited by the people of Punjab to deliver lectures to enhance the activities in the province.2

In the mean time on the recommendations of the Committee under the chairmanship of Justice Rowlatt, two bills were introduced in the Imperial Legislative Council in February 1919, which popularly came to be known as The Rowlatt Bill or the Black Bills. It was a direct attempt to crush the civil liberties of the people as

1 Ralhan O.P, Indian National Movement: Punjabi Martyrs of Freedom, Vol. I, Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1994. p. x. 2 Ibid. p.x. 70

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under this the Government could arrest any person without a warrant and detain without any trial.3

“Any person found in possession of a seditious document or intending to publish or circulate such documents, will unless he proves that it was his possession for a lawful purpose, be punishable with imprisonment extending to a period of 2 years of with fine or with both.”4

Gandhi’s view vented by Mahadev Desai reckoned the Rowlatt Bills as malaise, and satyagraha, as its only remedy which exhibited how much justified are the demands of Gandhi in particular and Indians as a whole.

“The remedy was the satyagraha movement already launched in Bombay. Satyagraha was a harmless, but unfailing remedy. A satyagrahi was ever ready in endure sufferings and even lays down his life to demonstrate to the world the intergrity of his purpose and justice of his demands. It is the only weapon with which India could be rid of the Bills.”5

Sir Surendernath Banarjee rightly points out that-‘the Rowlatt Act was the parent of the Non-Cooperation Movement.’6

In Amritsar, two champions rose into prominence- one Hindu and the other one Muslim. They were Dr. Siafuddin Kitchlew, a Kashmri Muslim and the other was Dr. Satyapal, who belongs to the Khatri family. Both of them raised their voices against the Rowlatt Act due to which they came under surveillance of the C.I.D. With the consequence, they were ‘deported, arrested and removed from Amritsar.’7

In the last session of the Congress at Delhi, which was held in December 1918, the delegates from Amritsar, headed by Dr. Saifudin Kitchlew* invited the next session to be held in Amritsar. The local Congress Committees, founded in 1917 were invited to promote Hindu-Muslim Unity in political action, into prominence. On reports of disorder in Multan, meetings were conducted which were addressed by

3 Ibid, p. 148. 4 Summary of Rowlatt Bills, CWMG, Vol. XV, Ahmadabad, 1965,p.116. 5 Speech on the Rowlatt Bills, Delhi, March 7, 1919, Amrit Bazar Patrika, dated 13.3.1919, CWMG, voL.XV, Ahmadabad, 1965, pp. 126-7. 6 Bose, Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.38. 7 Ralhan O.P; Indian national Movement, pp.147-148. * Dr. Kitchlew was now under sentence of transportation for life. 71

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Messrs. Duni Chand and Kitchlew, where there were use of the violent speeches. The aims of these meetings were to solidify the opposition to the Rowlett Bill and roused national and political feeling.8

Gandhi in his telegram to Private Secretary to Viceroy dated February 24, 1919; Ahmadabad regarded these bills as-“The symptom of deep seeded disease among the ruling class.”9

Different newspapers came up with different types of remarks regarding this Bill. “The Bombay Chronicle called it as ‘repression in excelsis’. The Hindu wrote…. The Indian public would read the proposed provisions with shame, indignation and disgust. The Amrit Bazar Patrika called it a gigantic blunder which, would arose the worst passive of a peaceful law abiding people. The Punjabi regarded it as a bare faced attempt on the part of a bureaucracy which has been demoralized by the excersie of un restrained power to interfere with liberty. The ‘New India’ described it as ‘monstrous.’”10

Finally, 6thApril was observed as a day of humiliation and prayers. Demonstrations were lamed with certain admirers such as- 24 hours fast by all adults and not regarded in any form of a hunger strike, suspension of all kinds of works, except those in public interest was proclaimed. Markets and other ventures were closed; public meetings took place in every part of the country including villages.11

Promotion of Satyagraha was started by Gandhi in Delhi and Amritsar, after leaving Bombay on 8th April. The worst violent scene occurred in Punjab particularly in Amritsar. The two Punjabi politicians Dr. Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal were arrested which again led to mob violence on 10thApril. Burning and looting was all around in which four Europeans were killed. Martial law was enforced under General Dyre. 13th of April 1919 witnessed the most infamous Jallianwala bagh massacre in history. A crowd of innocent villagers assembled in the ground of Jallianwala Bagh. General Dyre blocked the exit points and opened fire, killing hundreds of innocent people.12

8 Notes- Home Political Deposit (secret)- January 1920, No.77, N.A.I. 9 Telegram to Private Secretary to viceroy, Feb 24, 1919, C.W.M.G, vol.xv, p.102. 10 Rahalan O.P; Indian National Movement, p140. 11 CWMG, pp.145-6. 12 Brown J, Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, p.175. 72

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Gandhi was held responsible for such tragedies that occurred in Punjab, by General Dyre and even by some of the Punjabi Indians.13 For majority of Indians, Amritsar event provoked the vigorous feeling of Indian against colonialism.14 The Amritsar massacre was as ‘important as mutiny as it created a new situation in ‘Indo- British Relations.’15

In his reports on the recent disturbances, Mr. Kitchen, Commissioner of the Lahore Division remarked-“The whole organization of the Congress got to work to stir up the educated classes all over India and especially in the Punjab, which was to be the scene of the next Congress and where the educated and the commercial classes had their special grievances. Up to a point the agitation was very successful. A campaign lies began which was very ingenious and was successful beyond belief………… the spread of the rumors was the most successful. The Rowlatt Act became the Black Act, so black that it was impious even to read it. None of the lower classes and very few of the educated had ever read the Act and had the least idea of its provisions. Any attempt at instruction was resented. Copies distributed to the public were burned as unclean. The city women in their houses were more moved than I have ever known them before. It was in short, a Hindu congress movement of bitter misrepresentation, and the Muhammadans were gathered in by means of the racial mistrust which is always dormant.”16

Undoubtedly, Rowlatt satyagraha was a widespread movement, but was limited to cities and towns. Gandhi was in a need to launch a much broad-based movement. The Congress took an initiative to inquire into Punjab atrocities, there was the time when Gandhi was incited for joint conference of Hindus and Mussalmans to be held at Delhi to look into the Khilafat issue.17

The Khiafat agitation became intense in the province of Punjab. The word ‘Khilafat’ was misinterpreted by the rural population of Punjab as for them the word means “opposed to” that is to oppose the British Government.18 The treatment meted out to the Ottomon Empire at the end of the First World War drastically affected the

13 Gandhi M.K, My Experiments with Truth, (trans. Mahadev Desai), Ahmadabad, 1927, p.575. 14 Neijemeir A.C, The Khilafat in India, 1919-1924, p.73. 15 Ibid, p.73. 16 Home Political Deposit (secret) 1920, Jan 1920, No.77, N.A.I. 17 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, p.586 18 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, London, 1958, p.69. Also Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, 1905-1929, p.183. 73

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Indian Muslim sentiments. Immediately after the declaration of the war Lloyd George made a speech on January 5th 1918, in which he said: “Nor we are fighting …….to deprive Turkey of its rich or renouned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which are predominantly Turkish in race……while we do not challenge the maintenance of Turkish Empire in the home lands of the Turkish race with its capital at Constantinople….Arabia, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Palestine are in our judgment entitled to a recognition of their separate national conditions.”19

Resolutions were passed against the dismemberment of Turkey and the proposal were made for international isolation of Constantinople and uniting Thrace to Greece was considered as violation of pledge made by Lloyd George .20 On 10th August, 1920, The Treaty of Serves was signed which ‘inflamed the Muslim mind in India.’21

Local Khilafat Committees came into formation and Lucknow Committee immediately send a telegram to Secretary of State for India and Islamic Bureau, charging the British Government to crush the religious sentiments and disavow their pledges made in years of war.22

In November 1919, a Khilafat Committee was established at Amritsar with Maulvi Daud Ghazanavi as its Secretary.23 The most prominent leaders in Punjab were- Dr. Siafuddin KItchlew of Amritsar, Lal Khan of Gujranwala, Zafar Ali Khan of Lahore, Syed Habib Shah of Lahore, Aga Mohammed Safdar of Sialkot.24 The Khilafat Deputation at Amritsar addressed a memorial to the Viceroy, in 1921, in which Khalifa was proclaimed to be the “Warden of the Holy Places.”25

Gandhi was transformed from a ‘cooperator to a non cooperator’ after the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre and the Martial law imposed on the people of Punjab and the redress of the Punjab wrongs also became one of the main objectives of this

19 Neimeijer A.C, The Khilafat Movement in India, p.17. 20 Hasan Mushirul, Regionalizing Pan-Islamism, Documents on the Khilafat Movement (ed.), Hasan Mushirul and Prenan Margrit, Manohar Publication, 2005, p.57. 21 Tendulkar D.G, Mahatma (Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi), Delhi, 1961, Vol.II, p.10. 22 Ibid. 23 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No.5, January 1920. 24 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No. 110, August 1920. 25 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No.60, February, 1921. 74

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movement.26 Gandhiji as a mark of protest surrendered his titles of Kaiser-i-Hind, The Boer war Medal and the Zullu war Medal.27

According to Lala Lajpat Rai, different communities of Punjab shared a comman platform in this movement as people were divided and devoid of nationalism before Mahatma Gandhi arrived on the political scene of India.28

This Congress is of the opinion that there can be no contentment in India without the redress of the two wrongs, and to prevent a repetition of the similar wrongs in future is the establishment of the Swarajya. This Congress is further of the opinion that there is no course left open to the people of India but to approve of and adopt the policy of progressive non-violent non-cooperation inaugurated by Mr. Gandhi.29`

After the end of the First World War, there was no guarantee left for constitutional reforms, the Indian National Congress was encountering with serious repercussions of the Rowlett Bills, the Jillianwala Bagh Massacre and the Khilafat issue. Programme of boycott was laid down along with the promise of ‘swaraj in one year.’ Congress leaders made serious efforts to mobilize people on a broader platform against British.30

Throughout the country there was an enthusiastic response to the non- cooperation programme. It comprised of surrender of titles and honorary offices, resignation of nominated members in the local bodies, boycott of Government aided educational institutions, boycott of foreign goods and adoption of swadeshi, boycott of legislature and law courts, revival of hand spinning and hand weaving. Now the Congress aim was the attainment of Swaraj by all peaceful and legitimate means.31

Hunter Committee was, appointed after six months of the Jallian wala Bagh massacre, but its aim was to whitewash the crime of the British officer. “This council expresses deep sorrow, keen disappointment and strong resentment over the arrogant and ignorant speeches and the vote of the House of Lords on the Punjab Tragedy and

26 S.L Malhotra (ed.), ‘A study of the Non Cooperation Movement in the Punjab Politics,’ Punjab Journal of Politics, vol.7, 1983, pp.93-98. 27 Tendulkar D.G, Mahatma, p.1 28 Vijay Chandra Joshi (ed.), Lala Lajpat Rai: Speeches and Writings, vol.2, p.144. 29 Bamford P.C; Histories of the Non cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.16. 30 Bakshi S.R(ed.), Documents of the Non- Cooperation Movement, p.1. 31 Dr. P.N Chopra, (ed.), The Gazetter of India, vol.2, pp.517-72. 75

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is one of the opinion that the majority report of the Hunter Committee, the dispatches of the Government of India and the Secretary for the State for India clearly disclose a deliberate attempt to white wash an official crime and to minimize official misdeeds, and consider that nothing about of full carrying into effect of the Congress sub- committees recommendations contained in its report will satisfy Indian opinion.”32

After such a horrible massacre, Punjab was still administered under martial law. ‘Shoot at sight orders were maintained in Amritsar. People were living completely under reign of terror. Some of the renouned personalities raised their voices against such barbaric acts such as Sir Sankaran Nair resigned from Viceroy’s Executive Council and famous poet Rabindra Nath Tagore renounced his Knighthood.33

The Committee convinced Mahatma Gandhi that-“British rule needed to be ended not mended.” Gandhiji finally adopted the policy of non-violent non- cooperation and raged war against the British rule.34

The British Government was highly alarmed with the growing campaign of Mr.Gandhi and the Ali Brothers who were making headway, especially in the region of Punjab where they gained the dangerous sympathy of the Sikhs.35 This was the period when Punjab was developing the Akali Movement, which was however entirely a religious movement but formed an important part of Indian Freedom struggle.36 The Akalis made great contribution in the Indian struggle against the British Government and the non-cooperation movement was largely supported by them.37

Witnessing the integration of the two movements that of the Akali and the national movement, the Government had changed its policy. In order to appease the Moderates, they started chalking out the legislations to satisfy them, and on the other hand decided to crush the extremist Akali’s for the sake of maintaining law and order.38 On the other side the Akali’s were also determined to eradicate the

32 Bombay Chronicle, dated-31st July 1920. 33 Ralhan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.152-53. 34 Ibid, p154. 35 Home Political File-A., November 1920, Nos.273-274, N.A.I. 36 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.225. 37 Singh Raghbir, Akali Movement 1926-47, Omsons Publication, 1997, p.16. 38 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Indepndence, p.227. 76

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Government’s intrusion in their religious affairs. The non-cooperators within the SGPC took control of the movement and passed a resolution for the boycott of foreign goods and liquor and established panchayats in place of British law courts. The leaders of the Akali Dal were also arrested for breach of law.39

Akali movement played a vital role in the political development of the Punjab and aroused the peasants of Punjab. According to Mohender Singh: “It was during the Akali Movement that the pro British feudal leadership of the Sikhs was replaced by educated middle class nationalists and the rural and the urban classes united on a comman platform during the two pronged Akali struggle.” The unique feature of the movement was that the movement was completely based on the religious issues but purely based on non-communal lines.40

The British Government was really worried about the Jat Sikhs. As in the official letter prepared by the H.D Craik which states that-“Apart from the city, the district round Amritsar (Amritsar itself, Lahore, Gurdaspur ad Ferozpur) contain a potentially turbulent rural population who are largely Jat Sikhs. If the Congress tries to attract a large number of peasant delegates as they did at Delhi last Christmas, and succeeded in interesting the peasantry in their ideas, the results might be extremely serious. The entire district named is great recruiting centers and practically every village contains a number of old soldiers. Any political views that ‘caught on’ in these districts would be very quickly reflected in the Army.”41

Akali Movement was considered to be more dangerous by the British Government as compared to the Civil Disobedience Movement of Mr. Gandhi. The Assistant Director of C.I.D, D.Petrie signed a memorandum in 1921 in which he states-“Gandhi’s propaganda makes its appeal mainly to the urban classes, which lack both the stamina and physical courage to oppose successfully even small bodies of police, the Akali campaign is essentially a rural movement, and its followers are men

39 Ibid, p.227. 40 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, Permanent Black, Delhi, 1978, pp.149-50. Also see Bipin Chandra, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.229. 41 Notes- Home Political Deposits, Reference No.77, January 1920. 77

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of fine physique with a national history of which the martial characteristics have been purposely kept alive both by the Government and the Sikh themselves.”42

The wave of enthusiasm and excitement could be seen throughout the province as M.K Gandhi, Mohammaed Ali and Shaukat Ali, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, Pandit Motilal Nehru and other prominent agitators visited Punjab in October 1920.43

Non-Cooperation Movement made a headway with remarkable progress. Large number of students left Government schools and colleges and in its place national education institutions were established, many lawyers gave up their practices Pandit Motilal Nehru and C.R Das were among well known lawyers who gave up their practices.44

Drastic impact of the decision taken by the Sikh League can be witnessed on the students and Professors of the Khalsa College, Amritsar. Gandhiji’s visit to Amritsar resulted in the resignation of many Professors as a protest against the British control over the college and there was a possibility that the students took the possession of the machinery of the college. Gandhi during his stay in Lahore twice addressed the students to boycott all connections with the British Government in matter of university affiliations and Government grants. All these had a great impact on the Lahore Isalamia School and Muslim High school as both the institutions had been temporarily closed. The Punjab Provincial Muslim League also passed a resolution in favor of the non-cooperation.45

At the annual session the Sikh League adopted the policy of non-cooperation in its entirety. Much anxiety can be seen in the recent developments of the Sikh politics as extremist leaders of the Sikhs are very fanatical and expected to follow active non-cooperation in future. According to the reports of Commissioner of the Jullendur Division- “the Jats are everywhere becoming involved and are taking non-

42 Mazumdar Ranjit K., The Indian Army and the Making of the Punjab, Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2003. 43 Fortnightly Report (here after FR) on the Political and Economical situation in Punjab ending 31st October 1920. Home Political Deposit, Part-B, December 1920, File No.76. 44 Dr. P.N Chopra (ed.), The Gazetter of India, vol.2, pp517-72. 45 FR, Home Political Deposit, Part-B,Dec.1920.File No.76. 78

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payment of revenue.” In many places the Private Arbitration courts are also reported to have been formed.46

The extremist politicians to have made the best efforts to carry on the policy chalked out by the National Congress and to involve people at large in the political agitation. The cry had begun all over ‘Montague must go’ on the facts that the Secretary of State had hidden the facts about the Jalianwala Bagh incident from the British public.47

Non-Cooperation Committee was set up in Punjab with Lalalajpat Rai as its President, and Chaudhary Rambhaj Singh as its Vice-President, Bhai Sardul Singh and Dr. Kitchlew as its Secretary and Lala Dundi Chand as Treasurer. Mahatma Gandhi deputed Dr. Kitchlew to arrange and organize Non Cooperation programmed in Punjab. There was a great enthusiasm throughout the province. Dr. Kitchlew and Aga Safdar made propaganda work during their visit in several places. In Lahore, people offered their gold jewellery and even their proprieties for the sake of the national work. Several Volunteer Corps had been established under the leadership of Aga Safdar which was joined by many young nationalist. Many local committees were established in the district areas.48

Non-Cooperation propaganda was going all around. Dr.Satayapal spoke to the boys to the boys at Atichision Park that- “they should form the volunteer corp which should try to dissuade school boys from attending their respective schools…..Dr. Kitchlew told the professors that their next move would be to take sword in hands when Mr. Gandhi was chucked out to jungles and that in that case all the hopes centere in the strudy brave Khalsas.” After returning from Lahore, Mr. Kitchlew spoke to some of the boys at the Aitchison Park that-“they should leave the present school if they would do not comply with their demands of refusing affiliation and grant. He said they were contemplating to open a National School very soon.”49

Secretaries of the Non-Cooperation movement Dr. Siafuddin Kitchlew and Sardul Singh Caveeshar sent a letter to the Khilafat Committee, Moslem League, Sikh

46 Ibid. 47 FR- On the Political and Economical situation in the Punjab at the end of 31st January, 1920.Notes- Political Deposit , January 1920, No.79. 48 Rahaln O.P, Indian National Movement, p.220. The Tribune, October 14, 1920, p.5, Col.3. 49 FR, Ref.79. NAI 79

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League, District Congress Committees, the Home Rule Leagues and the Indian Association as follows-: “…….. the work before us is the attainment of swaraj by non-violent non-cooperation with Government, and thus get wrongs done to India is the matter of the Khilafat and the Punjab atrocities righted. For this purpose, we would request you soon to form a representative Committee of Non Cooperators in your district.

……….. we may inform you that the first work before the Committee is the boycott of Councils. For this purpose Protest Forms have been printed for securing signatures from the voters……… we shall be glad to send you as many Protest Forms in Urdu, Hindi or Gurmukhi as you may desire. Kindly note that it is not sufficient that the propaganda work be carried on only in your town; for the success of the movement it is absolutely necessary that the movement be carried into the furthest corners of your district.

……. The next thing of immediate importance is the collection of Funds. A large amount is required for the propaganda work. Donations here and there would not do; what is required is house and house collections. Kindly form a strong deputation for the purposed and begin the work at once………”50

Regarding the Punjab’s response regarding the programme of khadi, Gandhi said-“No part of India can beat the Punjab for spinning wheels.” On 8th March 1921, at Ambala, Gandhi said, Punjab was most progressive in the matter of Swadeshi and the spinning wheel gained more popularity in Punjab as compared to the other provinces. As far as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was considered, the efforts of Punjab was heading the list.51 At Gujranwala, people were switch over to khaddar turbans in place of foreign cloth turbans.52 Khaddar became a unique feature of their social gatherings and dowries in the marriages were mainly consisted of the indigenous articles.53

Mahatmaji, appealed to the people and especially the ladies of Hoshiarpur, to spin, weave and wear khaddar and to offer everything to Tilak Swaraj fund. The

50 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.220-222. The Tribune, October 30th, 1920. P.5., Col.1. 51 CWMG, XIV, pp11-13. 52 A.I.C.C Papers: ‘Reports of Congress work in Punjab in 1922’, Press communiqué and messages by SGPC. Part-II., p.27. 53 Ibid, p.145. 80

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response was fantastic. Mother of Shri Harkrishan Das presented local made box to Shrimati Kasturba Gandhi which she transferred to Swaraj Fund.54

In a letter by viceroy to Edwin Samuel Montague, Hon’ble Secretary of State for India dated 28th December 1920, draws attention to the situation related to the students who were fascinated by the Gandhi’s non-cooperation. In his letter he states that-“……unfortunately at the present time it is the student who is the object of alienation of Gandhi and co. and the real peril of the situation lies in the fact that these students are being bought up to believe the most outrageous things said about the British rule.”55

On 18th November 1920, Sri Krishna High School, Haryana transformed itself into a national school. It refused the grants and abandoned the affiliation. It reduces the salary of the present staff. Technical classes formed the curriculum. These changes were happily accepted by the present staff and the students. The opening ceremony was done by Mr.Gandhi and the work was taken up very enthusiastically.56

Editor of ‘Syast’, Syed Habib was very impressed after witnessing the patriotic spirit of the students and the staff. He along with the founder of the institution, Pandit Harcharn Das and Lal Krishna Lal, the Headmaster delivered speeches throughout the town. The masses were overwhelmed and were quite enthusiastic.57

The latest developments in the Khalsa college was that meetings were held by the professors and the students where the professors decided to give the control of the college to the Sikhs. No decision was taken by them on disaffiliation but at the same time some of the students want the disaffiliation and discontinuance of the grants.58

In the beginning of 18thOctober, number of attempts had been made to bring the schools and Khalsa college to non-cooperation. Professor of Khalsa college sent an ultimatum expiring November 6, and ‘today school and colleges have gone out, and attended meeting addressed by Kitchlew and Sarla Devi.’ A considerable

54 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.230. 55 Extract from a letter the viceroy to the Right Hon’ble Edwin Samuel Montague, Secretary of State for India, dated 28th December 1920. Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Reference No. 36.NAI 56 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement,p.229. The Tribune , No.20,1920,p.5, Col.3. 57 Ibid, pp.229-230. The Tribune, Dec.21, 1920, p.2, Col.4. 58 FR, Ref. no.79. 81

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influence of Sikh League can be seen on the students as-“To many students it speaks with authority of the Panth.”59

A meeting of Khalsa college council and the Managing Committee was held on 4th December to consider sub-committee’s report, signed by the Chairman of the sub-committee, the Hon’ble Sardar Bahudur Sunder Singh Majithia, C.I.E, and countersigned by the Hon’ble Captain Gopal Singh O. B,E; Honorary Secretary of the Khalsa college, to consider all those rules the Managing Committee decided to delete, to remove all Government control from the management of the institution, and thus after a 3 long hour session it was accepted in its entirety.60

A grand success had been achieved by the Khalsa college as the Government control had been withdrawn and 13 Professors* had been asked to resume their work and the students were requested to take to their studies61.

A meeting was held at Islamia college building by Shaukat Ali and co. with a large number of students gathering. Mohammaed Ali was the first to deliver the speech in which he laid emphasis on ‘the hostile attitude of the British Government towards the Turkey in the Peace Conference and held the whole blame on our Government for the results.’ He was followed by Abul Kalam Azad who appealed to the Mohammedans to refuse the grants and disaffiliation of the Islamia College.62

A Public meeting was held at National Islamia College, on 8th March 1921 which was attended by Mahatma Gandhi along with Kasturba Gandhi, Ferozuddin and Syed Habib after they reached Hoshiarpur. He was welcomed there by Jan Mohammed. He was very much impressed with the handmade cloth factory at Hoshiarpur but still regret the use of the foreign cloth. There he laid much emphasis on the non-violent non-cooperation in order to win swaraj and to righted the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs. He said-“it is our duty to stop pensions of O’Dwyer and Dyre,

59 Copy of ‘Report received by Education Department from Punjab Government’. Home Department – Political-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.210-216 and K-W.p.6.NAI 60 ‘The Press communiqué issued by The Commissioner’, Lahore Division. Notes in Intellegence Bureau. Home Political Deposit, December, 1920, Reference NO. 48.NAI * Teja Singh, Shivcharan Singh, Bawa Har Krishan Singh, B.R. Chatterjee, Tara Singh, Charan Singh, Kundanlal Bhatia, Kashmira Singh, Rajendra Singh, Jogendra Singh, Narain Singh were the Professors who resumed their work at Khalsa College , Amritsar. 61 Ibid.Ref. no.48. 62 Demi-official from the Hon’ble Khan Bhadur Mian Md. Shafi to Hon’ble Sir W.H.Vincent, K.C.I.S., Dated Lahore, 25th October 1920. Home Department-Political-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.210-216 and K-W.p.7.NAI 82

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which can only be done by attaining Swaraj. To win that are must stand united adhering to our religion. Non-Cooperation with Government and adopt swadeshi. Pleaders should leave practice and schools should be nationalized.”63

The another important feature of the non-cooperation movement was the picketing of the liquor shops which was witnessed at different places in the province, such as Dera Ismail Khan at the time of annual auction.64 At Jallunder, Lahore and Ambala the picketers were abused by the police.65 At Hissar, they were badly beaten up as they did’nt allow the auction.66

Gurudwaras had a special place among the Sikh community not only because it is a place of worship but also served as the centers of political and social activities. In 1849, with the establishment of the British rule in Punjab, the Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple) administration was not considered to be satisfactory by the Sikhs. The Deputy Commissioner of the Amritsar appointed a manager who was responsible to hold the sole authority and converted the sacred place of worship into bower of ignonimity and misdownment. The Singh Sabha was the very first to criticize the corruption prevailing within the premises of the shrines.67 In the early 20th century, in British India the Sikh Gurudwara were controlled by the Udasi Mahants who were appointed by the Governors.68 The Akali Movements aim and objective was to release the Sikh Gurudwaras from the clutches of the traditional clergy, which was so ‘powerful and ritualized.’69

The term ‘Akali’ is used in the Sikh scriptures, derives from the word ‘Akal,’ which means ‘timeless’ or ‘immortal.’70

In 1920, the movement was started by Singh Sabha’s political wing which later on came to be known as Akali Dal. The volunteer group known as jathas under the leadership of Kartar Singh Jabbar played a vital role in the movement. Bade Di

63 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.230. 64 A.I.C.C Papers, Part-I, p.9.NMML 65 Ibid, pp.9,13. 66 Ibid, p.9. 67 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, 1905-1929, Concept Publication, New Delhi, 1997 pp.148-49. 68 Singha H.S, The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Hemkunt press, 2000, p.13. 69 Mazumdar Rangit K; The Indian Army and The Making of the Punjab, Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2003, p.213. 70 Singha H.S, The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, p.13. 83

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Ber Gurudwara in Sialkot was the first shrine chosen for the reform. The widow of Mahant Harman Singh was in-charge of the Gurudwara. As it was the only source of income to her, she resisted it in the beginning but as she was offered a pension she surrendered.71

Gurudwaras were under the control of the corrupt and ignorant mahants, the movement aimed at freeing these Gurudwaras from the clutches of these corrupt mahants. Maharaja Ranjit Singh endowed the revenue free lands to these Gurudwaras, during 18th and 19th centuries. They were (the mahants) getting full support from the Government. Its aim was to keep the Sikhs out of the rising tide of nationalism and to be loyal to the British government. On the other hand, reformations of the Gurudwara was the target of the Sikh reformers. The two incidents horrified nationalist-(A) issuing of Hukumnama by the priest of the Golden Temple at Amritsar against the Ghadarities and (B) then honored General Dyer.72

In November 1920, Shromoni Gurudara Prabhandak Committee was elected to sort out the religious issue, which was concentrated during 1920’s political turmoil.73 Mahatma Gandhi’s and Ali Brother’s visit to Amritsar in October 1920 provoke the excitement of the locality and resulted the merger with the non- cooperation movement.74It was the committee of 175 members elected by 10,000 reformers to control and manage the affairs of the Golden Temple, Akal Takhat and the other Gurudwaras. A Central Committee came to be known as the Shriromani Akali Dal was formed in December, which was the chief organizer of the Akali Jathas* to organize struggle in the more systematic manner. It was mainly comprised of the Jat peasantry under the leadership of the nationalist leaders. The Akali movement was deeply influenced with the non-cooperation movement, as it was adhere to the creed of complete non-violence.75 They won easy victories in the course

71 Singh Mohinder; The Aklai Struggle: A Retrospect (vol.1), Atlantic Publishers, New Delhi, 1988, p.20. 72 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.225. 73 Home Political Department, File No. 942, 1922. 74 Ibid. * “The establishment of the Akali Jathas was not an innovation. During the time of Ahmad Shah Duranni’s invasion (1747-1780) the Sikhs worked under a system of conscription introduced by Tussa Singh Kullal by which all the able bodied Sikhs in a village were organized into a jathas- a permanent body under its own leader. This system was not promulgated under some orders or ordinances, but had come to be accepted universally among the Sikhs within a short time.” Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab,p.152. 75 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle For Independence,p.226. 84

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement of the year as ten of the Gurudwara were freed from the control of the corrupt mahants. The Sikh reformers organized public meetings to put forward their demand to place the Golden Temple and Akal Takhat the ‘foremost seat of the Sikh faith in the hands of the representative body of the Sikhs.’ In order to appease the popular sentiment, the Government managers resigned and the control of the Temple passed into the hands of the Sikh reformers.76

Akalis adopted the non-cooperation movement formally on 11th May, with two aims and objectives-(i) to reform the gurudwaras and (ii) and to launch non- cooperation movement against the British Government.77 The Government was more bewildered with the blending of the two movements. It believed that however the Akalis had joined the non-cooperation ‘the Sikh movement remained a thing apart from, though possessing many points of contact with, the general national movement which was agitating the whole of India.’78 This confusion renewed the agitation against the Government over the ‘keys affair’. Even under the SGPC’s management the keys of the treasury of the Golden temple were held by the managers appointed by the Government. The SGPC passed the resolution on 28th October 1921, asking to hand over the keys to its president, but the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar sent an official to under the police custody to collect the keys from the manager.79

The nature of the agitation was completely transformed after the Nankana massacre in February 1920, which resulted in about killing of 130 people. Thereafter the movement was intensified and numbers of Sikh shrines were hastily held in custody.80

The birthplace of Guru Nanak, the Nankana Sahib, occupies the most significant position among the religious places of the Sikhs. It was under the control of Mahant Sadhu Ram, who belongs to the Udasi sect of the Sikhs and emerged as the wealthy feudal landlords. Under their rule poor peasantry were deprived of their rights.81

76 Ibid, p.225. 77 Singh Mohender; Akali Movement, p.42. and Singh ;Retrospect, pp. 45, 212. 78 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.216. 79 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, p.43. 80 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.214 81 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p192. 85

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Mahant Narain Das succeeded Mahant Sadhu Ram, who followed the footsteps of his predecessor who had the support of the British authorities. The Sikh reformers were highly alarmed with the Nankana Sahib affairs. In October 1920, a resolution was held at Dharowal in which Mahant Narain Das was warned to sanitize the administration of the temple from the disease of corruption. On the other hand, Mahant Narain Das recruited a strong force to crush the Akali Movement. Apart from that, Narain Das, at Nankana, arranged a meeting, with the approval of Mr.C.M King, the Commissioner of Lahore and in consultation with Baba Kartar Singh Badi and other Mahants. The Committee was of the opinion that not to acknowledge the authority of Shriromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee and formed a parallel committee with Mahant Narain and Mahant Basant Das as its President and Secretary respectively. ‘Sant Sevak’, a newspaper was started from Lahore with the aim of propagating against the Akali Movement.82

Mahant Narain Das collected 400 mercenaries and provided them with arms and ammunitions. In the meanwhile, Shriomani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee was chalking out a plan to get hold of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takhat under their control. A resolution was passed on 24t January 1921, in order to compel the Mahant for reforms.83

The Mahant was frightened with the SGPC’s decision and of the rumors of the forcible occupation of the Gurudwara by Kartar Singh Jhabbar. He was agreed upon to a compromise and arranged the meeting with Kartar Singh Jhabbar. Soon his mind changed and he started preparations for the murder of the Akali leaders.84

Taking into an account of the entire situation SGPC instructed the Akali Dal leaders not to proceed to the Janam Asthan. Bhai Lachman Singh agreed but the other members convinced him only to pay homage and to returned back peacefully. On 20th February 1921, under the leadership of Lachman Singh Dharvolia about 130 Sikhs entered the courtyard of the shrine. The exit points were closed and they were

82 Ibid, pp193-4. 83 Ibid, p.194. 84 Ibid,pp.194-5. 86

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massacred brutally.85 After killing all the members of the jathas they burnt the bodies.86

Soon the news spread like wild fire and the Mahant Narain Singh and two of his henchmen and 26 pathans were arrested and sent to Lahore.87

The native Press made a unanimous attack on the Mahant and express their deep sorrow and sympathised with the families of the martyrs.88 National leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Lala Dundi Chand, Lala Lajpat Rai, Dr. Kitchlew all expressed their sympathy with the Akalis. Kartar Singh Jhabbar declared that ‘the happening had awakened the Sikhs from their slumber and the march towards swaraj had been quickened.’89

At the Nankana massacre the Government’s perception was quite complicated as it took place at the time when Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation movement were also progressing. At a Shaidi Diwan at Nankana, Gandhi compared the Nankana massacre to Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy and asked the Sikhs to join the Non- Cooperation movement.90

Regarding the Nankana Tragedy the Punjab Government was criticized by both the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India, for not consulting the Government of India regarding this matter, but nothing could be done against any official.91 The Punjab Government passed an Ordinance on 21stMarch under which a judicial commission was appointed to consider the Gurudwara disputes. Consequently, the Punjab Government introduced the ‘Gurudwara Bill’ in the Legislative Council. On 5thApril but it proved ineffective as the management committee was consisted of the non-Sikhs.92

There was a constant effort made by the Government to keep the keys of the Toshakhana of the Golden Temple under their custody. Immediately Akali’s organized protest meetings and ten of the Akali jathas reached Amritsar and won

85 Home Political Department, File NO.942, 1922. 86 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.195-6. 87 Ibid, p.196. 88 Ibid, p.197 89 Ibid, p.197 and Chandra Bipin, Indian National Movement, p.226. 90 Singh Mohinder, Akali Movement,pp.35-6, Singh Mohinder, Retrospect, p. 212. 91 Ibid, pp.39-41, Singh Mohinder, Retrospect, pp.42-3. 92 Ibid,p.216. 87

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victory in the ‘Keys Affair’ in October 1921. The Sikhs joined hartals to protest the visit of Prince of Wales on the advice of the SGPC. The Government in retaliation arrested Baba Kharak Singh and Master Tara Singh, the militant leaders of the SGPC, resulting in the expansion of the movement to the remotest areas of the country. This was the period when the non-cooperation was on its peak. The Government decided not to interfere in the religious affair of the Sikhs and surrendered the keys of the Toshakhana to Baba Kharak Singh.93 In a telegram sent by Mahatma Gandhi to Baba stated: ‘First battle for India’s freedom won. Congratulations.’94

A non-violent struggle culminated at Guru-ka-Bagh Gurudrwara, which was a movement to liberate the Gurudwara. The Government got the opportunity to teach the lesson to the Akalis as the non-cooperation movement has been withdrawn in February 1922. The event took place at Gokewale a small village about 20 km away from Amritsar. The Gurudwara was handed over to SGPC by the mahant in August 1921 but he claimed personal possession of the land attached to the Gurudwara. One day a dry kikkar tree was cut down by an Akali, the mahant soon complained to the police of the theft. The official grabbed the opportunity and arrested five Akalis and put on trial. In reaction to his Akali Jathas began to cut trees from the disputed land. The Government held charges of theft against them and started arresting all of them.95

In the initial stage the Government stayed away from the religious matter but later on its involvement can be witnessed as it was treated as a property dispute or ‘law and order’ problem. The mahants were always supported by the authorities and the Akalis who were responsible for their forcible ejection were ‘liable to punishment, and the mahants could demand their rights through the courts.’96

The Government was stick to the policy of ‘prevention’, based on protection of property rights as it was unable to tackle the Akalis during the Guru-Ka-Bagh agitation. The mahants seized the opportunity and lodged a case of theft against the Akails.97

93 Chandra Bipin, Indian National Movement, p.227. 94 Ibid, p.227. 95 Ibid, pp.227-8. 96 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, p.26. 97 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and Making of Punjab, pp.218-20. 88

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The Akalis reacted to this and send jathas of five men daily to cut wood from premises and made arrest in non-violent non-cooperation movement. Suppression continued by but this did not prevent them from agitation. Public sympathy was much aroused by the use of force against the non-violent struggle.98

Now the authorities, instead of arresting them, began to beat the Akali volunteers mercilessly with their lathis. The Akalis on the other hand faced them with courage and bravery. C.F Andrews describe it as ‘inhuman, brutal, foul, cowardly and incredible to an Englishman and a moral defeat of England.’ Throughout Punjab, massive protest meetings were organized and on 10thSeptember it was attended by Hakim Ajmal Khan, Swami Shardanand and Kumari Lajwanti of Jullunder.99 A Committee was appointed by the Congress Working Committee to investigate the matter. Once again, the Government failed and had to allow the Akalis to cut the trees.100

Under the Presidentship of Madan Mohan Maalviya, a public meeting was held at Jallian wala Bagh, where in his speech he criticized the authorities for their illegal actions and to use the force. He further says that the Government policy and attitude was both in human and uncivilized.101 Kumara Lajwanti states that – “……swaraj had been brought nearer by the passive attitude of the Akalis and the foundation of the swaraj had been strengthend by the lathi blows which the Akalis have endured.”102

The Indian National Congress appointed, the Civil Disobedience Enquiring Committee which concluded that the movement in Punjab was non-violent and congratulated the martial people of Punjab for their grand success.103

The Sikh leaders passed a resolution on 1stMay 1921, for launching passive resistance movement and the SGPC insisted the British Government to release the protestors and to legalize the control of the Gurudwaras. During the Punjab Provincial Congress at Rawalpindi, a Sikh-Hindu Conference was organized. The Hindus joined

98 Ibid,p.220. 99 Home Political Department, File No.949, 1922. 100 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.228. 101 Home Political Department, File No. 949. 102 Ibid. 103 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.217. 89

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the Sikhs in their struggle on request of the Jagat Guru Shankaracharya. On 11thMay large number of Akalis jathas proceeded to take control over the Gurudwaras.104

‘Gurudwara Bill’ was introduced by the Government to settle the Gurudwara disputes under which Board of Commissioners was set up to look after the Gurudwara management. But it was rejected by the SGPC and it was postponed and then the ‘Sikh Gurudwaras and Shrine Bills’ (Bill No.11 of 1922) was introduced in the Punjab Legislative Assembly on 17thNovember 1922. It was opposed by the Sikh and Hindu members but passed by 41 votes to 31 votes.105 The arrest of 80 a day seems to be quite impossible to continue, as the viceroy was also much troubled with the Guru-Ka-Bagh agitation. It was then decided to reach a permanent solution through legislation.106 On 7thNovember 1922, second Gurudwara Bill was passed with the help of Muslims and the official members, however the Sikh and the Hindus maintained their opposition.107

The Akalis in 1923 decided to take control of the Gurudwara Gangsar at Jaito in the Nabha State. There, Ripudanman Singh, the Maharaja of Nabha was sympathetic towards the Akali Movement and the Indian National Movement but the British Government deposed him.108 An agitation was launched by SGPC where their leaders were arrested on charge of sedition. At the Special session of the Congress in Delhi, the Indian National Congress declared its support for Akali Movement . J.L Nehru and Kasturiranga Santhanam joined the Akalis.109

Finally the Government of Punjab transferred the control of the Gurudwaras to Akalis.“Sikh Gurudwara Bill” was introduced in the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1925 after the demands put forwarded by SGPC. It came into force on 1st November 1925. The movement filled the Sikhs with anti-British feelings and also anti-Hindu sentiments as the mahants were identified as pro-Udaisi mahants such as Naraian Das.110

104 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, pp.176-77. 105 Ibid, pp.177-8. 106 Chief Secretary , Punjab to Home Member, Government of India, 5th October 1922, enclosing proceedings of a conference held in the Vicegeral lodge on 2nd October 1922, in GoI, Home (Political), 1922, File NO. 914. Also Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab ,pp.177-8. 107 Singh Mohindra; Akali Movement, pp.129-30. 108 Singh Johar Surendra; Holy Sikh Shrines, M.D Publications, 1998, p.64. 109 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab. 110 Ibid. 90

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As Mohinder Singh quotes that: “it was the idea of liberation of the country from a foreign government that united all the sections of the Sikh community and brought the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs of the province into the fold of the Akali movement.” However in the later stages it took to communal lines.111

The Government of India really bothered about the unrest prevailed in the Sikh Districts, which affected the morale of the Sikh regiment, and to counter the non-cooperation movement it ordered the Punjab Government to prosecute their leaders. The SGPC was annoyed over the arrest of the two leaders under the Seditious Meeting Act. A resolution was passed to encourage the Sikhs to hold meeting everywhere, explaining the facts about the keys affair and to ask the Sikh soldiers and pensioners to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales. There was all over the anti- British propaganda as the Sikhs were united to achieve their religious and political deliverance. Suppression continued and the top leaders of the Prabhandak Committee were arrested.112

The arrest added fuel to fire resulting participation in large numbers. The Government was highly alarmed as according to the CID report, ‘the agitation was widespread in the rural areas of the Central Punjab’ where ‘ the illiterate Jat Sikhs were easily misled by heated talk of a tyrannical encroachment of his cherished religious rights’, Sikhs recognized as the ‘martial race, formed the ‘backbone of many of the Punjab battalions.’ According to the official report ‘the army had not yet been affected’, but ‘there were ample corroborative evidence that soldiers on leave are vigorously assailed by propagandists who wish to shake their attachment to their regiments and their loyalty to the Raj.’ There were many good reasons to believe that the Prabandhak Committee dispatched posters and printed statements related to key affairs and the actions taken against the British Government to the different regiments.113 The army had been informed that the troops had been greatly affected and that ‘the country was full of thousands of disbanded and disgruntled soldiers’, and

111 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.229. 112 Singh Mohinder, Akali Movement,pp.44-5, Singh Mohinder; Retrospect, p.48. 113 Mazumdar R.K. The Indian Army and Making The Punjab, pp.217-18. 91

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the agitation was ‘affecting a community which supplies so large a fraction of the Indian army, the necessity of finding an early issue was urgent.’114

The Government being alarmed by the situation, they negotiated with the leaders and reached a compromise and they had to release the arrested leaders and handed over the keys to the Prabhandak Committee. The Government remained much confused as the religious matter of the Golden Temple had been largely affected by the non-cooperation movement. However according to the Prabhandak Committee, the Akali Movement was completely a religious one but many of its members were supporting the non-cooperation movement being the leaders of the Central Sikh League.115

The Government was much worried as the attempts had been made to instigate the army and quite good number of ex-soldiers was joining the jathas as the signs of growing solidarity with the Akalis within the neighboring villages of the Amritsar district.116 The British were highly alarmed with the growing excitement among the Sikh units of the Indian army as the number of ex-soldiers were proceeding to Guru- Ka-Bagh in jathas.117

The Ambala Division Conference, the Divisional Khilafat Conference and the Punjab ‘Begar’ Conference all held together at Bhiwani in the Hissar District from 22nd to 24th October and were attended by 20,000 to 30,000 people. There Gandhi, Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali deliverd highly seditious speeches. The other prominent agitators who attended the conference were Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. M.A Ansari, Neki Ram Sharma and Swami Satyadev.118

Government’s suppression continued as many leaders like Zafar Ali Khan editor and proprietor of the ‘Zamindar’, Maulvi Laqaulha and Sufi Iqbal have been convicted and sentenced to five years transportation. The Khilafat party demonstrated against the trials and raised subscriptions for the families of convicts.

114 Ibid, p.218. 115 Ibid,p.218. 116. Singh Mohinder; Akali Movement, pp.49-54. Singh Mohinder; Retrospect, pp.52-6. 117 Home Political Department, File No.949, 1922. 118 FR, Ref. No. 79. NAI 92

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Government took repressive measures to crush the Non-Cooperation movement and implied the Seditious Meeting Act in Lahore, Sheikpura and Amritsar districts.119

Secondly, the prosecution of the newspaper was the other means to crush the movement. Two newspapers and the leaflet have been proscribed. Islamia Steam Press has been warned for printing objectionable matter. The Sikh newspaper the ‘Akali’ being the worst offender. Non-Cooperation formed the chief topic of discussion. The press at large critized the ‘Esher Committee’s” report.120 ‘Zamindar’ published some of the very objectionable articles on the administration of the North West Frointier Province. The ‘Siyasat.’ does not approve of the Duke of Connaught,s intended to visit India and suggest that the Lahore Municipal Committee should not present an address of welcome.121

Under the Press Act, The Prakashan Steam Press in Lahore had to furnish the security of Rs.2000, for publishing the ‘Ittifaq,’ newspaper which had the objectionable tone. The other one was the ‘Pratap,’ which is well known in Punjab for greater mischief done in connection with the non-cooperation and anti-British propaganda.122 The security of ‘Kesari’ and ‘Bande Matarm’ was forfeited and the ‘Kesari,’ had to pay fresh fine of Rs.10,000.123

The success of the Non-Cooperation movement in Punjab lies in the fact that it created the hostility among the masses against the British rule.

(b) RAJASTHAN AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

According to the Wilkinson’s Rajputana Agency Report of 1921 Mewar-“was becoming a hotbed of lawlessness. Seditious emissaries are teaching the people that all men are equal. The land belongs to the peasants and not to the States or the landlords. It is significant that the people are being urged to use the vernacular

119 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, p.193. The Tribune, 25.1.1921. 120 FR, Ref.no. 79, NAI. 121 Ibid. 122 Copy of O.M’S Report, Punjab, dated 7th December 1920. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref No.48.NAI 123 A.I.C.C PAPERS: Reports of the Congress work in Punjab, Press communiqué and messages issued by S.G.P.C. NMML 93

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equivalent of the word ‘comrade’. The movement is mainly anti-Maharana but it might soon become anti-British and spread to the adjoining British area.124

The state of Rajasthan, with an area of 1,32,300 sq. miles stands as the second largest state of India. It was divided into 20 Princely states before independence, all under the rule of their rulers accept the province of Ajmer-Mewar which was under the direct rule of the British Empire.125

Rajasthani states from time to time were linked with the central authorities, they never remained independent. From 1206-1526 it remained under the domination of the Delhi Sultanate and in the beginning of the sixteenth century it revived under Rana Sanga, but it was short lived as he was defeated by Babur in the battle of Khanuwa in 1527. Under Akbar’s regime, Rajasthan remained peaceful and made considerable progress. But the decline of the Mughal Empire, the state faced anarchy and disorder. This was the time when Marathas penetrated into Rajasthan and became the real masters. They join hands with the British East India Company to get rid from the clutches of the Marathas. Slowly and gradually the state of Rajasthan came under the complete control of the Britishers.126

In the state of Udaipur, 87% of the land was non-khalsa land that is it was under the Jagirdars. Only 13% of the land was under the khalsa system which resulted in the bad conditions of the peasants.127 The peasants were fed up with the feudal oppression which resulted in the first uprising of the peasants in the state of Bijolia feudatory* of the state of Udaipur. It is one of the ‘most longest and most organized’ agrarian movement of modern India.128The Bijoilia movement was the pioneering movement in the state of Rajasthan which had a deep impact and influenced not only the peasant movement but also the other mass movements.129

124 Rajputana Agency Report, List-I., No.69., N.A.I. 1921. Singh C.S.K., ‘Bhils Participation in Politics in Rajasthan in the 1920’, Social Scientist, Vol. VIII, No. 4 April 1985. 125 Sharma B.K; Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, Pointer Publisher Jaipur, 1990.p.1. 126 Ibid, pp.6-9. 127 Ibid,p.71. * Situated on the south-eastern tip of Mewar, the 256 sq.mile pleatue known as Uparmal was held in Jagir by the Parmar Rajputs as feudatories of the Shishodias of Mewar.; Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C; Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, Panchsheel Prakashan, Jaipur, 1993, p.227. 128 Ibid . 129 Sharma B.K; Peasant Movement In Rajastjan, p.71. 94

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The root cause of this movement was the land assessment and the land revenue collection. Lata and Kunta* was the method prevalent during those days, which was plundering the peasants and deprived them of their earned produce. Secondly there was a fear of the ejectment of the peasants on grounds of non-payment of land revenues. Land revenue was half of gross produce and there was no provision of remissions in the years of famines. The condition of the peasants was worsening as they were forced to borrow money from the money-lender on high interests.130 Money lenders on the other hand provided the loans to the peasants at very high rates and exploit them through inhuman practices. The Jagirdars always sided with the moneylenders in the case of dispute. Miserable conditions, exploitation of the peasants, indebtedness were the major issues of the peasants movement of Bijolia.131 Begar* was also another cause of the peasant movement.132

Bijolia became the first victim of the Maratha invasion, and completely shattered the life of the peasants. Jagirdars and the peasants formed a united front to fight their enemies and lived like a family during those days. The things had drastically changed as soon as the treaty was concluded between the Udaipur state and the Britishers in 1818 in which Maharana was assured of any external invasion.133 Now the jagirdars became loyal towards the British and started extracting money in the form of lag-bags from the peasants. According to an estimate, peasants were deprived of their 87% of their produce which made their life miserable resulting in a revolt against the jagirdars.134

* In this system land was assessed by the Kamdar and other feudatory’s revenue official. The share of the feudatory was fixed on account of the total produce which was roughly calculated. Under this system peasants were deprived of their earned produce. Sharma B.K,Peasants Movement in Rajasthan p.72. 130 Ibid,p.72. 131 Ibid, pp.73-4. * Peasants had to supply the land revenue to the Jagirdars place without payment, food and fodder. They had to serve the authorities at any place and had to carry their luggage on bullock carts, cattle or on his own head. 132 Ibid, p.74. 133 Ibid; p.73. 134 Ibid, p.73. 95

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Apart from land revenue, Lagbags (other cesses) were also payed by the peasants which were almost doubled then the land revenue and exploited the peasants at large. There was about 86 types of cesses which peasants had to pay.135

Peasants also challenged the arbitrary powers of the Jagirdars and also aimed at securing the educational and medical facilities which was totally absent from the Bijolia feudatory.136

Bijolia movement may be divided into three phases- the first phase sprang up between 1897-1915, which grew under the local leadership. The second phase fall between the year 1915-1923 and was led by matured and trained national leaders. The third phase covers the period upto 1941.137

The movement was led by Sadhu Sita ram Das in 1913-14. Bijolia movement took a radical turn during the year 1915.138 In Ajmer, Rao Gopal Singh of Kharwa played an active role and Vijay Singh Pathik was his right hand.139 According to the report of the Director of Criminal Intelligence, Rao had secret contacts with Ras Behari Bose and other revolutionaries. In his report he stated-“…… the British Government took a serious view of the Rao’s activities and the A.G.G in Rajasthan warned him but he did not pay any heed to it. During this time of the First World War, the Rao with the help of other colleagues, planned for an armed revolt in Rajasthan to finally get rid of the British.”140 In 1916, Vijay Singh Pathak* assumed the leadership of the movement on invitation of Sadhu Sitaram Das.141

135 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, 1885-1947, New Delhi, 1984, p.155. Also Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.72. 136 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.74. 137 Ibid, p.72. 138 Ibid, p.80. 139 Chaudhary Ram Narayain; Hamara Vartman Rajasthan, pp.27-29. 140 Foreign and Political Department, Secret., I, March 1917, Nos. 1-29, NAI. * Vijay Singh Pathik real name was Bhoop Singh and was an ex-revolutionary connected with Ras Bihari Bose’s revolutionary group. He was basically a Gujar from Bulandshar District of Uttar Pradesh. His family background was that of the freedom fighters. He was sent by his party to Rajasthan to organize revolutionary activities. In 1914, Ras Behari Bose had to flee to Japan and Sachin Sanyal was arrested as their plan of military revolt failed. Vijay Pathik was also arrested on ground of suspicion of his connection with the revolutionary group and was sent to Tatgarh prision, where he managed to escape and assumed the name of Vijay Singh Pathik and dressed himself as a Rajasthani Rajput. Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p. 80. 141 Ibid. 96

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He started a library, a school and akhara under Vidhya Pracharni Sabha, which became centers of political activities.142 Pathik moved from one village to the other in order to organize the peasants and was assisted by Sadhu Sitaram Das, Maniklal Verma Prem Chand Bhil and Bhawarlal Swarnakar.143 Manik Lal Verma* also joined Pathik and started services among the peasants. On the advice of Pathik and under the guidance of Vidhya Pracharni Sabha he opened schools at Barisal and Umaji ka Khera, to comoflouge his political activities.144

Due to failure of monsoon, the year 1916 proved to be a bad for the Bijolia.145 In spite of the fact the authorities were collecting the revenues along with the war funds. Pathik ask the peasants not to pay the revenue and taxes and to send the petitions to the Mahakma Khas of Mewar against the oppressive taxes and revenue.146

Bijolia Kisan Panchayat, a peasant organization was organized by Patkhik in 1916. Central Committee of the Kisan panchayat was also established under the name of Kisan Panchayat Board with its branches in each village.147 Panchayat fund was also established in form of subscription from its members.148 To carry on the movement a committee of 13 members was constituted, under Manna Lal Patel as sarpanch.149

Land revenue, cesses, begar were the major issues taken up within this movement and simultaneously some new issues were also came to the forefront such as of the ‘war fund’ which was imposed by the Bijolia thikana on the instance of the Udaipur state. The another issue was the class of exploiters, the money-lenders, who worked under the umbrella of the jagirdars.150

142 Ibid. 143 Panagariya B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, p.229. * Manik Lal Verma was a Jagir employee, who resigned from his services to work among the peasants. SaxenaS.S, Jo Desh ke Liye Jiya (Yashogatha Lok Nayak Shri Manik Lal Verma), Bikaner, 1974, p.19. 144 Ibid, p.229. 145 Chaudhary P.S.,Rajasthan Between Two World Wars (1919-1939), Agra, 1968.p.205. 146 The Hindustan Times, 25th June, 1927. 147 Chaudhary R.N, Beesavi Sadi Ka Rajasthan, Ajmer, 1980, p.48. 148 Ibid. 149 Saxsena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas, Bikaner, 1972, p.81. Also see Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.81 and Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio- Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, pp.229-30. 150Chaudhary R.N, Adhunik Rajasthan Ka Utthan, p.49. Sharma B.K, op.cit, p.81. 97

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The Board demanded to abolish the lag-bags and begar and to stop the contribution of the war funds.151Anti-feudal campaign was launched under the guidance of Kisan Panchayat Board which holds meetings from village to village. Several petitions were sent to thikana and Udaipur state regarding the peasant’s grievances and the torture of the peasants, but all in vain. ‘No Rent’ campaign was launched by the Pancahyat Board.152 It was started with the non cooperation movement in August 1918.153 Peasants decided to boycott police and courts and to stop shopping from towns and decided to stop marriage and death feast.154

In July 1921, the then Agent to Governor General Mr. Robert Holland on behalf of Viceroy wrote to Maharana about the Kisan Movement which was taking a serious and dangerous turn not only for the Mewar and others but also for the British Government.155 The British Government asked him to quit the throne in favor of his son Bhupal Singh but Maharana refused it out rightly. When the whole matter was highlighted people and the press oppose the decision of the Viceroy. However, they were not successful to dethrone him but Maharana was forced to surrendered most of his power in favor to his son.156 Due to the British intervention Bhupal Singh started ruling the region and arrested Pathik to please the British Government .157

The kisans decided under the instructions of the Board to not to pay the land revenue, lag-bags and the war loans throughout the Uparmal. Now the Thikanas decided to prosecute the leaders on charges of inciting the kisans against the authorities. Verma and Sadhu were deprived of their leadership and arrested about 51 of the kisans. Not only this but they destroyed their crops and harassed them in many other ways, but they were failed to break their spirit. The Commission was then appointed under Bindulal Bhattcharya, by the Maharana. The Commission recommended the relief to the kisans and released Verma and Sadhu.158 The

151 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, p.230. 152 Saxena S.S and Sharma P,Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas, pp.86-87. 153 Ibid, p.79. 154 Chaudhary R.N, Adhunik Rajasthan ka Utthan, Ajmer,1974, p.48. 155 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, p.226. 156 Ibid . 157 Ibid, pp.226-227. 158 Ibid,p.230. 98

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commission appointed by the Udaipur Government arrived in Bijolia in April 1919.159 Release of their leaders and activist were ordered by the commission which was one of the main demands put forwarded by the peasants. The release of the prisoners was considered as a great success by the peasants and they found themselves more confident.160

The authorities continuously tried to crush the movement but they did not succeed in suppressing the movement.161 The leaders of the Bijolia movement integrate the Bhils in their movement which was particularly the matter of the Dhakar caste.162They tried to break the unity but it acquired the wider social base. According to an official document half of the population was involved in the agitation numbering about 9000, out of which Dhakars were about 6000 and rest were from the other caste.163

Rajasthan Sewa Sangh was established in 1919 with its headquarter at Ajmer by Vijay Singh Pathik. From there he guided the movement and came into contact with Ganesh Shankar Vidharthi. Bijolia movement came into national scene through the Vidhyathi’s paper ‘Pratap.’164

Madhaya Bharat Sabha* and the Rajatsthan Seva Sangh supported the movement. On December 29, 1919,Rajputana-Madhya Bharat Sabha was established at Delhi. It was first of its kind which aims of establishing responsible Governments in the states and enroll subjects within the congress.165 In the Nagpur session of the congress the sabha got associated with the congress. ‘Rajasthan Keshri’ a daily

159 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.82. Also see Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijolia Kisan Andolan Ke Itihas, p.91. 160 Ibid, p.82. 161 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, p.230. 162 Singh C.S.K, “Bhils’ Participation in Politics in Rajasthan in the 1920’s,” Social Scientist, vol. XIII, No.4, April, 1985. 163 Udaipur Confidential Records, File No. 144, Basta No.15. Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, 164 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History, pp.230-231.. * Madhya Bharat Sabha was established on December 29th, 1919 at Delhi in Marwari Pustakalya inside Chandni-Chowk. The Sabha aimed at establishing responsible Governments in the states and to enroll the subjects of States in the Congress. 165 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Developments in the Princely States of Rajasthan (1920-1949), Jain Brothers, 1970, p.40. 99

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newspaper was an organ of this sabha and also helped ‘Tarun Rajasthan’ and Rajasthan Seva Sangh.166

Vijay Singh Pathik tried to put the Bijolia matter before the National leaders in the Congress Session of December 1919. Tilak forwarded the resolution which was seconded by Kelkar, but opposed by Gandhi and Madan Mohan Malviya. Pt. Motilal Nehru in his address to Rajputana Central India and Ajmer-Mewar Political Conference said-“ Let me take this opportunity of assuring all Indian Ruling Chiefs that there is no reason for them to be alarmed at the non-cooperation movement, which is directed against the British Government only, and not against them. I cannot too strongly impress upon those delegates who come from these states that the true happiness of both the rulers and the ruled lies in a hearty cooperation between them, and that nothing can lead to more disastrous results than the application of our programmed of non cooperation to the Indian States.”167 Undoubtedly, the Princely States were aloof from the purview of non cooperation programmed launched by the Indian National Congress led by Gandhiji.168 The doctrine of non-cooperation movement made a sense of great alarm to the Rulers of Indian States, and the called it as a “futile and dangerous one”.169

However, the Congress did not take it up officially but gained the attention of the leaders.170 Maharana of Udaipur was forced by Madan Mohan Malviya to appoint the second enquiry commission in 1920 headed by Ramakant Malviya, Thakur Raj Singh Chauhan and Takhat Singh to enquire the grievances of the kisans.171 Mahadeo Desai was deputed by Gandhiji to enquire into the matter and promised Pathik that if the kisans are the real suffers then he himself lead the satyagraha.172Peasants welcomed it but the Kisan Panchayat Board decided to continue the agitation till it received its decision.173

166 Ibid, p.40. 167 Ibid, p.39. 168 Ibid. 169 Ibid. \ 170 Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijlia Kisan Andolan Ka Itihas, p.106. 171 The Bombay Chronicle, dated 5.11.1924. Also see Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History, p.231. 172 Ibid. 173 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.84. 100

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Under the Chairmanship of Thakur Raj Singh of Bedla, Kisan panchayat proceeded its matter before the commission. A deputation of 15 members under the leadership of Manik Lal Verma reached Udaipur and forwarded their memorandum into two parts namely- (i) causes of agitation and (ii) demands of the peasants.174

Causes of the agitation were –land revenue had been doubled, increment in cesses by 75 times, cruel method of begar, illegal means to extract money from the peasants, thikana courts were full of favoritism and were very expensive, educational and medical facilities were totally absent. The demands of the peasants were that land revenue, begar and extraction of illegal cesses should be stopped. Arrangement should be made to provide educational and medical facilities. Autocracy of the thikana should be abolished, etc.175 Bijolia kisans arose against the their exploitation due to so many illegal cesses and begar in1918 which gained momentum in 1921.176 Maharana of Udaipur was forced to introduced reforms by the British Government in 1921,177but all in vain. This led to agitation by the peasants of Bijolia. The Panchyats were recognized and permanent settlement was adopted.178

The enquiry commission on investigations found it genuine and recommendations were made for the redressal of the peasant’s grievances. But the Government was not in favor of the Commission.179

On Gandhiji’s advice Madan Mohan Malviya tried to persuade Maharana.180 However, all efforts failed as the state was against any agreement and tried to crush the movement on insistence of the Government as it thought the movement was following the pattern of the Bolsheviks. The Government compared the Kisan Panchayat with the Bolshevik communes.181 One of the international event, the October Revolution, also affected the peasant’s movement. The establishment of peasants and workers rule in Russia made peasants enthusiastic.182 After returning from the Congress session at Amritsar some people spoke violently against the

174 Ibid, p. 84. 175 Ibid, pp.84-85. 176 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Development in Princely State of Rajasthan, p.40. 177 The Bombay Chronicle, July 30, 1924. 178 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Development ,p.40. 179 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.85. 180 Saxena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia Andolan Ka Itihas, pp. 106-109. 181 Ibid, p.107. 182 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, pp.200-201. 101

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Government and it was decided to hold a Provincial Congress in Ajmer during the Urs fair and stated that Gandhi, Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali and Tilak had promised to come.183 Public meeting took place at Idgah attended by seven or eight thousand people. After several speeches Mr.Shankarlal , Director Delhi Swadeshi store and Professor Indra, Editor of the Hindu Daily ‘Vijya,’ gave lectures. Mr.Shankarlal in his speech made comparison between the former wealth and present poverty of India and gave a call for agitation against the existing form of Government in India. Professor Indira compared the awakening of India with the Russian Revolution. He said-“ Russia**** slept long and the Czar did what he liked but when it woke it left no traces of Czar or any other tyrant.” He out rightly denounced the inequalities among the Indians.184 This attitude of the Indians in the real sense alarmed the British Government as R.E Holland commented-“this tendency to flirt the Bolshevism will require to be closely watched.”185

Also the feudal were not in favor to concede demands of the peasants. Thus the movement continued as no compromise was made regarding the miseries of the peasants.186

By 1920, Kisan Panchayat began to run their own parallel government187 and decided that the peasants would not deal directly with the thikana authorities but deal through the Panchayats only. The panchayats appointed by the Kisans organized charkha movement, piled kargahs, looked after their crops, build small industries and became self-reliant.188 The peasants boycotted courts and police and refused to pay land revenues and other illegal cesses imposed on them. In defiance of ‘Lata-Kunta’, Kisans cultivated their lands in 1921, and removed their produce to their homes, against the orders of the Thikana. The entire source of revenue was dried up which resulted in heavy indebtness of the Thikana.189 Vijay Singh Pathik along with his followers attended the Congress session of Nagpur which came up with the programme of the non-cooperation movement. There he exhibits the miseries and

183 Memorendum (No.12) on the internal situation in Rajputana and Ajmer-Mewar during the month of January 1920 by R.E Holland, Agent to Governor General in Rajputana and Chief Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwar, Foreign and Political Department, 5th Feburary,1920. N.A.I, Delhi. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid. 186 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.86. 187 Rajputana Agency Records, 1921, No.69,List –I; N.A.I. 188 The Bombay Chronicle, 18th June, 1927. 189 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, History of Rajasthan, pp.231-232. 102

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sufferings of the peasants and attracted the attention of the leaders and also convened a separate meeting with the residents of other princely states. They condemned the tyrannies of jagirdars and sympathesied with the peasants.190 Vijay Singh Pathak efforts was to include Bijolia Movement within the ambit of the national struggle .191

The Congress in the Nagpur session, decided not to intervene in the matter of the Princely states.192 Mahatma Gandhi, was however very much impressed by the Bijolia Movement and Vijay Singh Pathik but believed that-“……Congress should not conduct or advise a satyagraha campaign in Indian states. This is only correct. The main aim of the Congress is swaraj for British India. If therefore, it associates itself with satyagraha in other area, it would be transcending its self-imposed limits. When the congress has won its goal, the problem of states will have been automatically solved. On the other hand, if people win swaraj in any other Indian states, this will have any little effect on British India.” He was of the opinion that the tyranny made by some rulers was the outcome of the British system as he stated that- “….. This state of affairs is one of the results of the British system.”193

There had been a difference of opinion on the working, between Gandhi and Pathik. Gandhiji showed concern over the matter and send Mahadev Desai to enquire into the matter but nothing was done in this regard.194 By 1920, Gandhi became much popular among the peasants of Bijolia, and were of the opinion that they were fighting against the tyrannies on the call of Mahatma Gandhi. The movement took a strong spirit in the year 1921 as they were very much inspired by the non-cooperation movement.195

British along with the thikana authorities made all possible ways to crush the movement. But the Kisan Panchayats counter it. With the efforts of Vijay Singh Pathik, the movement was spread to other parts of the Udaipur state, through the

190 Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijolia Andolan Ka Itihas, pp.113-114. 191 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.86. 192 CWMG, vol. XXI, P.443.CWMG 193 CWMG, vol.XXIII, p.471 and vol.XXIV, pp.205-206. 194 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.89. Also Saxena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia Andolan ka Itihaas, pp.108-109. 195 Ibid, p.89. 103

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medium of Rajasthan Seva Sangh. By 1921, the movement spread to the thikanas of Begun, Parsoli, Bhinder, Basi and some parts of Khalsa of the Udaipur state.196

According to one of the reports of the Resident of Udaipur in December 1921 was that-“the unrest is now spreading to Bhinder, an estate under the Darkar management, where the cultivators are refusing to pay revenue. The situation in Bijolia and in the neighboring thikanas of Parsoli, Begun, and Basi has distinctly deteriorated. There is a general refusal to pay revenue. There is a threat of violence if any attempt is made to collect the revenue or to enforce official orders. Panchayats have been formed in each village and over them as a general committee for taking decision on civil, criminal and revenue cases. They meet on fixed days and refuse to admit the authority of the jagirdars. They established the complete system of boycott and excommunication and impose fines on those who refuse to obey their summons. Large weekly meetings of cultivators armed with lathis are held in every thikana. Volunteers wearing belts and badges have for the last three months been posted in each village. They disseminate notices of meetings and refuse to admit officials to the villages. An atmosphere of discontent is being created and the movement is spreading.”197

By 1921, the movement took a militant turn, more under the influence of Bolsheviks of Russia rather than Gandhain techniques.198 However, it was carried in the name of Gandhi. In the meantime, during 1921-22 Motilal Tejawat* started a tribal movements of Bhils of Mewar, Sunth-Rampur, Danta, Marwar, Sirohi, Palanpur, Dungarpur and Idar against the exaction of the taxes under the influence of Bijolia movement.199 Bhils disciples treated Motilal as a “holy emissary of Gandhi”, which created a panic among the British rulers. Even they considered him as the ‘disciple of Gandhi.’ He emerged as a messianic personality among the masses. Those who don’t follow his instructions and defy him were considered as sinner against the religion. Punishments were awarded to them by imposing penalties on the villages or by out casting the individuals.200 Hundreds of the Jats peasants assembled at Udaipur in

196 Ibid, pp.89-90. 197 Foreign and Political Department., File No.428-p.(secret) of 1923, National Archives of India, New Delhi. 198 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.90. 199 Foreign and Political Department, File No. 276-P of 1929. NAI. 200 Foreign and Political Department, File No. 428-p.(secret) of 1923, Nos.1-126,A.G.G Rajasthan, R.E Holland to Political Secretary, Johnwood,No.701, P dated 29th September, 1921., N.A.I. 104

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April 1921, to present their demands before the Maharana which were related to high land revenue, begar, illegal cesses, land rights. Peasants also warned the state authorities not to cultivate their lands until and unless they reached a satisfactory answer.201 Motilal further aroused Bhils in the name of Gandhi, telling him that if Gandhi emerged victorious then it would end all exactions imposed on Bhils.202

Now it became a great threat to the British Empire and it decided to crush the movement completely.203 A committee was appointed by the Government of India, which reached Bijolia on 4th Feburary, 1922, and hold talks with the sarpanch of Bijolia Kisan Panchayat Board, Moti Chand, Secretary of Rajasthan Seva Sangh, Ram Narain Chaudhary, and Manik lal Verma. After a long discussion they reached an agreement.204 The meeting was also attended by Holland (Agent To The Governor –General) and Wilkinson (Political Resident).Prabhat Chander Chatterji, the Diwan of State and Pandit Brijlal Kaushik represtent the State. Kanwar Harilal, Faujdar Tej Singh and Master Zalim Singh represented the Thikana.205

The agreement touched the various aspects of the peasants. Medical and educational provisions were made. Kisan Panchayat was recognized as an important representative body of the peasants. The abolition of begar and other illegal cesses paved way to the economic progress. The judicial, police and jail reforms were also looked after. Bijolia movement was the first movement of its kind in Rajasthan which encouraged the peasants against the feudal lords.206

The non-cooperation movement had a great impact in the state of Sirohi. There the Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood against the authorities. The nationalist took active part in mobilizing the Bhils as the non-cooperation movement was gaining the popularity among the Bhils and so the state adopted counter measures. With this the Pandit Rama Kant Malviya was appointed by the Sirohi state as the Chief Minister as to exercise certain control over the nationalist who were

201 Foreign and Political Deptt. File No.428, Political (Secret) 1923. NAI, New Delhi. Also Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.96. 202 Ibid. 203 Ibid. 204 Ibid,p.91. 205 Pande Ram, Agrarian Movement In Rajasthan, University Publishers, Delhi, 1976,p.29. 206 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.95. 105

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promoting the non-cooperation movement among the masses of Sirohi state.207 However the Chief Minister failed in his task to prevent the nationalist from inculcating the spirit of non-cooperation movement among the masses.208 No rent campaign was particularly appealing to the masses. Even the women folk participated in large numbers and placed their offerings at the feet of Motilal who told them not to pay the revenues at the prevailing rate.209

In Sirohi the movement took the violent turn and in order to pacify the Bhils the Vijay Singh Pathik was invited and with the result the Bhils were agreed to hold a conference and to cooperate with the State.210 Gandhi was unhappy with the entire violent struggle and he sent Manilal Kothari to persuade Motilal Teajwat to stick to non-violent means of struggle. The British authorities were determined to crush the movement and so they tried to arrest Motilal. Gandhi, favored him and stated that – “…..Motilal had been at fault 211in some matters, both the rulers and the subjects are likely to benefit if this is overlooked and the state takes advantage of the good effect of his work among the Bhils and pay attention to improving their conditions. But the Rajputana Agency was determined for the repressive measures and proposals were made to prosecute Vijay Singh Pathaik.212 After the Chauri-Chaura incident the non- cooperation movement has been called off but Motilal Tejawat continued his activities.213

Gandhi became a great inspiration for the tribal world and the non-cooperation movement had played a vital role in arousing the spirit of the peasants against their exploitation from the state authorities or from the British rulers. The coming up of the different section of the society enlarge the social base of movement. However, on certain occasions the deviation of tribal is from the non-violent path did not isolate them from the ongoing political struggle based on the non-violent theme.

207 Foreign and Political Department, confidential File No.428, Political (secret), 1923, Government of India. N.A.I., New Delhi. 208 Ibid. 209 Ibid. 210 Pandey Ram, Agrarian Movement in Rajasthan, p.50. 211 CWMG, Vol. XXII, 1921-22 (1966).p.476. 212 Foreign and Political Department, File No.428 –P (secret) 1922-23. 213 Singh C.S.K, Social Scientist, Vol. XIII, No. 4 (April,1985),p.35. 106

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CHAPTER-IV

THE WHIRLPOOL OF NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT IN EAST

This chapter covers the three regions of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. These regions as like other regions were deeply affected with the Non-Cooperation Movement, which was launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

“As between Gandhiji and Bihar, it was a matter of ‘he came, he saw, he conquered.’1Mahatma Gandhi had already sown the seeds of non-violent struggle in the region of Bihar during the Champaran satyagraha in 1917. The struggle was raged against the British planters who followed the Tin-Kathia system. This system includes a method under which a tenant, cultivate indigo on three kathas per bigha of land for a long duration as far as 20,25 or 30 years and entitled for an award as per the written agreement. Conversion of lands into indigo fields, forced labor, poor payments and heavy fines were inflicted on peasants for the failure to grow indigo, were some of the worst oppressive features of this system.2

Gandhi, in his Autobiography confessed that he did not heard the name of Champaran and not even knew its geographical position. He never dreamed that indigo was produced in Champaran under a great oppression.3

“Gandhi in his ‘Hind Swaraj’ had intimated that it was the peasants, untainted by Western Civilization, who would be natural converts to his ideal of Satyagraha.”4

So, Champaran gave the first opportunity to Gandhi, to implement practically his two novel methods of non-violence and satyagraha.

Large number of raiyats agitated in 1911 and were collected at Natrajgang railway station in order to put their grievances before King George V. Even in 1912, representative of the raiyats were sent to Calcutta to present their memorandum,

1 Diwakar R.R, Bihar Through the Ages, Orient Longmans, New Delhi, 1958, p.658. 2 Ibid, pp.655-66. 3 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, p. 494. 4 Copley Antony, Gandhi Against the Tide, Oxford University Press Delhi, 1987, pp.56-7. 107

The Whirlpool Of Non-Cooperation Movement In which narrate their story of oppression by the planters. Even they did not enjoy any relief from planters side.5

The matter was then put before the Bihar Council in 1916, and was highlighted in public. Soon during the Lucknow Session of the Congress, Babu Brij Kishore Prasad, introduced Gandhi with Sukul.6

Gandhi, received some information of the Champaran raiyats from Babu Brij Kishore Prasad, but couldn’t put any remark over the matter. He replied-“I can give no opinion without seeing the condition with my own eyes you will please move the Resolution in the Congress, but leave me free for the present.”7

In early 1917, Gandhi left for Champaran and reached Patna where he met with Maulana Mazhar-ul-Haq who suggested him to visit Muzaffarpur. On reaching there he was warmly welcomed by Professor Kripalani along with the group of students.8

Next morning Babu Brij Kishore Prasad, presented the entire case in detail before Gandhi. After studying the case, Gandhi stated in his Autobiography that-“ I have come to the conclusion that we should stop going to the law courts. Taking such cases to the courts does little good where the ryots are so crushed and fear sticking, law courts are useless. The real relief for them is to be free from fear. We cannot sit still until we have driven Tin-Kathia out of Bihar.”9

The above decisions made by Gandhi, visualizes his personality that he was a staunch supporter of ‘Truth’ and he had no fear of its ill effects for the sake of ryots. All such bold stands on part of Gandhi naturally mobilizes the peasantry against the British Government in general and British planters in particular.

Gandhi’s intervention was so much condemned and disliked by the authorities that –“Erwin, a British manager of indigo plantation only one name available in the

5 Shukla P.K- Indigo And The Raj, Peasants Protest in Bihar 1780-1917, South Asia Book Delhi,1993, p.145. 6 Ghosal Hari Rajan- ‘Indigo in North Bihar and Mahatma Gandhi’, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 15th Session, Gwalior, 1952, p.328. 7 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, pp.494-5. 8 Ibid, p.497. 9 Ibid, p.499. 108

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book ‘Champaran ke Swatantrata Senani’, invited Gandhi to dinner and directed his cook, Biatak Mian, to serve him poisoned milk. Baitak Mian revealed the plot to Gandhi and was saved. Biatak Mian was the resident of Siswa Ajgani village in Motihari district.”10

The Champaran Satyagraha was not an ordinary event, as it had telling effects on the peasants and all they came under a united banner of Satyagraha against planters. It was an event remembered by Dr. Rajendra Prasad in 1949-“what happened in Champaran has been repeated, as I had hoped, on a vast scale in a country as a whole. Champaran became from planters tyranny. Gandhi’s advent imbued the people of this area with a consciousness and moral faith in the righteousness of their cause, which are supremely important factor for the progress and successful consummation of a creature and constructive resolution.”11

Finally, the year 1920 saw the dawn of Non-Cooperation movement. In July, an announcement was made by Gandhi regarding the inauguration of the Non- Cooperation movement on 1stAugust. And in the special session of the Congress in Calcutta, Lala Lajpat Rai delivered the Presidential address which was most remarkable in its text. It includes extensively the political situations prevailing in India, particularly in Punjab, because of Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy and imposition of martial law, the Muslim agitation for Khilafat, deteorating economic and social condition, due to British rule in India, the efforts made by the Indian leaders to gain political aims, and finally the modus oprendi adopted by the Indian masses during the establishment of the movement.12

The entire country was under the sway of the non-cooperation movement. The Government of India was also worried about the growing unrest prevailed throughout the country. The anti-British feeling was gaining momentum among the Muslim masses in the middle of 1920. The All-India Khilafat Committee was established to restore the ‘Khalifa’ of Islam, who enjoyed as Sultan of Turkey before the war.13 The

10 Murthy Vijay B., Hindustan Times,22nd January, 2010. Cited in Zaidi Sakina Abbas., ‘Mobilization of Masses by Gandhi in the National Movement 1917-1922.,’M.Phil., submitted to Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 2010. 11 Diwakar R.R, Bihar Through The Ages, op.cit, p.654. 12 Bakshi S.R ( ed.), Documents of the Non-Cooperation Movement, pp.3-4. 13 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.41. 109

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Khilafat movement was led by Ali Brothers- Maulana Mohammed Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali.* Both of them became prominent during their agitation against the Government of India, supporting the Turks.14 Mahatma Gandhi gave much emphasis on Hindu-Muslim unity during the entire episode of the Non-Cooperation movement. He said-“I will co-operate whole heartedly with the Muslim friends in the prosecution of their just demands so long as they act with sufficient restraint and so long as I feel sure that they do not wish to restore to or countenance violence. I should cease to cooperate and advice every Hindu and for that matter everyone else to cease to cooperate the moment there was violence actually done, advised or countenanced……….My goal is friendship with the world and I can combine the greatest love with the greatest opposition to wrong.15

The spirit of Hindu-Muslim unity was welcomed throughout India. Maulana Shaukat Ali said-“that Muslims all over India were fully prepared to carry on Non- Cooperation under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, and efforts would be made by Hindu and Muslim leaders to avoid violence. God taught them patience and tolerance, and they would suffer but make the movement successful.”16

Great enthusiasm could be seen throughout the region of Bihar where these great leaders were welcomed warmly by the public to move on the agitation. Syed Hasan Imam, Sachidananda Sinha and other senior members of BPCC, strongly opposed these resolutions expressing their doubts over it.17 On 31stJuly 1920, a meeting was held in the office of Searchlight*, Patna where the BPCC approved the policy of non-cooperation in order to redress the national wrongs and decided to support the Khilafat issue.18 A Committee was formed with Mazharul Haq, Rajendra Prasad and Shah Mohammed Zubair as its members to gave practical effects to the

* Maulana Mohammed Ali was the younger one but more influential and Maulana Shaukat Ali was the elder one. Both of them were Oxford Graduates. Maulana Mohammed Ali had been a journalist and Maulana Shaukat Ali a highly paid officer in the Excise Department of the Government of India. Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 ‘Mr. Gandhi’s Manifesto’, Appendix-I, Extract from ‘Independent,’Allahabad, dated, 12th March 1920. Home Political Department, Political-A, Proceedings September, 1920, nos.100-103. p.18. 16 The Pioneer, Allahabad, 6th June 1920. 17 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of August 1920, Home Department Political, File No. 111/1920, N.A.I; AICC Papers, Part-II, 1920. * Searchlight- a local newspaper of Bihar. 18 Searchlight, dated 4th August 1920. 110

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Non-Cooperation movement in this region.19 Long before the Nagpur session where the Congress met to ratify the resolution on the Non-Cooperation, the local leaders of Bihar toured the whole province, organized meetings to propagate the Non- Cooperation.20 As soon as Maulana Shaukat Ali arrived in Patna, the news spread over the whole town and the large numbers of people gathered from every corner and from different communities. Prominent persons present on the station were-Sheik Abdur Rehman, Maulvi Mubarak Ali Khan,Babu Murari Prasad, Mr. Natai Chander Ghosh, Maulavi Hafiz Rehmatullah, Dr. Mahmood, Pandit Bal Govind Malviya, Mr. Kamaldhari Lal, Dr. Rohatji, Mr. A.M Khawaja, Mr. S.M Sami etc. Maulana Shaukat Ali was garlanded profusely and procession was formed and taken out through the city with the deafening shouts of “Allaha O Akbar,” “ Bande Matarm,” “ Maulana Shaukat Ali ki Jai,” and “Hindu-Musalman ki jai.”21

A public meeting was arranged in Mr. Mazharul Haq compound in the evening. People began to pour from all sides. The feature of this meeting was that the people gathered from moffussil, who rushed to Patna at very short notice. All about ten thousand people were collected to attend the meeting.*

Vice-President of the Provincial Khilafat Committee, Mr. Syed Wasi Ahamad presided over the meeting and said-“…………that Behar was not behind any other province in the matter and he was further glad to say that their Hindu brothers in Behar were not behind either in extending their hand of fellowship and sympathy to them…….. it was no ordinary thing that the Hindus were co-operating with their Mussalman fellow countrymen, sharing their weal and woe and demonstrating that Hindus and Mussalmans were brothers. The speaker believed that Hindu- Muslim

19 Searchlight, 15th October 1920. 20 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp.306-309. 21 Extarct from “Searchlight,” Patna, dated the 29th April 1920. Home Political Department, Political- A, Proceedings, September, 1920, nos.100-103. * Ibid, Prominent among those were- Mr. Mazharul Haq, Mr. Wasi Ahamad, Babu Ganesh Dutta Singh, Shaiek Abdur Rehman, Babu Rajender Prasad, Babu Shivanand Ray, the Hon’ble Mr. Nurul Hasan, Mr. Bashiruddin, Mr. Atul Krishna Ray, Dr. Syed Mahmood, Mr. A.M Khawaja, Maulavi Mubarak Ali Khan, Mr. Abdul Rehman, Mr. Hafiz, Mr. HUssain, Babu Sant Prasad, Mr. Ranga Iyer, Mr. Chanderabansi Sahay, Babu Harnarayan Prasad, Babu Harandan Sahay, Mr. H.L Nandkeolyar, Mr. R.K.L Nandkeolyar, Mr. Akhoary Parmeshwar Dayal, Mr. Barannasi Prasad Jhunjhunwala, Mr. Shambhu Saran, Babu Baldev Sahay, Mr. Laksmikauta Jha, babu Murari Prasad, Maulvi Syed Hasan Arzoo, Mr. S.A Sami, etc. Beside these there were- Babu Chander Deo Narayan, Bbu Shiva nandan Prasad, Maulavi Ismail, and Babu Narmadeshwar Prasad of Chapra; Babu Durga Prasad, Maulavi Sajjad, Mr. Hasan Imam and Mr. Krishna Prakash Sen of Gaya and Maulvi Hafiz Rehmatullaha and Maulavi Mohammed Shafi of Muzaffarpur. 111

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unity they witnessed before them was full of immense potentialities for the future and the Government could ill afford to ignore the significance of the matter…………that the action of the Allies in regard to the Khilafat had pained them beyond measure and unless that attitude changed for the better the Government could not expect them to continue loyally.”22

Several Resolutions were passed on that day. Mohammed Shafi’s Resolution stated that-“ This conference records its emphatic protest against the reply given to the Indian Khilafat Deputation by Mr. Lloyd George in the House of Commons, as they betoken an intention on the part of His Majesty’s Government to break the solemn pledges and undertakings, on the faith of which India was called upon to put forth its utmost efforts in winning the war. This conference considers that unless Mr.Lloyd George and His Majesty’s Government take immediate steps to assure the people of India that the Turkish settlement will be in accordance with the demands, based on the religious faith of Indian Muslims and the declaration already made situation will be created the responsibility for which will be entirely on the shoulders of His Majesty’s Government.”23

Mr. Hasan Imam supported the resolution and said that24 -“they in India looked upon solemn pledges as absolutely binding and he who failed to act upon his pledge was regarded as a man without honor.”

The resolution of the day was moved by Hon’ble Mr. Nurul Hasan, who paved the way and gave the call for the non-cooperation movement, which ran as follows- “In consonance with the spirit of the resolution adopted by the All-India Committee, this conference in the event of the present agitation proving futile and ineffective, calls upon all Indians to resort to progressive abstention from co-operation with Government.” He further says that-“…….. they were all familiar with the manner in which the British statesmen had broken pledge after pledge. Promises had been made to the ear but broken to the heart and they could not possibly have any more faith in the pledges of that kind…………. Their Khalifa was for all practical purposes a prisoner in the hands of the Allies, who were professing to help him, and Mr. Lloyd

22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 112

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George had practically declined to listen to their representation. Therefore as they could not and would not rebel they had no recourse but to resort to this policy of non- cooperation.”25

Mr. Rajender Prasad supported the resolution and feel proud to do so. Mr. Krishan Prakash Sen Sinha also supported the resolution and determined to sacrifice their lifes for the sake of truth. He said-“If the Mussalmans were attacked to-day there was no guarantee that the religion of the Hindus would not be similarly threatened in time to come. He was no title holder but he had a certificate of honor which he now considered as one of dishonor.”26

After receiving grand ovation by the pubic Maualana Shaukat Ali delivered a speech regarding the Khilafat issue. He provoked and incited the people of Bihar against the unjust rule of the British Government, laid much emphasis on the Hindu- Muslim unity. He felt happy after witnessing the large crowd in the region of Bihar. He showed his gratitude toward Mahatma Gandhi as he regarded himself as ‘the humble follower of Mahatma and he was proud to say that he was loved and trusted by him.’ He said that- “Their great leader- that God’s true creature Mahatma Gandhi- to whom every India paid his unflattering homage- having considered the situation and having realized the righteousness of their cause and being inspired with the sacred zeal of laying, deep and abiding, the foundation of Hindu-Muslim combination, had blessed them and called upon every Indian to work for it in union and co-operation.”27

He also mentioned one difference between Gandhi and himself to the public and it was that the Mahatma was truly and absolutely committed to Ahimsa and never deviates from it. But he was of the opinion that the Mussalmans could not bind themselves to that extent. According to their religion ‘to kill and to be killed in the name of God were alike Satyagraha.’28 But also he showed his confidence in the masses and said-“….. that if 31 crores people worked, heart and soul together, in just and righteous cause, they were sure to win.”

25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 113

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On 25th, April another meeting took place in the Patna city. The leaders- Maulana Shaukat Ali, Mazharul Haq, Dr. Syed Mahmood and Mr. Sami drove to the city and were escorted by volunteer corps with naked swords in their hands. Maulana Shaukat Ali was warmly welcomed by both the Hindus and the Musalmans. Even the Hindus put tika marks and presented him with flowers and the women showered flowers from their balconies. Those who were present in the meeting were- Mr. Mazharul Haq, Mr. Wasi Ahamad, Maulana Habibul Haq, Mr. Mahboob Asharaf, Dr. Sayed Mahmud, Babu Murari Prasad, Pandit Balgobind Malviya, Mr. S. Ranga Iyer, Mr. A.M Khawaja, Mr. S.A Sami, Mr. Kamla Prasad Verma, etc.29

The meeting was commenced with the recitation of Dr. Iqbal’s song by Mr. Manzar Akhtar. Maulana Habibul Haq addressed the gathering and prayed to God for the unity of the two communities.30 The Conference congratulated Hakim Ajmal Khan of Delhi of renouncing his title of Hazikul Mulk and returning back the Kaiser- i-Hind Gold Medal to the Government as a first step toward the non-cooperation movement. Balgovind Malviya favored the resolution and laid emphasis on the Hindu-Muslim unity. This Conference also demanded for the establishment of the Khilafat Committees in all the district, sub-divisions and important villages to carry on their non-cooperation propaganda and subscription for All India Central Khilafat Committee.31

Another person from Bihar who came forward to renounced his title conferred on him by the Government was Maulana Shah Badruddin Saheb. He discarded the title of Shams-ul-ulema.32

Another meeting was held at Monghyr, which was attended by fifteen thousand people. Resolutions were passed in support of the non-cooperation movement, collection for funds and the Hindu- Muslim unity. Maulana Aziz proposed for the immediate release of Shaikul-Hind and Maulana Mahmood-ul-Hasan Saheb.

29 Home Department Political-A, Proceedings, September 1920.p.23. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 114

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Maulana Shaukat Ali delivered a speech taking up the cause of the Khilafat. And in the night he left for Gaya.33

Mr. Gandhi visited Patna in the month of December in connection with the non-cooperation propaganda and stayed there with Mr. Haque. He was given a grand reception at the station. A mammoth meeting took place regarding the non- cooperation and the Hindu-Muslim agenda was taken up.34

Non-Cooperation movement was making a progress in the province as it can be witnessed from the election of the Provincial Councils, in which a ‘very small percentage of voters excercised the franchise,’ which was only possible because of Mr. Gandhi’s movement. His personality had a deep impact on the minds of people. According to the official reports-“in every village one or two persons can read Hindi Journals and they were the great admirers of Mr. Gandhi and it is they who popularize the movement. Mr. Gandhi’s name has become almost like a charm with the villagers and anything said in his name easily finds response.”35 Rajendra Prasad and others holds meetings in the different parts of the province to boost up the election boycott campaign. The BPCC was also making efforts to convince all election candidates to withdraw their names and gave a call to refrain from voting.36

The campaign was succeeded to a great extent. In urban areas only 27.3% of the Hindus and 12% of the Muslims castes their votes and in the rural area the percentage of votes was much higher that is 41.8% of the Hindus and the Muslims 28.3% caste their votes.37 The Tirhut Division had the lowest turnout with only 13% of the turn out and the Chottanagpur had the highest turn out of electors.38

Despite the fact that the Congress had conveyed to the candidates that not to recognize them as to be their representatives, the large number of candidates filed

33 Appendix-VIII., Extract from The “Searchlight,” dated Patna, 2nd May, 1920. Home Department Political-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos.100-103. 34 ‘The Behar Letter’, Bankipore, dated,3.12.20. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref. No. 48. P.23. 35 Notes in Intelligence Bureau. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref No. 48. p. 26. 36 Prasad Rajendra, An Autobiography, National Book Trust, Bombay, 1957, p.120. 37 FR of Bihar and Orissa for Feburary 1921, Home Political Department, File Nos. 35 and 77 of Feburary 1921. N.A.I. 38 FR of Bihar and Orissa for second half of December. 1920, Home Political Department, File No. 77 of 1921. N.A.I. Also Ojha P.N., History of Indian National Congress in Bihar 1885-1985, K.P Jyasmal Institute, 1985, pp.207-8. 115

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their nominations. The non-cooperators failed to dissuade candidates to withdraw their nominations.39

Claiming themselves to be the strong supporters of Gandhi, some of the peasant leaders like Swami Vidhyanand stood for the election from north Dharbanga and Bhagalpur as they believed that their entry in the Council would help to eradicate the peasant grievances.40 One of the significant aspect of the entire episode was that despite a sturdy split among the peasant leaders and Gandhi over the entry of the council election these candidates declare themselves to be the staunch supports of the non-cooperation movement.41

Mahatma Gandhi short visit to Bihar in December 1920, was accompanied by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Maulana Shaukat Ali42 greatly influenced the region as at the dawn of the year 1921, some national schools emerged and some existing ones were nationalized as they denied to get affiliation from the university and rejected government grants.43 Gandhiji during his visit to Patna laid the foundation of a national college and Bihar Vidhyapeeth which played very significant role to train the young national workers.44

Gandhiji also extended his support by providing the fund of seven or eight thousand rupees he collected in Bihar.45

This means that the Gandhiji’s personality and his non-cooperation movement had a deep impact on the minds of the ignorant people who were only the real sufferers from the hands of the British authorities or from the zamindars and jagirdars. They waged a war against them. It was nothing new to the people of a Bihar as the land had already witnessed the isolated peasants unrest in the nineteenth

39 FR of Bihar and Orissa for the First half of October 1920, Home Political Department, File NO.59 of 1920. N.A.I.Prasad Rajendra, An Autobiography, Bombay 1957, p.120. 40 Hennigham Stephen, Peasant Movement in Colonial India, ANU, Delhi, 1982, p. 40. 41 Das Arvind N., ‘Peasant and the Peasant Organizations: The Kisan Sabha in Bihar,’ in Arvind N.Das (ed.), Agrarian Movements in India; Studies on 20th centuarary Bihar, p.53. 42 FR of Bihar and Orissa of the first half of December 1920, Home Political Department, File NO. 35 of 1921.N.A.I. 43 FR of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of December, 1920, Home Political Department, File No.35 of 1921, N.A.I. Kumar Ran Vijoy, Role of the Middle Class in Nationalist Movement, Janki Prakashan, New Delhi, 1989,p.114. Prasad Rajender, Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, Delhi, 1957. p.43. 44 Diwakar R.R., Bihar Through The Ages, p.659. 45 Kumar Ran Vijoy, Role of Middle Class,p.114. 116

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and twentieth century. It could only be possible after the intervention of Mahatma Gandhi and the Champaran Satyagraha that it assumed more ‘sustained and continuing form.’46

The movement started gaining momentum both in urban and rural areas by January 1921. The movement gained support not only from the professionals, students and others in the towns but it was also supported by wide range of society which belongs to the countryside. The educational boycott succeeded to some extent but the boycott of the law courts made great success as compared to call for surrendering titles and resignations from honorary posts. Panchayats were established in many places.47 The large number of Panchayats were established in Saran district.48

Despite the fact that it was not the part of the Congress programme, the anti- liquor movement was in a full swing throughout the entire province by January 1921.49 The liquor boycott was most successful among the other boycotts.50 It was on 13th of November, a public meeting was held at Dumraon in Shahabad district where for the first time boycott of liquor was advocated.51 In a meeting of the laborers held at Barakar on 17th January 1921, Mr. Dip Narayan Sinha tried to explain the importance of the political freedom to the laborers. He said that-“…..a new light had entered the minds of the laborers, who had woke up to recognize the fact that the freedom was of great importance to them. He further said that-“the old idea of ‘mai baap raj’ should disappear. The employers should not think that they were the masters of laborers bodies as well as their work.” He also tried to persuade the laborers to abandoned the liquor and explain the ill effects of its consumption. He said that-“it was nothing else but the waste of their hard earnings. If they did not drink they would be able to save something which would be of use to them when they went

46 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movements And Congress Politics in Bihar, Anamika Prakashan, Delhi,1989. p.51. Chaudhary B.B, ‘Agrarian Movements in Bengal and Bihar,’ in B.R Nanda (ed.), ‘Socialism In India’, Delhi, 1975, reproduced in A.R Desai (ed.), Peasants Struggle in India, Delhi, 1979,p.81. 47 FR of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Home Political Department, File Nos. 41 and 42 of 1921. 48 Searchlight, dated 28th January 1921. 49 FR of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Home Political DEpartmant, File Nos. 41 and 41 of 1921. 50 FR of Bihar and Orissa for second half of Feburary 1921, Home Political Department, File No. 43 of 1921. N.A.I. 51 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, p.308. 117

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on strike so that they would not have to depend upon any one’s charity. They should therefore give up the use of intoxicants of all kinds.”52

The movement was penetrated in the Tirhut division by January 1921,53 and gained strength from different organizations. In Muzaffarpur, Champaran and Dharbanga districts the Sabhas and Seva Samities were formed which played important role to spread the movement in the village areas.54

The Government of Bihar and Orissa in 1921 suggested the Government of India to extend the Seditious Meetings Act in the Muzaffarpur district of the Tirhut Division as hat lootings were witnessed on large scale. The Government of India do not found it useful and applied only ordinary criminal law.55

Once again the anti-planters agitation was witnessed on the scene and the factory managers had to face problems created by their servants and the laborers which worsened the relations between them.56

Nationalist leaders propagate the creed of the non-cooperation through extensive tours and organized meetings on large scales. Around 56 meetings were organized between 25th January and 5th February 1921 in Muzaffarpur district alone.57

The Non-Cooperation movement declined by May 1921. There was a decline in number of meetings even those which were arranged were not attended. Sale of liquor increased and the agitation against it sale was also declined. Functioning of the national schools were also declined.58

The Congress was making constant efforts to revive the movement. For this the AICC discussed its policies for its next phase in July at its Bombay session. And it decided to concentrate on the boycott of foreign cloth.59

52 Report by J.Christensen, dated 18thJanuary 1921.Home Political Deposit, February 1921, Ref. No. 5, Part-B.pp.2-3. 53 Home Political Department, File No.49/1921. 54 Searchlight, dated 4th February, 1921. 55 From Chief Secretary Govt. of B &O to Secretary of India., Home Department, 10th December 1921 56 Searchlight, dated 28th January 1921. 57 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, p.329. 58 FR of B&O for June and July, 1921, Home Department File No.64 of 1921. 59 Bamford P.C, History of Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat Movements, p.32. 118

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The Post- World War years led to the enhancement of the consumer goods along with the successive bad season, which resulted not only in the scarcity of the food grains but also inflation. The peasants were worst affected with all this.60

The first organized struggle against the greatest landlord of Bihar, that was the Dharbanga Raj started under the leadership of Swami Vidhyanand* in 1919-20. The zamindari covered 12 per cent of the total permanently covered area of north Bihar which included Dharbanga, a part of Muzaffarpur, Purnia, Sharsa and part of North Bhagalpur districts.61

The Swami was highly inspired with the Gandhi’s personality and the techniques he adopted during the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917-18. He had the ability to organize the political protest and his religious appeal publicized his cause.62 He took up the cause of the tenants of the north Bihar and the special feature of this movement was that it was the movement of the downtrodden tenants as they very badly affected by the price hike during those years.63

Vidhyanand’s movement during 1919 and 1920 was comprised of two set of grievances. Firstly it was against the behavior of the amlas who were known for their ‘dishonesty and oppressiveness’ and secondly it was directed against the management of the Dharbanga Raj which denied the peasants of their rights and privileges.64

These small tenants gave militant support to the movement. On 2nd October 1919, at Narar in Madhubani, under the leadership of Anirudh Singh, one of Vidhyanand associate, a meeting was organized in which about 5000 people gathered and sent a telegram to the Lt. Governor to set up an enquiry commission.65

60 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, pp.61-62. * Swami Vidhyanand’s original name was Bishu Bharan Prasad. He belongs to Pachhima Kayastha jati who was from the village of Sughar in Saran. He was born in a well-known family as his father was an occupancy tenant of 30 bighas of land and sat on the local chaukidari panchayat. Henningham Stephen, Peasant Movement in Colonial India, p.74. 61 Henningham Stephen, ‘Agararian Relations in North Bihar: Peasants Protest and the Dharbanga Raj, 1919-20,’ IESHR, Vol. XVI, No.1. January- March, 1979. Henningham Stephen, Peasants Movement in Colonial India, pp.70-89. 62 Ibid, p.75. 63 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.55. 64 Hennigham Stephen., Peasant Movement in Colonial India, pp.78-9. 65 Ibid, p.75. 119

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Vidhayanand, attended the annual session of the Congress in December 1919 but the Congress delegates paid no heed to his campaign.66

On 5th February people collected from Supaul area and forwarded their demands such as- not to increase the rents in the permanently settled area, providing comman grazing lands in the villages, unrestricted rights to sell trees and right to build houses and dig wells in the area without the permission of the landlords.67

Again in April 1920, he attended the meeting of the Provincial Congress and put forward his demand to set up an enquiry committee to take up the sufferings of the tenants of the Dharbanga Raj, but all in vain.68 The Congress did nothing and this attitude of the Congress was supposed to be the important cause of disintegration from the Vidhyanand’s movement.69 Once again Swami tried to gain the support of the Bihar Congress, but his hopes and expectations were shattered when Bihar Provincial Conference put forward his demand of an enquiry committee on command of Babu Rajendra Prasad, who described ‘Swami as fraud with hidden motives.’70

Vidhyanand in his speeches had a militant tone. According to the Government officials, the demonstrations held in the Dharbanga district were designed to excite feeling against zamindars and planters which can lead to serious rioting.71 Under an umbrella of his agrarian campaign, Swami Vidhyanand attacked the management of Bhawara factory and announced a meeting to held on 22nd June at Kothia Durmi less than half mile from the factory which raised the excitement among the ryots and can lead to the breach of peace between the Swami’s supporter and the Bhawara factory.72

The Commissioner of Tirhut Division forwarded a notice to the Government on 16thJuly informing about a meeting to be held at Kothia Durmi on 31st July and 1st August. Raiyats were invited from all over the countryside and the district altogether. It was also stated that the meeting was to be presided by Mr. Mazahar-ul-Haqq and

66 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.56. 67 Ibid. 68 Ibdi. 69 Ibdi. 70 Ibdi, p.57. 71 D.O No. 2249-C, Ranchi 7th August 1920 to Mc Pherson, Secretary of State for India, Home Political Deposit, Proceedings September, 1920, Nos. 50. NAI 72 Extract from the confidential diary of the Superindent of Police, Dharbanga for the week ending the 23rd June 1920, Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September,File no.50. of 1920. 120

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would be attended by Babu Rajendra Prasad and Swami Vidhyanand. The object of the meeting was to take up the grievances of the raiyats against the indigo planters and the zamindars, but the wording of the notice indicates that the intention of the meeting was “to be demonstration in force, of the nature of a counter-check quarrelsome, to the action of the factory supporters on the 22nd June.”73

The Corbett’s note on the ‘Agrarian Unrest’ seems to be absolutely politically motivated. As it has to do with the coming elections, an attempt has been made to create ill feelings against the great landlords to prevent them for elections.74 In the region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa the peasants were out rightly against the Permanent Settlement and demanding to return back to the Ryotwari settlement and that the zamindars* should be ousted.75

Vidhyanand attracted large number of villagers as it was evident from the fact that about 15,000 to 20,000 people attended the meeting held at Supaul Sub-division of Bhagalpur, the region where communication was very poor.76

According to the Dharbanga Police Suprentendent, “ there is no doubt that this man is following the footsteps of Gandhi and inflaming the minds of Ryots against the Dharbanga Raj as Gandhi did in Champaran against the planters.” Again he reported after few days that –“the movement was developing rapidly and that Vidhyanand’s influence over both Hindus and Muslims was ‘increasing steadily.’”77

The last two National Congresses met at Delhi and Amritsar played a very special role in arousing political activity among the peasants by admitting ‘kisan’ delegates ‘free and everything found.’78

Under the Presidentship of Rajendra Prasad, on 28th and 29th August the 12th session of the Bihar Provincial Congress was held at Bhagalpur, which was attended by significant number of peasants for the first time apart from the professional class.79

73 D.O No. 2249-C, Ranchi, the 7th August 1920 to Mc Pherson, Secretary of State for India, Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September, File No. 50 of 1920. 74 * Zamindars were originally given a title to the lands of which they were not owners, but for which they were only rent collectors. Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September, File No. 50 of 1920. 75 Ibid. 76 Henningham Stephen, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.79. 77 Ibdi. 78 Shamar Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies,p.57. 121

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The authorities were really worried about the excitement generated by Vidhyanand. The administration up to some extent secretly supported the Dharbanga Raj to suppress the movement but most of the time it stayed aloof from the matter.80

The Congress opposition to the Vidhyanand’s movement was because of its limited and conservative politics in Bihar.81 The movement was attacking the zamindari system and purely a reformist one which took up the sufferings of the peasants at large. Congress on the other side was under a fear that it will not be limited to the zamindari of the north Bihar but it magnetized the entire zamindari system, which would led to the ill-effects on their interests.82 The Congress leaders do not want to loose their privileged position in rural Bihar and so it was natural to them to discourage the anti-landlord movement.83

The Congress tried to manipulate the whole situation by providing the tenants with the lip service to convince them for the movement launched by the Congress. “This mobilization of the peasantry was done for the political reasons, that is, to help consolidate the position of the Congress vis-à-vis British imperialism.” For this they had to show that they were also concerned with the economic problem as well.84

The clause of the ‘no-rent campaign’ in the non-cooperation agenda took an effective response throughout country particularly the rural India. The Non- Cooperation Programme launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi attracted large number of kisans, primarily because of the scheme of non-payment of taxes.85 The Congress attempt was to organize the peasantry on the political grounds and for the peasants ‘swaraj’ meant struggle against heavy land tax.86

In some parts of Bihar, with the growing spirit of the non-cooperation movement peasants combined themselves in order to oppose the payment of rent to

79 Ojha P.N., History of Indian National Congress in Bihar, 1885-1985, p.201. Also see Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise To Power, p.259. 80 Hennigham Stephen, Peasant Movement and Colonial India, p.78. 81 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agrarian Movements and Congress Policies, p.57 82 Ibid. 83 Ibid. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid, p.58. Also Crane Robert I., ‘The Indian National Congress and the Indian Agrarian Problems, 1919-1939: A Historical Study,’ thesis submitted to the University of Pensylvania (unpublished), NMML, New Delhi. 86 Ibid. 122

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the landlords.87 The situation was aggravated in the Saran district due to the non- cooperation call, and landlords on the other hand were “proceeding with their enhancement suits in right earnest.”88

Large number of peasants participated in the meetings arranged by the non- cooperators and the Kisan Sabha.89 A mammoth meeting was held at Madhuban, on 13th and 14th Feb, 1921, which was attended by six to eight thousand cultivators from all parts of Purnia. Even the Government had to acknowledge its success in terms of its number and representation.90 However, it was quite disappointing for the gathering as it seldom touched the economic issues and was more based on the political grounds. The Congress leaders like Dip Narayan Sinha, Hasan Arzu, Rajendra Prasad all of them propagate the non-cooperation programme. And in the agrarian matters they suggested to avoid confrontation with the landlords.91

Kisan Sabha leaders also organized a meeting at Nawabakhar in Saupaul subdivision of Bhagalpur, which was attended by seven thousand peasants. Raghubans Thakur, Sheoshanker Jha, Arikhar Singh, Swami Vidhyanand spoke at the meeting. The Resolutions were passed which are as follows-“ that the raiyats should have a proprietary over the trees in their Nakadi lands, in every village a portion of land should be set aside for grazing purposes; that money order receipts should be treated as authorized documents and genuine receipts; that raiyats should be allowed to remit their rents for the whole year by money order either in one installment or in ‘kist;’ that the raiyats should refrain from quarrelling with zamindars and zamindars in return should not treat raiyats unjustly; that panchayats should be established to decide and settle all disputes arising between zamindars and the raiyats; and that the zamindars and the raiyats should be treated on the same footing.”92 After the resolution was passed two of the non-cooperation leaders propagate the non-cooperation at the session.93

87 Ibid. Gupta P.N, Saran Survey and Settlement Report, Patna, 1923, p.12. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid. Also File No. 84 of 1921, ‘Report of the Activities of Kisan Sabhas and Mahasabhas,’ BSA, Bihar. 90 Ibid, pp.58-9. Also File No.84 of 1921. 91 Ibid, p.59. Also File No. 84. of 1921. 92 Ibid, p.59. ‘Notes of the Kisan Conference held at Bhagalpur,’ File No.89 of 1921, BSA, Patna. 93 Ibid, p.59. ‘Notes of Kisan Conference held at Bhagalpur’, File No. 89 of 1921, BSA, Patna. 123

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The Congress in Bihar tried to mobilize the peasants on the political grounds and tried to divert their attention from the economic issues. As the bulk of the population was engaged in agriculture the congress attempted to draw their support in order to make it a successful mass movement.94

The peasants on the other hand were however not capable to completely stick themselves to the creed of non-violence preached by Mahatma Gandhi.95 And thus violent scene occurred at various places. Chaturwa factory at Champaran was looted and burnt on 2ndNovember 1921 by a mob of five thousands persons. All of them shouted the slogans “Gandhi ji ki jai.”96 Such cases were also witnessed in other areas. In Muzaffarpur two factories were burnt down.97 The tension shoots up over the grazing rights between the planters and the tenants. The planters accused the peasants that they grazed their cattles over their reserved grass.98 There was no fear left for the European community and grazing on the factory land became comman.99

Nationalism was accepted throughout Bihar in the form of non-payment of rents especially in north Bihar where the rents were with held on large scale. All over Bihar the tenants were awakened and stood against, even those who were pro- British.100 In Purnia, the crops were looted in presence of a sub-Inspector and local police.101 In Forbesganj, pond of a landlord was attacked and demolished by hundreds of people.102 In Pupri, plam tress were damaged of Nanpur estate.103 In district of Purnia, the tenants of Muhammadia zamindars refused to pay rents in some of the villages.104

94 Ibid, p.60. 95 Ibid. 96 Home Poitical Department, Govt. of India, File No. 357/1921. N.A.I. Also ‘Searchlight,’ 9th November, 1921. 97 Sharma K.K, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.60. File No.18 of 1922. D.O No.1547- C, 18th September 1921. 98 Ibid. ‘Extension of Seditious Meeting Act to Tirhut Division’. “From Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to the Secretary of Government of India, dated 10th December, 1921. Bihar and Orissa Special Political File No. 538/1921. 99 Sharma K.K, Agrarian Movement and Congress Policies, p.60. 100 Ibid, pp.60-61. 101 Ibid, p.61. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid. 124

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“The agrarian movement in Bihar was deeply influenced by the spirit of the non-cooperation. Although the background of the agrarian movement had already been prepared by Swami Vidhyanand and other peasant leaders, who in some cases tried to, and even exploited the movement for their election purposes.105 The Peasants continued their struggle throughout 1922, and they were advised by Rajendra Prasad and the other Congress leaders to sort out their differences amicably with the landlords.106

‘Militancy’ was something which was not accepted by the Congress leaders which was very clear with the abrupt withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement. The peasants showed that they were not completely adhered to the non-violent scheme.

It was very difficult for the Congress leaders in Bihar to continue their fight for peasantry for their socio-economic conditions, not they restrict themselves from their movement. This can be seen even after the suspension of the non-cooperation movement as the Congress made an enquiry into the peasants grievances of the Patna Division where there was a clash between the biggest zamindar of Bihar, the Raja of Amawan and his tenants.107

The other movement which shoot up during the non-cooperation movement in Bihar was that of the caste movement for the upliftment of the middle caste agriculturist. Kurmis, Banias, Koeries,Goalas, the Kurmi Mahatos in Chottanagpur stood for the upliftment of their castes.108 Goalas were the only one of them who improved them educationally and secured representation in local bodies.109 Their dispute was with the zamindars regarding the restrictions imposed on free grazing and providing labor and produce at the privileged rates.110 The Goalas retaliate and restrict their womenfolk to provide outdoor employment and checked their supplies.111 The refusal of begari was strongly resented by the class of zamindars and

105 Ibid, p.61. File NO. 84 of 1921. 106 Ibid, p.62. 107 Ibid, pp.62-63. 108 Ibid, p.63. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid. 125

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they instruct social boycott of the Goalas.112 In some cases even the high caste tenants helped the zamindars because of the wrong perception of the superiority.113

Most of the Goalas were tenants on the landlord’s land. Apart from the social boycott, the landlords implied economic sanctions on them. Such as they were not allowed to use the comman grazing lands, they were turned out of their cultivated area and many of them were forced to leave their houses which stood on the land of the landlord.114

The Congress failed to gain the support of the lower caste tenants in Bihar as the Congress has not extended their support to their movement. At the same time the peasants were aroused by the Congress leaders with false hopes which led to the quick enrollment of tenants particularly in the region of Champaran and Saran.115

Peasants meetings were organized by the Kisan Sabha leaders under the leadership of Vidhyanand during the first half of 1920’s. Their struggle was based on the two levels. Firstly, they raised their problems in the Legislative Council so that the Government enacted the legislation to eliminate their grievances. And secondly resolutions were passed regarding the peasants problems asking for the help from the Government, zamindars and the local boards.116 Free and compulsory education for the peasants children, suspension of rents in the times of natural calamities and provision of agricultural loans were some of the demands put forwarded by the peasants in their resolutions.117

By 1920, the movement was not well organized as it was by 1930’s but it was successful in keeping the peasants question alive. The peasants however tried their best to hinder the enactment of the amended Bengal Tenancy Act in the Legislative Council as it was quite injurious to the Bihar tenantry.118

112 Ibid. 113 Ibid, p.64. 114 Ibid. 115 Ibid, pp.64-5. 116 Ibid, p.65. 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid, pp.65-6. 126

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Viceroy, however adviced both the parties to sort out the matter with trust and mutual understanding. But this not proved to be successful as “no amicable settlement of the differences between the landlords and the tenants could be arrived at.”119

The inadequate electoral politics was soon realized by the peasants which led to violent acts. In Shahabad district serious riots took place between the estate servants of the Maharaja of Dumraon and the tenants of the Diara village in which the Assistant Manager, Duff was killed.120 The peasants anger could be witnessed in Gaya district when Tekari Raj Kutcherry was attacked in front of the police and resulted in murder and injuries of some of the tenants.121

The issues related to the amount and the mode of collection of the rents, begar, abwabs, the problem of the baksht land really proved to be explosive by the end of 1920’s. A great Sanskrit scholar and the renowned crusader Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, founded his ashram at Bihta and founded the Kisan Sabha to settle the peasants disputes amicably. He was a staunch Gandhain and had a strong believe in the Congress creed. His work was limited to the western part of the Patna district as the landlords in this area practiced much oppression on their tenants and the other reason apart from this was to send a raiyat representatives to the Council from west Patna district.122

Thus, the activities throughout the region of Bihar witnessed the culmination of the Non-Cooperation programmed with great energy and vigor. It is really noteworthy that the masses were involved with true spirit of non violence against such a sinner government.

Orissa was yet another region where the spirit of non-cooperation was observed with great gusto, however it was short lived but it made remarkable progress in the region. Cuttak, Balasor and Puri* comprised the Orissa Province when it was

119 Ibid, p.66. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid, pp.66-7. 122 Sharma K.K, Agrarian Movements, p.67. Saraswati Sahajanand, Mera Jeevan Sangharsh, (Hindi), (The Struggle of my Life), Patna, 1952.pp.317-322. * Cuttak, Balsore and Puri had a comman civil and revenue administration rather different from other parts which is now known as Orissa. The Feudatory States of Orissa, the areas which comprised of the Central Province and the Madras Presidency had a different set up of administration and agrarian 127

The Whirlpool Of Non-Cooperation Movement In occupied by the British in 1803. Later on it became the 19thdivision of the Bengal province. In 1905 Sambhalpur became the part of Orissa as it was transferred by the Central Province. A new province of Bihar and Orissa emerged on 1stApril 1912 as it had been separated from the Province of Bengal. After a long debate in the Legislative Assembly, the Orissa Tenancy Act was passed by the Government of Bihar and Orissa in the year 1913, ‘providing self contained code for Orissa.’ This was the period when Utkal Provincial Congress Committee, Utkal Kisan Sangh, Gandhi’s non-cooperation and Civil Disobedience movement were witnessed.123

The entire country was under the sway of the peasants movements and Orissa was not an exception. Here also the agrarian unrest was the due to the shortcomings of the colonial agrarian structure. The peasants in Orissa raised their grievances against the colonial rule which also provide the strength to the national struggle.124

The people became hostile towards the Government due to large scale deaths and scarcity because of the drought and famine and spread of epidemics. The nationalist not only stood against the authorities through the medium of press and public meetings but also provided relief for the victims. This approach resulted in the emergence of the spirit of nationalism.125 As the Orissa was worst affected with the famine Mahatma Gandhi appealed to the Indians to provide relief to the people affected by it and said-“…..some people die of hunger, others have no right to eat in peace.”126

In Orissa, during the nineteenth century, the colonial rule was resisted through the local revolts commonly known as “meli” or “bidroha.”127 This region witnessed the national awakening in the late nineteenth century. The Khas system* which was introduced in 1893, had broaden the base of the peasant’s struggle of year 1921-22.128

relations under the British rule. Sahoo Rajib Lochan, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest in India: Orissa 1912-1939, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p.xxiv. 123 Ibid, pp.xxiii-xxv. 124 Ibid. 125 Acharya Pritish., Nationalist Movement and Politics in Orissa, 1920-29, Sage Publications, New Delhi, p.xxiii. 126 CWMG, vol.xviii, Ahmadabad, 1966, p.420. 127 Sahoo R.L., Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.219-20. * The Khas system was introduced in 1893, according to which the incomes of the mustagirs were cut down and their privileges were curtailed, with the result they were reduced to the ranks of the 128

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After the announcement of the Montague-Chlemsford Reform in 1919, the nationalist discontent grew rapidly. Gopalbandhu Das propagated the non-cooperation with the Government until and unless their demands were not considered and offered to resign from the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council for which he was elected in 1917.129

‘Nationalist Intelligentsia,’ a class of intellectuals came into existence to create national awakening in the region through the medium of newspapers and by imparting modern education and highlighting social evils prevailing in the society.130 Gopabandhu, in Ganjam done lot of work to mobilize people for the Non-Cooperation Movement. Daily Newspaper was established and people from educated sections were recruited as volunteer to incite the feeling of nationalism and to propagate the policy of the Non-Cooperation Movement. The emergence of the no-rent campaign was also on the brink of this region.131

The emergence of Utkal Union Conference in 1903 was the first to inculcate the spirit of nationalism in Orissa. 132 The unification of the Oriya speaking tracts and the general awakening throughout the country instill the germ of ‘comman nationality,’ through the Oriya speaking region.133

Due to certain factors, Sammilani was identified with the Congress by 1920. Such as the formation of Provincial Congress Committees on linguistic basis and the failure to achieve the relief from the Government during the famine of 1919-20, make realized the people like Gopabandhu Das to inculcate nationalism among the Oriya speaking people, which could only be achieved through the unification of the Oriya speaking regions. In December 1921, at the Chakradharpur session of the Sammilani slogans such as ‘Bande Mataram’ and ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ were raised.134 Mahatma

cultivators. However during the 19th cen. they were considered as the ‘traditional leaders’ as they had led number of melis. As they were now identified as peasantry. 128 Pati Biswamoy, ‘Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa (1921-1936),’Social Scientist, vol.11. No.7 (July 1983), p.26. 129 Acharya Pritish, National Movement & Policies in Orissa, p.52. 130 Sahoo R.L., Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.219-220. 131 Home Political Department, Govt. Of India, File No.18.2.1922.N.A.I. 132 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.220. 133 Ibid. 134 Patti Biswamoy, Resisting Domination; Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa 1920-50., Manohar Publications, New Delhi, p. 68, 1993. 129

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Gandhi’s view over the division of Orissa was such that he considered it as “unreasonable” and asked the people to look “Oriya Movement with sympathetic care and attention.”135

By the end of 1920’s, the peasantry was getting involved in the national struggle on the broader platform providing the strength to the movement, however the leadership was in the hands of the urban educated classes.136 With the beginning of the non-cooperation movement the peasants in Orissa started expressing their grievances in more organized form. The Nagpur Session of the Congress pleaded for the involvement of the students, youth, and the agrarian masses to join the national struggle.137

Between 6th to 13th April 1921, the Satyagraha week was observed throughout the district. Public meetings were organized and emphasis was laid on the collection of funds and to drive people for the membership. A small number of activist gave a call for the hartal with the result the shops were closed, students boycott was witnessed and processions and public meetings were organized at Blasore. The local party office worked as swarajya panchayat, at Bhadrak, to settle the disputes of the local people.138

Satyagraha week was also witnessed with great enthusiasm in Cuttack region. Mass ‘fasting’ was observed by the congress workers on 6th April. Congress workers organized meetings in the area and collected about Rs.40 from the small village of Joranda.139

The agitation by the people of Kanika plays a vital role in the history of peasants movement in Orissa. The agitation was started in Chhamukha, one of the three elakas in Cuttack region of the Kanika estate in 1921-22*, however for a very short span of time but very significant. Leading political and public figures were involved in the agitation and had great impact on the press, Oriya literature and the

135 CWMG, vol.xvii, p.36. 136 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest In Colonial India, p.220. 137 Ibdi, pp.221. 138 Acharya Pritish, National Movement And Policies Orissa, p.63. 139 Ibdi, p.65. Also FRBO , Home Political Deposit, File No. 51of 1921, June. * The another agitation which followed the Chhamukha agitation of 1921-22, one of the three elakas in the Cuttack region of the Kanika Estate was that of the Panchmukha elaka in Balasore region of the estate until he abolition of the Kanika zamindari in 1952. 130

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nationalist politics of first half of 20th century. Gopabandhu’s school, “Satyabadi,” played a very significant role during this period. It characterized the Oriya literature being ‘natioanlist.’ Gopalbandhu and his school Satyabadi had a great impact on the minds of the urban people as they explains the necessity of primary and scientific education, laid emphasis on women education and efforts were made to reform the Brahmin society. 140

The Satyavadi school came up with two journals-Satyavadi (1913) and Samaj (1919), which was established at Sakhigopal at Puri. It was led by Nilkanth Das, Gopabandhu Das, Acharya Harihar Das, Kripasindhu Mishra and Godavarish Mishra who incite the feeling of nationalism among the people of Orissa.141The alliance of imperialism with feudalism was also exposed during the agitation.142

The main issues which were responsible for the agitation was the enhancement of the rents and the cesses. In some areas, the enhancement crossed the legal limits.143 Zamindars took full advantage of the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1885, which gave rights to the zamindars to make enhancement in the rents after every 15 years.144 In the zamindari areas when the government settlement is not concluded, the zamindars raised their rents through estate settlements.145

In February 1922, Rai Bahadur Bajendranath Ray, the Collector of Cuttack made an enquiry, according to which three kinds of changes had been made in the estate’s taxation structure between the years 1893-94 and 1922. Such as:- in the estate of Cuttack the rent had been enhanced by two annas to rupee in the year 1916. Secondly, the life of the tribals and other low castes had become hard and difficult with the enhancement of the forest cesses, as the Baukar (forest cess) had been raised to eight annas three pies from four annas per holding in October 1910. And even then also they were not allowed to enter the jungles. And last but not the least the introduction of the pasturage tax on buffalos at eight annas per head had badly hit the

140 Pati Biswamoy, “Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa (1921-1936), Social Scientist, vol.11, No.7 (July 1983), p.25. 141 Acharya Pritish., National Movement and Policies Orissa, p.55. 142 Sahoo R.L, Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.221-222. 143 Ibid, p.223. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid, p.223. Patnaik G.C, Famine and Some Aspects of the British Economic Policy in Orissa, Cuttack, 1980, p.99. 131

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pastoral castes.146 Apart from these hardships they had to bear the other forms of exploitation as well. Such as they were deprived of their own harvest and even they were not allowed to sell their produce in the market. Many times they were used as labors for constructing roads and bridges and that too without any pay.147

The pastoral caste and the ex-mustagirs also protested against the enhancement as they were also the victims of the new pastoral cesses and the had to pay the high rents and cesses for their large land holdings respectively. Their demand was the withdrawal of 1916 enhancement and the Government Survey and Settlement. They asked the people not to pay rent.148

The Raja was pro-British and was opposed to the non-cooperation movement. The newspaper attacked his attitude and also highlighted the agrarian matters such as illegal exactions, oppressions, physical torture, bethi (forced labor) etc. Sometimes due to the natural calamities the people were worst affected by it which was also highlighted by the media. At the times of crisis the Raja purchased rice at low prices and sold it at high prices. He also grant the taqavi loans to the poor at high interest rates of 12.5% and when the people failed to repay it led to punishment and illegal confiscation of their properties.149

The non-cooperation movement had greatly influenced the Kanika’s affair and with Gandhiji’s visit to Orissa in March 1921, it gained momentum. On reaching the province he was deeply concerned with the poverty prevailing in the province and in Young India he wrote: “…. I was prepared to see the skeletons in Orissa but not to the extent I did. I had seen terrible pictures but the reality was too terrible.”150 Gandhi

146 Pati Biswamony. Peasant tribal and national movement in Orissa, p.27. 147 Ibid. 148 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.223. Government of Bihar and Orissa, Revenue Department, File No. 19-20, 1927, Confidential District Note Book of February 1923; Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Bihar and Orissa, vol. I, 1913, pp 9-13. 149 Ibdi. p.224. H.K Mahatab (ed.), History of the Freedom Movement in Orissa, vol.III, 1911-30, Cuttack, 1957, pp.66-67. 150 Young India, dated 13th April 1921, “Extracts from Young India and Harijan,”. Private papers Section, NMML, New Delhi. 132

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knew well about the strength of the growing peasant nationalism as a means to achieve the independence from the British rule.151

Ramdas Babaji*, a saintly figure began agitation in Kanika. He appealed to the people to implement non-cooperation and refused payment of rent. Many Congress leaders visited Kanika to propagate the non-cooperation such as- Attal Bihari Acharya, Laxminarayan Sahu,Jadumani Mangraj, Sarala Das, Bachhanidhi Das, Ekram Rasul,the Vice-President of UPCC and Bhagarithi Mohapatra, the Secretary of UPCC.152 The students of the Kanika High School left the school153, Swaraj Ashram was set up and swaraj flag was hoisted on a tree which was known as Gandhibrata.154

The Non-Cooperation Movement started penetrating in the region of Kanika and Aul in the month of July or August 1921. The Raja was out rightly opposed to the movement and “congratulated his peasants for remaining uninfluenced by the agitators.” The PCC on the other hand were making efforts to bring the region of Kanika into the ambit of the movement and its ‘no rent’ angle largely appealed the peasantry section which was now full with anti-feudal spirit.155

Ram Das Babaji in his speech delivered on 15th August 1921 at Aul condemned and criticized the Raja of Kanika and described him as the “creature of the Satanic Sarkar opposed to the non-cooperation movement in the interest of the Sarkar.”156

Some of the people also provided great strength to the PCC’s organization and to the movement as whole. Among them were- Joyram Rai, Anand Chander Jena,

151 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest In Colonial India, p.221. Brown Judith M, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, pp.289-304; Mahatab H.K, Gandhi: The Political Leader, Cuttack Students Store, Cuttack, 1973, pp.4-5. * Ram Das Babaji was a saintly figure and due to his appearance he had great impact on the masses. And lot of resemblance had been found between him and Baba Ramchandra who carried out his work in the region of Oudh during these years. 152 SahooR.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest in Colonial India, p.224. 153 Home Political Department, Government of India, File No. 303 of 1921. Also cited in Patti.B, Resisting Domination, p.63. 154 Acharya Pritish, National Movement and Policies in Orissa, p.28. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid. 133

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Bisuni Madhual, Basu Sethi, Upendra Subudhira, Dinabandhu Khandaitrai,* who worked actively along with Madhusudan Pattnaik and established several sabhas in different areas. Grama Sabhas and Circle Sabhas had been set up by January 1922 and a Mahasabha had been set up at Ayetan.157

The people in Khurda resented against the chaukidari tax, forest laws and the Union Board tax which gained the support of the Congress but it took a violent turn. Along with the other leaders Gopalbandhu organized meetings at Khurda and Banki village and lay stress on the matter in May. With the result, there was strike in the Khurda High School and some of the sabarkars resigned. The quarter of the Union Board and the school building were set on fire.158

In two of the Princely states, of Keonjhar and Dhenkanal the peasants and the tribals rose against the feudal aspiration which was noteworthy. In May 1921, a meeting was held at Keonjhar to resist against the resad(forced supplies) and bethi(forced labor). A bandh was organized on 17th May along with the sankirtans in order to fascinate the people. It was also supported by local shopkeepers. The government tried to crush it by arresting the protestors under Section 144. The Bhuyan tribals agitated against it and demanded the release of the prisoners. However the authorities did not pay heed to the their demands, and the arrested people were imprisoned after trial.159

At Dhenkanal, peasants agitated over the revision of the rents. There also the authorities responded very sharply and arrested their four leaders, oppressing their movement.160

* Joyram Ria and Anand Chandra Jena both were teachers who were dismissed from their jobs, Jena was also a cultivator who payed a rent of Rs. 2 a year. Bisuni Madhual was a small khandayat cultivator who had a piece of land but also worked on the land of Dinabandhu Khandaitrai, Basu Sethi was a landless person and by profession he was a washermen. Upendra Subhudhira was a podar under the Raja who resigned his post to participate in the movement and Dina Bandhu Khandatari was associated with the movement as he was reduced to the rank of peasantry after the application of the Khas system. 157 Ibid. 158 FR of Bihar and Orissa, Home Political Deposit, File No.46 of 1921,June. 159 Patti B., Resisting Domination, p.68. 160 Ibid, pp.68-9. Also see Radhanath Rath, The History of Freedom Movement in Orissa States, Cuttack, 1964., p.17. 134

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After the withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement the leadership was now in the hands of Dinabandhu Khandayat Rai who turned the movement on the militant lines.161 Under his leadership, the people violated law, established arbitration sabhas, attacked the loyalist and the rent payers.162 In Puri, during the period of the Non-Cooperation Movement, a police station was burnt down.163 There were reports of haat looting, hartals, demonstrations and boycott of foreign goods were also witnessed in the region of Puri, Cuttack and Jagatsinghpur.164The Congress workers were directed by the UPCC not to interfere in the Kanika issues and asked the people to accelerate the payment of rent.165

The fact cannot be ignored that the peasants played significant role in the national struggle despite their busy schedule in earning their own subsistence. This can be proved from the evidence as they held and participate in large political meetings, they refused to pay illegal cesses, participated in ‘no rent’ campaign, they fight for their rights etc.166

The socialist and the leftist ideology the agrarian issue formed the core of the agenda to transform the Indian society and economy. The very first step was their mobilization, then collectively they put forward their demands to the Government and when they were ignored they break the laws in which their leaders supported them.167 In Orissa, the Congress and the peasant leaders in their speeches always raised their problems. They also discussed their future prospects in free India. They promised to provide impartial treatment to the kisans of the independent India, to provide their children with education, equal rights and better opportunities.168

The peasants were mobilized on two levels, that are- the village or the regional level and the other one is the provincial level. The leaders made provocative speeches on the different occasions to incite anti –British feelings among them. The spirit of

161 Sahoo R.L, Agararian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.224. 162Ibid. 163 Home Political File, Govt. of India, File No.18.2 .1922. N.A.I. Patti.B., Resisiting Domination, p.68. 164 Home Political Department, Govt.of India, File NO. 441 of 1922. N.A.I. 165 Searchlight, 19.2.1922. 166 SahooR.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.225. 167 Ibid. 168 Ibid. 135

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patriotism was aroused by chanting national songs and the Congress creed was propagated on these occasions . 169

As the Non-Cooperation Movement speed up in the region the British authorities tried to suppress it. The Congress organized the meeting on 3rdFeb. 1922 near the Khurda town which was addressed by Gopabandhu Das. The British authorities alert the people to not to attend the meeting but they were failed as it was attended by two thousand people.170

The peasant protest movements nor the satyagraha experiments was failed in eliminating the ‘exploitation and the oppression’ done to the peasants but got success in inculcating the nationalistic fervor by making the peasants anti-British and anti- landlord.171

The Rampa rebellion led by Alluri Sitaram Raju was quite active in the region of Koraput. The movement was against the oppressive system of beti and the harsh forest rules. The Koyas actively participated in this rebellion.

Bengal was equally affected region, which witnessed great enthusiasm for the Non-Cooperation Movement despite the fact that in its initial phase many of the Bengal leaders were not interested in the policy of the non-violent struggle which was incorporated in the Non-Cooperation Movement. Soon the gospel preached by Mahatma Gandhi magnetize the nationalist leaders to his side and Bengal was drawn into a non-violent struggle against the British Raj.

The year 1920, is remarkable in the Indian history as it witnessed the launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. He emphasized about this non-cooperation programme in his famous book ‘Hind Swaraj’ as far back as in 1909 in which he states that the British empire got established in India on account of the cooperation of the India people and had survived till this date. He says in case the Indian people refused to cooperate the British rule in India will fall down within a short span of a year and swaraj would

169 Ibid. 170 Searchlight, dated 22.2. 1922. 171 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.221. Arvind N.Das, ‘Peasants and Peasant Organizations: The Kisan Sabha in Bihar,’ Journal of Peasant Studies, vol.9, No.3, April 1982, p.53. 136

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come into our hands.172 For some of the Congressmen ‘swaraj’ means independence but at the end of 1920’s, opposed the resolutions for the self-government and Gandhiji described the term in a very blurred manner.173

The Rowlatt Bills, the Punjab brutalities, the Khilafat issue and the worst economic condition of the country because of the First World War all lead to inauguration of the Non-Cooperation Movement by Gandhiji.

In Calcutta, also, firing took place and about eight people lost their lives. The Extremist like C.R.Das and B. Chakravarti led the agitation against the Rowlatt Act in Calcutta while the Moderates on the other hand tried to crush the movement to maintain “law and order.”174

As soon as the report of the Congress Enquiry Committee was published in March 1920, it touched the public sentiments and soon the special session of the Congress was summoned in Calcutta in September 1920. The account of this session of the Congress is as follows- “In the meantime the political situation had become clearer in regard to the Punjab, the Khilafat and the Reforms, and the Punjab debates in both Houses of Parliament had destroyed the last vestige of faith in the Government. It was generally agreed that the time had come for vigorous action. The Special Congress which met at Calcutta in September 1920 was called upon to consider the programmed as well as the policy of the Non-Cooperation.”175

Almost all the Muslim leaders voted with Gandhi except Jinnaha and many non-Muslim leaders sided with C.R. Das who was opposing Gandhi.176

Many from Bengal were against his gospel of non-violent non-cooperation but, Gandhi with his abilities was able to convert his opponents to his side. As Mr. M.R.Jayakar explains- “……..In each Province, there were in those days, one or two leading men who would have like to oppose the advance of the new ideas, but they were all isolated…….Gandhi was becoming popular too rapidly to meet together and consider a comman course of action. His whirlwind campaign none could

172 Zaidi Sakina Abbas, ‘Mobilization Of Masses by Gandhi in The National Movement,’ p.x. 173 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p.65. 174 Kumar Ravinder (Ed.): Essays on Gandhian Politics, Oxford, Delhi, 1971, pp.328-340. 175 Bamford P.C., Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.14-16. 176 Zaidi Sakina Abbas., ‘ Mobilization of Masses By Gandhi in the National Movement 1917-22.’p.x. 137

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withstand….. In this welter of ideas, some of the thoughtful leaders of Bengal saw the great danger of letting an outsider like Gandhi have an unhampered hold over the youth of their province. Das saw this danger perhaps more clearly than any other leader. It is certain that, for along time, his virile mind rebelled against the puerilities of the new doctrines, but their sacrifice and renunciation appealed to him…….. He soon saw that it was a glorious opportunity to lead and direct the young men of his province in seeming accord with the new doctrine, but with freedom later to modify it to suit his conception of a popular movement. After some hesitation , he placed himself at the crest of this wave.”177

Mr. Ramanand Chatterjee, Editor of ‘Modern Review’ and ‘Prabastu,’ in an issue of April of ‘Prabasti,’ recommended that “Congress should not dominate by the one section of people only” and that “every lac of men should return one representative to the Congress.” He was further of the opinion that it would be difficult to paralyze the Government through the non-violent non-cooperation scheme. He pointed Mr. Gandhi that how he could be able to boycott of foreign articles “when the paper, ink and types (for print) for his paper-‘Young India’- were imported from the foreign country.178

The Mohemmedan public was showing great sense of interest in the Turkish matter. The release of Ali Brothers had been an occasion of rejoicing in Calcutta. On 31stDecember a meeting was arranged which was attended by 700 Mohammedans. The newspapers were making great efforts to represent the situation purely religious and there were chances of an outbreak of fanaticism.179

The response was amazing regarding the refusal to contest elections. Almost all the nationalist withdrew their candidature and about 80% of the voters refrained from voting. The Muslims were advised by the Jamiat-ul-Ulema to boycott the

177 Jayakar M.R, The Story of My Life, vol.1, Bombay, 1958, p.374-75. 178 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref No. 51, p.2. 179 Report on the Political situation for Bengal by the first half of January, from Mr. H.L.Stephenson, Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal to Mr. McPherson, Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department Ref. no.79. 138

The Whirlpool Of Non-Cooperation Movement In elections for the sake of Islam. It is worthy to be noted that about 20% of the delegates attended the Nagpur Congress were Muslims.180

With regard to the Congress resolution, 23 nationalist from the region of Bengal under the leadership of C.R Das were the first to withdraw their candidature from the Reformed Council.181 Suggestions and attempts had been made to dissuade the voters to visit the polling booths and the private papers refused to print the electoral rolls on behalf of the Government.182

There were many nationalist of Bengal who were propagating the Gandhi’s Non- Cooperation Programme. They were- Mr. Jitendra Lal Banerjee (vakil), Shayam Sunder Chakaraburti, an ex-detenus, Lalit Mohan Ghosal, an agent of an Insurance Company, Maulvi Shamsuddin (vakil) and Nirmal Chandra, Attorney.183

Under the presidency of Sarla Debi Chaudhurani, a meeting was held at the College Square, Calcutta. There a strong speech was made by Mr. J.N Banerjee. He said-‘ they could not cooperate with the tyrants and that that was a conclusive argument for non-cooperation.’184 Mrs. Sarla Debi in her letter to the people of Bengal asked for a support for the work of the non-cooperation.185

The Muslim newspapers had warned England over the Khilafat question. The words like ‘unjust’ and ‘unrighteous’ were appearing regarding the Turkish settlement. Regarding the Turkish problem England was warned that-“unless she insist on a just and generous solution of the Turkish problem the fires already smouldering in Bolshevism will envelop the world. The Islamic faith makes rebellion against a peaceful administration a great sin, but transgression cannot be avoided when the entire nation feels the necessity for it. The extremist are looked upon as favourable to Mohammedanism and the Hon’ble Dr. Suhrrawardy is arraigned for his alleged moderate views on the question of the Khilafat.”186

180 Gopal Ram., Indian Muslims, Asia Publishing House, 1964,pp. 147-8. 181 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref No.51, p.3. 182 Ibid. 183 Ibid. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid. 186 Ibid. 139

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The Mohemmedan Papers, which shows and discusses intense vigor and excitement against the Great Britain over the Turkish question and the editors of ‘Muhammadi’ and ‘Moslem Hitaishi’ were warned for using languages which incite feeling of hatred and racial feeling. At the command of the Government of India a book entitled “The True Verdict of India” was proscribed under the Indian Press Act and the orders were issued also to proscribe two leaflets, in English and in Urdu, circulated throughout Bengal urging people to kill Englishmen, to cut telegraphic communication and to pave way for revolution.187

On 13thJanuary Maulana Abul Kalam Azad arrived in Calcutta and met about 1000 people at Howra station. He gave a speech at Nakhoda Mosque where he was brought in procession and was garlanded. Few of the Bengali Hindus were also engaged in reception of Ali Brothers and Dr. Satyapal and Kitchlew who were expected to visit Calcutta shortly.188

The non-Mohammedan papers were showing sympathy towards the Moslem wishes regarding the Turkish issue. Lord Hunter’s decision to not to take the evidence of the released Punjab leaders was attacked and further they demanded for the release of the other political prisoners and convicts.189

There had been expressions of industrial unrest in Bengal. There was strike by the coolies of four jute mills and seven jute presses who were demanding an increase in their wages. There was a report of snatching things from the shops and molestation of the passer-by by some boys armed with sticks but no reports of the serious disturbances have been made, however the adults shown unusual restraint. In Calcutta there had been strikes by the Rajmistries demanding for increase in their wages which had severely affected the building and contracting firms.190 The industrial strikes have occurred throughout the region but there were no reports of the disturbances.191

187 Ibid. 188 Reports on the political situation of Bengal for the second-half of January 1920, Home Political Deposit, Ref.no.79, January 1920. 189 Ibid, p.176. 190 Report on the Political situation in Bengal by the first half of January, from Mr. H.L.Stephenson, Chief Secretary to the Government for Bengal to Mr. McPharson, Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department ref. no. 79. 191 Telegram P., no. 691-P., Dated 16th January 1920, from Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department. 140

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A strike occurred in the Tea Gardens in Assam in which 5 European Officers including Mr. Furze, the S. Police were assaulted. The Hon’ble Mr. Akhil Ch. Dutt resigned from the membership of Commila Municipal Board. Mr. Gauesh Ch. Chandra resigned from the office of Honorary Presidency Magistrateship of Calcutta and Maulvi Shamsuddin an old vakil expressing their views to discard this practice.192

During the Non-cooperation programmed in the region of Bengal large efforts had been made to enroll students in the movement. For this Subash Chander Bose wrote-“Students responded to the appeal in large numbers and the response was the greatest in Bengal…. It was these student workers who carried the message of the congress to all corners of the country, who collected funds, enlisted members, held meetings and demonstrations, preached temperance, established arbitration boards, taught spinning and weaving and encouraged the revival of home industries.”193

Mr. P.N Mukherjee and H.N Dutt called a meeting of National Council of Education in Bengal with the aim of expansion of national education. Mr. B.C Pal and Sisir Chatterjee urged the people to start the national schools and the Arbitration Courts.194

A large number of the non-cooperating students, during the examination period entered and tried to stop Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee from entering the senate house and requested him to nationalize the Calcutta University, which was, declined by him. He further, demanded the students and their leaders to raise crore of rupees to nationalize the institution. According to the Police reports, a sum of three lakhs and fifty six thousand had been raised for the national university including the contribution of annual forty thousand rupees. To this Sukhlal Chandmal Karnani was reported to contribute rupees ten thousand annually for a duration of five years.195

During late 1920’s, Gandhiji visited Bengal and appealed to the students not only to be trained themselves in spinning and speak only Hindustani but also to collect funds. In edition of ‘Young India’ of January 1921, Gandhiji in his message

192 Home Political Deposit, pp.5-6. Ref. no.51. 193 Bose Subash Chandra, Indian Struggle, p.78. 194 Home Political Deposit, p.6 Ref no.51. 195 Telegram to the Secretary of State regarding the Non-Cooperation among the students in Calcutta University., Home Poll. Deposit., Feb. 1921, Ref.no. 31.pp1-2. 141

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“To Young Bengal,” he wrote- “I have just read an account of your response to the nation’s call. It does not credit to you and to Bengal. I had expected no less. I certainly expect still more. Bengal has great intelligence. It has a greater heart, it has more than its share of the spiritual heritage for which our country is especially noted. You have more imagination, more faith and more emotion than the rest of India. You have falsified the calumny of cowardice on more occasions than one. There is therefore, no reason why Bengal should not lead now as it has done before now.196

After an announcement of Prince of Wales visit to India, was made who was supposed to be landed in Bombay on November 17th. The CWC issued instructions to boycott his visit. A call for hartal or complete suspension of business was announced throughout the country. The demonstrations was very successful in Calcutta because of the enthusiastic support of the Khilafat organizations. According to the Anglo- Indian papers like Statesman and the Englishman, the possession of the city was under taken by the Congress volunteers and the government had abandoned and took drastic steps against them.197 The Congress Volunteer were meted out with brutalities but they could not break the hartal. The Congress Corps were declared illegal and public rallies and meetings were banned.198

Aftermath of the First World War was that, the efforts were made to give organized expression to the peasants demands, as much of the estrangement was caused due to the worst effects of the war. Markets and grain stores were looted and rural traders and moneylenders were attacked from time to time. This lead to the emergence of peasants political associations at the grass-root level.199

The Krishak and Praja Samitis (peasants/ tenants associations) started demanding economic and social rights. Soon mass meetings were held by these Krishaks and prajas in the region of east-Bengal.200

196 Gandhi, ‘Swaraj in One Year,’ p.43. Also cited in Gordan Leonardo A., Bengal: The Nationalist Movement 1876-1940, Manohar Book Service, 1974., p.178. 197 Bose Subhash Chandra., Indian Struggle, p.63. 198 Chattopadhaya Gautam., Bengal Electoral Politics And Freedom Struggle 1862-1947. Peoples Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984,p.67. 199 Bose Sugata., Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947., Cambridge University Press, London, 1986.,p. 185. 200 Ibid, pp.185-6. 142

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A district Krishak Samiti was formed at Tippera with its headquartes in Comilla in April 1919. In its very early phase it was only taking up the demands and the issues of the peasants but soon with the emergence of the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920-22 it was drag into a more widespread agitation. The decline of jute prices in 1920-21 lead to jute boycott campaign. The other ways to upset the economic resources of the Government was to establish the arbitration courts and the boycott of the law courts. Agitations were also raised against the Union Boards. In few places village unions were formed to regulate the export of rice.201

In many parts of Tipprea, the chaukidars (village police) and daffadars(rural police) stopped working by the end of 1921. No taxes were paid nor agricultural rents were collected by the Government nor by the landlords. However the agitation was made by purely Mohemmedan peasants, but it did not took ‘religious colour.’202

It was during the times of economic difficulties that the Government introduced the institution of the local-self government. During the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1921, in Midnapur the masses revolted against the government as an increase of 50% has been made in the chaukidari(village watch and ward) tax. The aim was to extract more and more from the local taxation to overcome their financial crisis. According to the report of the Jt. Majistrate, Midnapur ‘the people had not had good crops for years…….. and could hardly pay for their food and clothing.’203

The Movement was under the leadership of Contai lawyer, Birendra Nath Sasmal. By October 1921, the refusal to pay taxes became the common phenomenon. A huge number of union board members and the chaukidars resigned. In the Santhal parganas the government was compelled to retreat. And the Village Self-Government Act was withdrawn from Midnapur. It was a great triumph for the peasantry in Midnapur.204

It was however for a very short span that the non-cooperation movement in Midnapur and other parts of west Bengal lived. After the union board victory in March 1922, the internal conflicts came to forefront. The bhagchshis (sharecroppers)

201 Ibid, p. 186. 202 Ibid, p.187. 203 Ibid, p. 235-6. 204 Ibid. 143

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of Contai demanded the landlords to reduce their customary half share of the produce. It was declined by them as little concessions were made by the zamindars. The bhagchshis were dissatisfied with all this and objected that the landlord were not stick to the policy of the Mahatma Gandhi.205

According to Wheeler-“ The preaching of the non-cooperation has had considerable effect throughout the Province, the Districts most severely affected so far being Rangpur, Chittagaon, Noakhali, Dacca, Faridpur, Bakherganj, Howra, Pabna and Birbhum.” He further stated that-“Difficulty has been experienced in realizing Union Rates in Midnapur, Hoogly and Birbhum and in realizing Chaukidari tax in parts of Rangpur, Rajsahi, Noakhali, Tippera, Mymensingh, Midnapur and Birbhum. This must be attributed very largely to the constant preaching of non- cooperation……”206

The political movements by the peasants was primarily against the colonial government. As in Midnapur and Burdwan the issue was raised against the increased taxes due to the set up of the Union Boards in Midnapur or opening of the Damodar cannal in Burdwan. The movement was under the leadership of the rich peasants –the Jotdar. For them it was a matter taking the political colour as they considered it as an interference in their local power. It was not a case to be raised against the zamindari class but it was an attempt to check the encroachment by the colonial government in the village society. The two main aspects of the entire campaign were- the people were turned down to pay the increased taxes and secondly to restrain the intrusion of the colonial government into the village areas where they attacked the autonomy of the peasant community.207

In this entire episode, the Gandhian Programme and ideology played a vital role. In this struggle between the colonial state and the rich peasantry the old class of zamindari was totally outmoded in the region. In its early stage they made attempts to crush the mass movement but all in vain. The leaders of the mass movement were

205 Ibid, pp236-37. 206 Chattopadhyay Gautam., Bengal Electoral Politics and Freedom Struggle 1862-1947., People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984,p.66. (Proceedings of Bengal Legislative Council 20and 23 February 1922). 207 Chatterjee Partha., The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political Criticism, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1997,p.55. 144

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united throughout the province and overpower the zamindars. And now they were ready to operate the profits of the state system.208

The Congress was able to draw larger support from the various class of the ‘owner peasantry.’ The Congress movement from 1920’s onwards “became for many people in the region successor to those earlier movements of mass mobilization on social issues.”209

During 1920-21, as a consequence of the Non-Cooperation Movement, a great upsurge occurred among the peasantry. After the partition of Bengal (1905), for the first time the nationalist were able to draw masses into the national struggle. The Non- Cooperation provide favorable conditions for the growth of the ‘independent peasant movement.’ The movement had a broader base as at a one time it includes the non- payment of the choukidari tax (village police tax) and land revenue.210

Further more the non-payment of land revenue to the Government paved wave for the eviction of rent payment to the zamindars.211

On 20th September, the fifth Surma Valley Conference was held at Sylhet which was attended by Babu Bipin Chandra Pal, D. Sundari Mohan Das, Sorish Ch. Chatterjee and Hon’ble Mr. Akhil Ch. Dutt. In this meeting the word ‘gradual’ had been omitted from the Congress resolution such as the gradual withdrawal of children from Government schools and Colleges and the gradual boycott of law courts.212

This conference also decided to non-cooperate the Assam administration and condemned Sir Nicholas Beatson Bell as a mark of protest against the official rejection of the prayers of people for the re-union of Sylhet with Bengal.213

It oppose Imperial preference and encourage trade in Indian Raw material with friendly countries outside the British Empire. It further recommended to set up Trade Unions and organizing the Indian Labor. Further, more this Conference along with the

208 Ibid, pp.55-6. 209 Ibid, pp.76-7. 210 Chaudhary Binay Bhushan, ‘ Agrarian Movements in Bengal and Bihar, 1919-39,’ In Desai A.R (ed.)., Peasants Struggle in India., Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1979,pp. 341-42. 211 Ibid, p. 342. 212 Home Political Deposit, Oct 1920., Ref no.51, p.5 213 Ibid. 145

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Assam Mohemmedan Conferrence decided to refuse to vote and to participate in any demonstration in honor of the Viceroy in Silchar and Sylhet.214

Despite the lot of differences and difficulties the creed of non-violent struggle initiated by the Mr. Gandhi work wonders in the entire eastern region. The wave of the Non-Cooperation Movement was blown throughout the region with great enthusiasm and zeal and touched all sections and class of people whether peasants, students or the working class.

214 Ibid. 146

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

Chapter -5

WAVE OF NON-COOPERATION IN SOUTH INDIA

“The Nationalist Party in Poona is not favorably disposed towards Mr. Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement. Personally I have got regard for Mr. Gandhi; but I view his movement will end in people’s self deception and disappointment…… Mr. Gandhi, it appears, wants to create an agitation, which, of course would not necessitate the calling in of the military in India before the visit of the Prince of Wales, but Government should be in readiness to keep the order through their civil authorities……… I think that under the present circumstances, there should be no restraint to speeches, or holding big meetings, or advising swadeshi propaganda, or instructing people to give up titles or honorary posts or dissuading persons from standing from the election…………. As for our party, we will wait till the decision of the special Congress be out, and if the special Congress will enjoin upon us to stick to the non-cooperation movement, myself and my partywill not stand for election. But we will not be able to correct Government by remaining outside the Council……… the best way to be see that the Nationalist join in a body, and send a large number of their party to the council, so that such elected men might prevent Government from passing any measures unpalatable to the Nationalist party and force Government’s hand to pass certain resolutions for which they have been agitating. 1st August, the declared Hartal Day- we will hold meetings, and many shops will be closed at Poona, but we have no heart in this movement, and Government should not misunderstand our action. We have to keep up some appearances to please Mr. Gandhi, and his Muhammedan friends………….. My personal belief is that this is a Pan- Isamic question and the Hindus have no right to join the Mohemmedans, and as long as the Indian Muhammadans have one eye towards Turkey and other to the British Government, their loyalty towards the latter is shaky and they are not fit to be the friends of the Hindus.”1

1 An interview with Mr.N.CKelkar, the Editor of ‘Kesari’ at Poona by Sd/- G.Madurkar S.IC.I, Simla on 22nd July 1920. Home police department, 1920. 147

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The Nationalist of Poona were furious with Mr.Gandhi and tried to upset him at Nagpur. He had pushed away a considerable section of the Home Rule League with his ‘frankly anti-British attitude.’2

Mr.Baptista was eager to form a Nationalist Party and Mr. Tilak had formed National Democratic Company with the capital of Rs. 10 lakh. Its aims and objectives were-(i) to demand self-determination for India, (2) to bring India in line socially with civilized nations of the world; (3) to support just rights of the workers and bring about equitable divisions of wealth. Its organ and its first venture was the evening English daily paper –‘The Democrat,’ of which Baptista wants Horiman to be its Editor.3

According to a Bombay correspondent, who writes on September17-“The beginning of September witnessed great enthusiasm but an equal amount of anxiety in Indian political circles. The Maharatta politicians bereft of their great leader, the Lokmanya, found themselves for a time unable to wield their great customary influence in Indian politics, but efforts have been made not to allow the sense of unity created in the Maharatta speaking parts of India to be frittered away for want of the towering personality which had inspired and consolidate it………….”4

After the sad demise of LokmanyaTilak, in August 1920, Mr. N.C Kelkar and Mr. Joseph Baptista were recognized as the leaders of the party. As far as the Deccan Nationalists were concerned over the policy of the non-cooperation they were agreed to the principle of the Non-Cooperation but ‘No to the boycott of the Councils.’ The entire country had whole heartedly accepted the non-cooperation movement led by Mahatma Gandhi and his lieutenants. Only the Deccan Natioanalist and their allies in Central Provinces and Berar suggest that it was a ‘mistaken policyto stand out from the councils and not to go to the electrotate.’5

2 Demi- Official letter from A.Montgomerie, to Hon’ble Mr. McPherson, S.D no.-982, dated 28th October 1920, Poona, Home Department Political-A, GOI, Proceedings December 1920, nos. 210- 216 K-W.,p.5. 3 Telegram P., no.68, dated 29thJanuary 1920, from His Excellency The Viceroy to His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India. Home Political Deposit. 4Notes and News, Bombay September 17th, 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No. 49, p.127. 5Notes and News, Bombay September 17th 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No. 49, p.127. 148

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Mr. Kelkar’s views over the no-cooperation policy was perfectly matched with those of Mr. Tilak. All the leaders, both the moderates and the extremists were waiting for the decision of the special congress over this issue. Mr. Malviya, even warned his audience at Khandwa to not ‘to be impatient in this connection.’6

According to a Telegram from the Exchange Bombay correspondent published in London regarding the industrial discontent prevailing in India, which can be witnessed in every large city. Being the largest industrial centre, Bombay was suffering most acutely. Business there was carried on “with greatest difficulty.” There was all over the Postal strikes, and “daily thousands of dissatisfied workers may be seen gathering in the principal park of the city, giving voice to their grievances.”7

According to the Times, Bombay correspondent, mournfully reports that “the Bombay strike epidemic persists.” Not only the postal employees were out but it appears that “all the tramway drivers, conductors, and workshop operatives” have come out. The allegations made by the Times correspondent was that-“ the loyal drivers and conductors” are being “intimidated by the intransigent minority.”8

In a Telegram from the Viceroy to the Secretary of State for India on 23rdJanuary, it had been reported that the strike situation in Bombay was growing rapidly marked by the tendency of sabotage. A Labor Settlement Committee was formed under the Presidentship of Sir Chandravarkar, with its vice-president Mr. Baptista, to take up the grievances of the workers and to elect the delegates of the Committee to work out negotiations between the workers and the owners. Along list of the demands were read out which concentrated on ‘the essentials, increased wages, month’s bonus and strike pay.’ Initially the proposals made by the men were rejected by the owners but later the intervention of Governer of Bombay resulted in the negotiations between the two that is the Millowner’s Assosiation and the Settlement Committee. A Settlement was reached out according to which 55% of the extra allowance was provided instead of the previous which was fixed at the rate of 35% and from the 1stFebruary, the work hours were reduced to 10 hours a day. But all this

6 Report submitted to Deputy Director for perusal by Sd/- H.V.B.Hare-Scott, dated 27.7.20.Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, August 1920, Ref. No.35. 7 “India at the Present time is seething with industrial discontent,” Telegram from the Exchange Bombay correspondent published in London. Notes and News, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Reference No. 49.p.126. 8The Times, Bombay, October 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref No. 49.p.126. 149

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met with great disappointment caused by failure of men to respond. The result was a complete deadlock.9Sholapur also witnessed strikes involving about five mills and about ten thousand men.10

The Rowlatt Satyagraha and then the call for the Non-Cooperation Movement and the Khilafat Movement all this resulted in the resurrection of the working class from the year 1919-20. This was the period when the working class now started forming their own organizations on the national level in order to protect their class rights. During this period the most important development was the formation All- India Trade union Congress. On 31st October 1920, the First All India Trade Union Congress was met. The attempts were made, to co-ordinate the organization in the region of Bombay, Madras and elsewhere into a National movement which was scattered in unrelated sections.11

By 1920, about 125 labor unions with a membership of 250,000 were formed. The workers played a significant role in the National Struggle. Protest and demonstrations were witnessed throughout the country which was very acute in Bombay and Calcutta.12

During the visit of Prince of Wales in November 1921, the workers started a general countrywide strike on the call of the Congress for boycott. In Bombay, the textile factories were shut down and about 1,40,000 workers were involved in rioting . Europeans and Parsis were attacked as they welcomed the Prince.13

Arjun Atmaram Awle, a worker in a textile mill in Bombay, described these eventful years as-“While our struggle ……..was going on this manner, the drum of political agitation was being beaten I the country. The Congress started a great agitation demanding rights for India to conduct her own administration. At that time we workers understood the meaning of this demand for Swaraj to be only this, that our indebtedness would disappear, the oppression of the moneylenders would stop, our wages would increase, and the oppression of the owner on the worker, the kicks

9 Telegram P., no.68., dated 29th January 1920. From His Excellency the Viceroy to His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India, Home Political File, p.34. 10 Telegram P., no. S.D 95, dated 31st January 1920. From the Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay to the Secretary to the Government of India., Home Political Deposit., Ref no.79, p. 3 11Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No.49, p.127. 12 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence: 1857-1947, p.217. 13 Ibid. 150

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and blows with which they belabor us, would stop by legislation, and that as a result of it, the persecution of us workers would come to an end. These and other thoughts came into the mind of us, and I myself, enlist ourselves as volunteers in the Non- Cooperation Movement.”14

Tendency of violence among the workers had been witnessed as reports of looting and stone throwing had been reported. Several people were arrested for such acts.15

On 12thMay, a meeting of All-India Khilafat Committee in Bombay was held. Gandhi, Ali Brothers and other appointed a sub-committee to organize non- cooperation programmed.16

The Turkish question was a heated topic among the Muslim Press. According to Bombay Chronicle it was not a matter to be surprised over the growth of the anti- British feelings as the Great Britain was not seemed to be ‘just and righteous,’ over the solution of the question. Mufid-e-Rozgar expressed its pleasure over the sentiments of the Turkish who decided not be enslaved. The Akhbar-i-Islam was of the opinion that-“the recent pronouncement of the Prime Minister had added insult to the injury done to the feelings of both Muhammadans and the Hindus.”17 Over the Turkish Peace terms there was a growing truculence was noticed in the tone of the press.18

According to Mufid-e- Rozgar an inter allied control could only be established at Constantinople only when “ the last of the Ottoman race would have shed his blood and the Khalifa of Islam would have tasted his martyrdom at the gate of Stamboul” and warned Great Britain of its serious repercussions. The Bombay Chronicle declared the proposal to be “outrageous” almost declaring the war on Khilafat.

14Ravinder Kumar, ‘From Swaraj to Purna Swaraj: Nationalist Politics in the city of Bombay, 1920- 32,’ in Low D.A (ed.), Congress and the Raj, Facets of Indian Struggle 1917-47, London, 1977,p.88. Also cited in Chandra Bipin., India’s Struggle For Independence,pp.217-218. 15Telegram P.No. 30 S.D., Dated and received 10th January 1920, from Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Judicial Department, to The Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department. 16Copy of opinion of Advocate General, Bombay, no.47, dated 19th November 1920, Home Political Department, Political-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216. 17 Fortnightly Report of Bombay ending 16th January 1920, submitted by J. Crerar, Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Special Department, to Mr. H.McPherson, Secretary of State of India, Home Department Jan. 1920. 18 Telegram P., no. S.D. 95, dated 31st January 1920, From the Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay to the Secretary to the Government of India. Home Political Deposit, January 1920, Ref no.79,p.3. 151

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Whereas the PrajaMitra, Parsi and the Hindustan were of the opinion that all these circumstances drive the Islamic nations into the arms of Bolshevists. In the opinion of Kesari the growing Bolshevik threat would result in ultimate preservation of Constantinople as a seat of the Turkish government.19

On 4th and 5th of January 1920, the Sind Provincial Khilafat Conference was held at Hyderabad which was attended by about two thousand daily, standing from all parts of the province all representing the Mohemmedans. Highly provoking speeches were made by the Maulavis, including couple of songs. Maulvi Haji Ahamad of Larkana said that- “he was surprised the Ulemas had not yet declared jehad.” Another Maulavi from the same place said that –“if the terms of the Turkey were unsatisfactory they would be compelled to follow the dictates of the Koran and declared a Jehad Nafis.”20

As far as the Reform Act was concerned the Moderate Press represented by the Indian Social Reformer, condemned the resolution and declared that the Congress had “utterly discredited itself as the mouthpiece of responsible opinionin the country,” and condemned Mr. Tilak for the role he played in this issue and for “his egoistic and unprincipled opportunism.” On the other hand, the Extremist Press, Marattha declared that-“a clear lead” had been given in the matter of the Reform Act and “the lines of further agitation for the political advancement of India were laid on the solid foundations.”21

However, the non-cooperators were failed to achieve success in other fields and now they were making efforts to provoke students against the British government. Some of the Professors resigned from the Poona college but still Gandhiji was not satisfied and hoped for the better results.22In Bombay, Mr. Gandhi chalked out a plan to establish a ‘national university.’ According to the reports 35 students withdrew from schools and 3 schools decided to relinquish Government aid and affiliation.

19Ibid, Ref no. 79, p.5. 20Demi-Official no. S.D. 26, dated the 31st January/ 2nd February, 1920. From J.I. Crerar, Secretary to the Government of Bombay to Mr. McPherson, Secretary to the Government of India. Home Political Deposit., Ref.no.79. 21 FR of Bombay ending 16th January 1920, submitted by J.Crerar, Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Special Department, to Mr. H.McPherson, Secretary of State for India, Home Department. 22 Bombay letter, dated 30.11.1920 . Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p.32. 152

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Godbole and Athavale, the two Professors of Gujarat Government College resigned from their services.23

The ‘Swarajya Sabha’ was making a rigorous propaganda work and dissuade the electors to not to go to the polls.24 Following Bengal, 17 of the Congress democrats from Bombay headed by Mr. Baptista announce their withdrawal of their candidature for the Reformed Council.25 In Poona, the voting was very poor, even below 10 per cent, but in Bombay it appears to have been between 35 and 40 per cent.26

The critical approach of the Deccan was a great hurdle in the way of Mahatma. Mr. Gandhi was much disappointed with his tour in the Deccan and the Karnatak. Even those who were enrolled in the ranks of extremist would not gave up their practice. And the most comman feature of the extremist was the disturbances created by them. In Bombay, Sir Chamanlal Setalvad addressed large audences.On the other hand, the Liberals were busy to resist Gandhism. The propaganda work done by Mr. Altekar and Mr. Ambekar* in the Northern Division and made fortnight tour in the districts of Deccan and the Karnatak was the most successful.27

Some of the stalwarts who were elected and their qualification are beyond the shadow of a doubt were the Principal Paranjapye* and there were several others.*28

The Madras Provincial Congress Committee, lost its old position and prestige in the city after the Calcutta Special Congress. All the nationalist under Mr. KasturirangaAyangar resigned in a body on the issue of the passing of the Non- Cooperation movement. These people were had no faith in it. Earlier it had been deserted by the Moderates and then by the nationalist it remained only a shadow of

23 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref no. 51, p. 7. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid, p. 3. 26Bombay letter, dated 30.11.20, Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p.31. * Both Poona Liberals and the latter was from the Servants of India Society. 27Bombay letter, dated 30.11.20. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p. 32. * Mr. Pranjapye was one of the most independent men India possesses. He was a giant in intellect, simple and self sacrificing in life, a thorough gentleman and a great patriot. * The others who may be trusted to look after the interest of the people without fear and favor were Mr. V.R Gupte of Poona, RaiBahadur Kale of Satara, DiwanBahadurGodbole, Dr. FernandesSardarMutalik and several others. 28 Bombay letter, p.32. 153

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the past exesitence.29 It (MPCC) had now remained under the sole control of the Non- Cooperators like- Mr. Yakub Hasan, Mr. C. Rajagopalachari, Mr. T.V .Venkatrama Aiyer and few others.30

Due to the change in creed and the constitution of the MPCC, its last meeting was attended by only ten persons. The attainment of ‘swarajya’ was adopted and accepted unanimously but there were differences regarding the other issues such as ‘the number of the delegates to the congress from each district should be calculated on the basis of population,’ this was not approved in the region.31

Here much of the propaganda work was done by the Khilafat committee. The Khilafat Committee distributed the literature and placards on the non-cooperation both in the city and the moffusil. They moved throughout the city distributing the handbills and asked the voters to not to vote for any candidate.32

Proposals were made by the British authorities to extern Mr. Sahukat Ali from the province as he sparked immense enthusiasm among his audience through his speeches and incite hatred against the British Government. He asked his audience to take some action against the British authorities as the peace with Turkey had not actually been done. He had made impunity speeches inciting the troops to mutiny in the region and appealed to Mohemmedans ‘for deeds instead of words.’33

In Malabar, the Home Rule Movement of 1916, gave a new thrust to the nationalist activities. Its branches emerged in different parts of the state. The most famous propagator for the cause was Ponmadath Moideen Koya, who was popularly known as ‘Home Rule’ Moideen Koya. The Home Rule League and the reorganization of the MDCC,(Malabar District Congress Committee) gave a impetus to the national activities in Malabar. The Assistant Secretary of both these organizations Mappila P.A. Kunhammed attaracted number of Mapillas on large scale to the cause of the National Movement.34

29 Madras letter, dated 29.11.1920., Home Political Deposit, 1920, Ref no.48., p. 34. 30Ibid., p.34. 31 Ibid.,P.35. 32Ibid., p.35 33Proceedings., Home Political Department, Part-B., File no. 172-76, May 1920. 34Salahuddin O.P., ‘Political Ferment in Malabar.,’ Social Scientist, vol.35., No.11/12 (Nov-Dec., 2007)., p.30. 154

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Khilafat resolution was passed by KomuMenon, appealing the British authorities to “settle the Turkish question in accordance with the just and legitimate sentiments of the Indian Muslims and the solemn pledge of His Majesty’s ministers.” In case of its failure, “to adopt a policy of progressive non-cooperation with the Government.” When both the issues of tenancy and the non-cooperation were taken up at the conference a large scale boycott was executed against the jenmies (big land owners) and secondly “the resolutions on tenancy and the Khilafat brought the Moplaha masses to the Congress fold.”35

In Malabar district of Kerala the Mappila (Muslim) peasants rose against the oppressive landlords in August 1921. There issues were renewal fees, high rents, lack of security of tenure and other oppressions and exactions made by the big landowners.36

According to the Government records-“A very large proportion of the community in Ernaad, as well as neighbouring Walloowanaad, depend, for their very existence, upon agriculture, but for various reasons, the tenurial system most of all, this industry is at best very precarious and uncertain. Rack renting, exorbitant renewal fees and so called benevolences, capricious evictions, the pernicious melcharth system under which a landlord is free to lease over the head of the occupying tenant, unjust and arbitrary exactions by agents of absentee landlords, vexations and humiliating social tyranny on part of the landlords, these and many other hardships are the comman experience of the tenantry, a large proportion of whom are mere tenants at will, liable to be capriciously evicted at the landlord’s or middleman’s mere whim and pleasure………. The most painful hardship lies in the tenant’s everpresent dread of being turned out of his homestead even after it had been in his family for generations and had acquired sanctity in his eyes…….”37

Against the eviction and imposition of the illegal cesses or to say ‘anti- landlord character,’ draw the Mappila peasantry into the tenancy movement. The Tenancy Association was more active in the region of Ernad and Walluvanadtaluks. They organized meetings in different areas of Ernad and Wallunvand such as

35Ibid.p.30. 36 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence: 1857-1947. 37 To His Excellency The Right Honourable Lord Willingdon, G.C.S.I., G.B.E. Governor of Fort St. George., Judicial Department, G.O. No. 2296, dated 8th October 1919. Cited in ‘Peasant Protest and revolts in Malabar,’(ed.) Pannikar K.N., People ‘s Publishing House., New Delhi., 1990,p.301. 155

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Kottakkal, Ponmala, Kuruva, Koddur, Pukkottur and in other places, to highlight the oppression of the janmies. The two important aspects which came out of these meetings were- (1) peasants now shared their comman sufferings and possibilities were raised to chalked out their comman action or plan, (2) now the peasants openly raised their voices against their exploiters and came together on a comman platform.38

With the efforts of the two leaders M.P Narayan Menon and Kattilasseri Mohammed Musaliar, the movement gained popularity in these two talukas. However it was only with the initiative of the Moppilas tenants that they organized themselves against the landlord’s oppression. Near Kottakkal the tenants formed Union for the Redress of Grievances of the Tenants of Samuthiri’s Estate. Here the tenants adopted non-cooperation and socially boycotted the janmies. On an eviction of a tenant of Samuthiri estate, Union gave a call for the non-cooperation. This had a great impact as the estate was unable to obtain services of laborers for agricultural tasks. In Kodur and Kuruva, due to the non-cooperation janmies faced lot of difficulties to meet their daily needs. The speeches of these local Moppilas were more authentic and ardent than compared to the intelligentia.39

The Manjeri conference was attended by large number of the Mopillas, and the only issue which was discussed was the Khilafat question. The other important element of the conference was the Hindu-Muslim unity. It was the beginning of the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation propaganda work in Malabar. There were also establishment of local Khilafat Committees in different parts of Malabar* which done lot of propaganda work for the cause of the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation.40

The issues which were taken up at the Manjeri Conference were the Punjab atrocities, the Khilafat question and the constitutional reforms. In the Conference, a leaflet was distributed which advocated ‘non-cooperation if the Khilafat question was settled in a manner unacceptable to Muslim opinion.’ Some of the delegates under the leadership of K. Madhavan Nair and K.P.Keshava Menon were in favor of adopting the non-violent non-cooperation movement where as some others like Annie Besant,

38Pannikar K.N., Against the Lord and the State: Religion and Peasant Uprisings in Malabar 1836- 1921, Oxford University Press., New Delhi., 1989, p.121. 39Ibid. *ManjeriConferernce was followed by the establishment of tenants’ association at Kozhikode. Chandra Bipin, India Struggle for Independence, p.201. 40 Ibid,pp.30-31. 156

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Manjeri Rama Iyer and their followers opposed this non-cooperation and welcomed the constitutional reforms. At this conference, a resolution was passed which supported the non-cooperation with “loud and prolonged applauses, shouts of BandeMataram and Hindu-Muslim Ki Jai.”41

Number of the translated pamphlets and the fatwas were distributed in the mosques and at the Khilafat meetings, especially ‘Tarke-e-Muwalat,’ by Abul Kalam Azad.42

Mr. Gandhi and Sahukat Ali toured Madras Presidency in August and both of them made objectionable speeches. As the Advocate General of Madras adviced that the speech delivered by Shaukat Ali at Calicut on 18th August and Gandhi’s speech at Bezwada on 23rd August were most objectionable.43

Shaukat Ali in his speech at Calicut on 18th August 1920 said that- “I need not tell you, you all know, that our state was never in great danger, our faith was never so in the world as is to-day, and I tell you, partly you know it yourself, that it is all due to your own exertions in your own Government because we trusted, we believed Government, we offered them assistance and I think through that assistance that we gave them they brought our own faith in this position…………..

If you are strong and capable then it is our bounden duty so long as there is one Mussalman breathing to fight the unjust King, the unjust Government that have paved to be an enemy to your faith and to your God, or if you are weak and could not cope physically with your opponents, then it is incumbent for you to go, migrate to another country and leave that unjust kingdom and that unjust tyrant and King………

It is your duty to help those who are in the right path of virtue and fear of God and do not help those who are in the path of sin and enmity to God…………. So you will withdraw your children from schools, Government schools and aided schools

41Ibid. 42Ibid, p.31. 43 Copy of opinion of Advocate General, Bombay, no. 47, dated 19th November 1920, Home Political Department 1920, Political-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216 K-W,PP.9-11. 157

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because they receive their taint of education that will do more harm to yourself and to your sons than good.”44

The speeches of the Ali Brothers were interpreted by the Mopillas as a fight against the British and this was further carried on with great enthusiasm by the local Khilafat leaders. Such as E. Moidu Maulavi conveyed audience at Cannanore that “the Indian Muslims ought to have fought a war in revenge for the wrongs doe to Islam,” and he ‘deplored the want of arms,’ to undertake such a struggle.45The Khilafat Deputation was considered disappointing in the city (Madras). The Viceroy urged the Mohemmedans to remain staunch in their allegiance and loyalty, despite the fact about the wrongs done to the fate of Turkey. The Editor of ‘Qaumi Report,’ wrote number of articles to incite Mohemmedans and to rage them against the injustice done to the Turkey and to preserve the Turkish Empire and the Khilafat.46The vernacular papers bitterly criticized the Viceroy’s attitude towards the Khilafat deputation.47

From the very inception of the Khilafat agitation, the Congress was well aware of its violent tendency. Despite the fact that in every meeting of the Khilafat propaganda the Congress laid much emphasis on the importance of non-violence. Even the district administration was concerned with the Mopilla militancy due to the growing popularity of the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement. E.F Thomas, the District Majistrate was worried about the influence of the Congress-Khilafat duo, into the interior of the districts. Therefore, his efforts was to isolate Moppilas from the main stream political developments.48

The arrest of the Congress leaders and the prohibition of the Congress- Khilafat meetings faced severe repercussions by the Mopillas who had a militant mindset and tradition of revolt. The most influential Congress-Khilafat leaders were excluded from the Mopilla zone, which was really tough to shape the course of events in the rural areas.49

44 Speech deliver by Shaukat Ali at Calicut, dated 18th August 1920. Home Political Department, Political-A, December 1920,nos. 210-216 K-W., p.11. 45 Home Political Department., Part-1-A, File NO. 241., 1921, N.A.I, Also quoted in Pannikar K.N., Against the Lord: Religion and Peasant Uprising 1836-1921, p.128. 46 Reports on the internal political situation in India for second half of January 1920., Home Political Deposits, January 1920, Ref no. 79.p.1 47Ibid, p.2. Ref no.79. 48Pannikar K.K, Against the Lords, pp.128-9. 49AICC Papers, Part-III, File No.3, 1921. 158

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A mass meeting of the Mohemmedans were held on the Beach, under the Presidentship of Hon’ble Mr. Yakub Hasan, which was attended by 20,000 people and among them large numbers were Mopillas,50 where he (Editor of Quami Report) further explains the triple significance of jehad- that were ‘ jehad by pen and brain,’ ‘jehad by contributing money’ and ‘jehad by the swords.’ His speech made a great impact on the audiences which appears from the fact that many of them offered their watches, fountain pens and the similar articles which were auctioned on the spot. Even one man subscribed Rs. 1000 in cash.51

Mappilas, as compared to the Hindus had much strong reason to join the Congress and the Khilafat. As the nationalist leaders raised the slogans of ‘hands off-the Turkish Khalif,’ which was very close to the hearts of every Muslim and secondly it was to freed themselves from the clutches of the British authorities and jenmis.52

In Malabar, the Khilafat and its activities spread widely by the end of 1920. A Khilafat Committee was established at Calicut under the Presidentship of M. Khunikhoya Thangal and T. Hassan Koya Mulla, U. Gopala Menon and Melekandi Moidu as Secretaries. With the efforts of Chekku Molla Sahib of Kondotti, about 200 Khilafat Committees were formed by 30thJune 1921 in the areas like Tanur, Kondotti, Tirur, Manjeri, Kottakal, Tirurangadi, Mallapuram, Ponnani and Ottappalam. Under the Presidentship of P.M. Pookaya Thangal, K.M. Maulavi, Ali Musliyar as Vice- President and K.P. Kunhi Pokker, Haji Pottayil Kunhammed as Secretaries, a fifty member permanent Khilafat committee was formed at Tirurangadi.53

The leaders at the district level such as K. Madhavan Nair, U. Gopala Menon, M.P Narayan Menon, K.P KeshavaMenon and Kattilasseri Muhammed Musaliar viewed Khilafat agitation as part of broader struggle and laid emphasis on the non- violent non-cooperation struggle. But the religious leaders took it up as a religious movement, and played a significant role in mobilizing the Mopillas. The leader of the movement at Tanur, Kunhi Qadar, believes and took it the cause of the Khilafat as

50Salahuddin O.P., Ferment in Malabar, Social Scientist, vol.35., No.11/12 (Nov-Dec., 2007).,p.31 51Ibid. 52 Chandra Bipin., India’s Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947, p.201. 53Salahuddin O.P, Ferment in Malabar, p.32. 159

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purely religious, and ‘was against mixing it up with with all ridiculous Hindu propaganda.’54

The Khilafat Movement fully supported the tenancy agitation as well, in Ernad and Walluvanad. M.P Narayana Menon fought for the tenancy rights and resigned from the Perinthalmanna.55

The Nagpur Congress was attended by large number of delegates from Malabar. In almost every area the Khilafat committees were organized. And after every few days meetings were conducted throughout the district and even violent speeches were made. K. Madahvan Nair, U. Gopala Menon, M.P. Narayana Menon, K.P. Keshava Menon and Kattilasseri Muhammed Musaliyar were some of the leaders engaged in the agitation. According to the reports about 20,000 people attended the Kalpakanchery meeting.56

A Khilafatist and the member MLC (MADRAS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL), Mr. Yakub Hassan was invited to Malabar to deliver speeches and to advice Mapillas to not to adhere non-violence. On his arrival Mr.Yakub Hassan along with U. GopalaMenon, K. Madhvan Nair, Ponmadath Moideen Koyawere arrested. In retaliation a hartal was observed in Calicut on 17th February. The authorities were concerned with these developments, but despite their repressive measures the non- cooperation movement gained momentum and drew great support from all sections of society.57

The most significant in the history of the freedom movement in Malabar was the Ottappalam conference held from 23 to 26 April 1921. It was the first AKPC (ALL KERELA PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE), and was attended by 4000 delegates and was presided over by T. Prakasham. Its different session took up the issues of the Khilafat, Students and Tenancy. K.P Raman Menon, George Joseph, Editor of Independent, and Syed Murtaza Sahib presided over its sessions. The

54Pannikar K.N., Against Lord and State, p.126. 55Ibid. Salahuddin, Ferment in Malabar, p33. 56Ibid, pp.32-3. 57 Ibid, p.33. 160

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participation and the involvement of the masses with such an enthusiasm alarmed the masses and they took to repressive measures.58

His (YakubHasan), speeches and his arrest proved to be turning point in the Khilafat movement as it induced ‘a decidedly hostile and aggressive,’ attitude among the Khilafat activist.59

A Khilafat meeting was held at Calicut on 29thJuly, where Abdurahiman Sahib read out the Malayalam translation of the resolutions of All India Khilafat Conference. It laid stress on ‘the integrity of the holy places according to the shariat’ and stated that unless this be securedthe Indian Muslims will not rest and will rise against the enemies of Islam and the Khilafat.’ In an another meeting which was held at Cannanore E. MoiduMaulvi, urged the people to fight against the British Government who had done wrong to Islam. He moved a resolution and asked the people to follow the instructions of the INC, over the issue of the Turkey. About 101 meeting were conducted throughout the region which carried the call for the non- payment of taxes and Civil Disobedience. Even during the Friday congregational prayers message of the Non-Cooperation was deliverd among the public.60

In South Malabar, where the majority was comprised of the peasantry class, the Khilafat Movement was amalgamated with the tenancy movement. However, the tenancy movement was mainly concerned with the issues of intermediary rent receiving rent paying Kanakkar (one who holds land on kanam [land tenure based on mortgage or lease] tenure) and its leaders were mainly belong to this class. In South Malabar, the poor Mopilla tenants were also engaged in the Khilafat acivities, also played active role in the tenanacy movement.61

Leaders like Kalatingal Muhammed and P. Kunhikadar, were not only involved in the tenancy movement but they played a vital role in the Khilafat agitation. The Khilafat movement provided for the first time a comman platform for the Mopilla peasantry to express their religious sentiments along with the pursuit of

58Ibid, pp.33-4. 59Menon Gangadhar M., ‘The YakubHasan Episode’, Journal of Kerala Studies, vol.I, No.2, pp.311-27. 60 Appendix-II, ‘Madras Weekly Report on Non-Cooperation Movement,’ dated 6th and 13th August, Home Political Department, GoI., Ref No. 241/ 1-A, 1921, NAI, New Delhi. 61Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest and Revolts in Malabar, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi., 1990., p.xix. 161

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justice and salvation.62 In 1920-21, the political developments provide as a ‘fusion of the anti-British and anti-feudal sentiments of the Mopilla peasantry.’63

Indeed, there was a little appeal of the nationalist agitation of 1920-21 on the Mopllas of South Malabar. But still in few areas, like Tirurangadi which was one of the ‘fanatic zone,’, the Ernad Mopallas boycotted those ‘respected’ Mopllas who were against the Khilafat agitation and picketed toddy shops which was welcomed by the rest of Malabar.64

On 20thAugust, 1921, a revolt broke out at Tirurangadi soon swallow up the entire region of the South Malabar and was an integral part of anti-imperialist movement. On 20th August 1921, the District Majistrate, E.F. Thomas ordered to arrest the most well known and respected priest of the Mopillas, Ali Musaliar from the Mamburam mosque. The police entry into the mosque was quite outrageous in itself, but the rumor that the Mamburam mosque which was the most oldest and most important religious center was fired and destroyed inflamed the Mopillas who had already the impression of destroying the Turkish territory by the British Government. The unarmed mob which was assembled at Tirurangadi to conform the entire situation was firedeventually leading to violence. Many army and police personnel were attacked and killed, the Government offices and records were destroyed and burnt and treasuries were looted.65

Soon the revolt spread like wild fire throughout the region of Walluvanad, Ernad and Ponnanitaluks. According to the Government announcement-‘The whole interior of the South Malabar, except Palghattaluk is in the hands of the rebels……situation from the point of view of civil administration is that local machinery of the Government has broken down. Throughout the affected area the Government offices have been wrecked and looted and records destroyed. Communications have been obstructed……All government offices and courts have ceased to function and ordinary business is at stand still.”66

62Ibid., pp. xix-xx. 63 Ibid. 64 Wood Conrad., The Moplah Rebellion and Its Genesis, People’s Publishing House, 1987,New Delhi.,p.146. 65Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest And Revolts., op.cit., p.xx 66 Home Political Department, Part I-A., File No. 241, 1921, N.A.I. 162

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Till, the rebel came under the control, some of the leaders brought the area under their control and establish their administration. Like, Variamkunnath Kunhammad Haji, declared himself as the Raja of the Hindus, the Amir of the Muslims and the colonel of the Khilafat army, and in Walluvanad Sithi KoyaTangal was mounted as the governor of the Khilafat province. They delivered fatwas to liberate the country from the clutches of the British and in their place to establish the government of the people. They establish criminal courts, recruited their own police, allowed the peasants to harvest their crops and remitted taxes for a year. Those found guilty were meted out with severe punishments and all subjects irrespective of their religion were treated equally. For instance, those persons who molested the women their hands were cut off, those involved in harassment and plunder of the innocent were publicly flogged and the plundered articles were hand over to their owners.67

In the initial stage the revolt was totally anti-British and anti- feudal. In many places like Titru, Tirurangadi, Manjeri, Perintalmanna, Mallapuram and Mannarkkad, the British treasuries, government offices, courts and police stations were attacked, looted and demolished. The British officers, European Planters and the Hindu Janmis were attacked and killed. The notorious landlord were not spared. Nothing wrong was done to the innocent or lienent landlords and the poor hindus. Therefore, the revolt was totally free from the communal feature. In fact it was a mark of communal cooperation.68

On the same day of the Tirurangadi, the peasants of Pukkottur rose in revolt. They were well organized under the leadership of KalathingalMuhammed and took up the issues of Khilafat and tenancy. Instead of going to Tirurangadi, they marched towards Nilambur, 32 k.m away where the Raja of Nilambur, resides. On their way they only attacked the police station. After a stongresisitance by the guards, seventeen people were killed.69In retaliation, they entered kovilakam( palace), burnt all account books and records were scorched and destroyed. No harm was done to the family members.70

67Pannikar K.N., Peasant Protest and revolt in Malabar, p.xxi. 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 Home Political Department, File No. 23., 1922, NAI. 163

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The landlord was actually held responsible for the problems and miseries of the peasants and not the family members. All the symbols of their miseries like account books and records were thus destroyed. Their anger was directed mainly against their Hindu landlords in particular and not against the Hindus in general.71

In the last stage of the struggle, considerably a large number of both the Hindus and the Muslims were killed by the rebels. As after the arrival of the British army both the rebels and the inhabitants both found themselves in the most critical situation as the local people were used as the informers of the army as their guides in the hilly tract. So, these people, both the Hindus and the Mopillas who helped the army were captured and killed in large numbers. Some of the Mopillas who were punished or killed were-Ithru Haji, a popular physician of Ernad, Khan Bahudur Chekutty, Kammunni Haji, A.Momoo, KayisseriMoideen, Kareth Kunni Koya, Kunhayammu and M.Attan.72

Thirty eight Hindus were awarded capital punishment by Imbichi KoyaTangal and the three Hindus were sentenced to death penalty by Chembrasseri Tangal, who were accused for the same offence.73 The others who met with the same fate were- Kandapadi Raman and Raman Nair of Oorangattiri, Govindan of Nilambur, Padinjarare Kundil Unikelu, Kizillath Kesavan Nair, K. Achuthanof Muthavallur, Kumar Pannikar of Tirur, Arimbra Chekku and Nellikotan Choyi of Kalikavu and Narayan Nair of Nenmini.74

As far as the relationship of the nationalist and Mr. Gandhi was concerned the nationalist remained silent over the non-cooperation and played dubious role. The ‘Hindu’ came out openly with its view over the Gandhian policy and did not approved it. However, it did not create any hurdle in his way. The ‘New India,’ and its Editor, on the other hand attacked and exposed Gandhi everyday.75

Regarding the Non-Cooperation movement among the students in the city of Madras, resolutions were passed in this pretext supporting the movement by the

71 Ibid. 72 Madras High Court Referred Trial Cases nos. 117/1922, 150/1922, 160/1922, 45/1922, 115/1922 and 44/1923. Quoted in Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest and Revolts in Malabar p.xxvi. 73 Trial Case no. 22/1922., Ibid. 74 Criminal Appeal Cases nos. 1333/1922 and 359/ 1923 and Referred Trial Cases nos. 18/1922, 153/1922, 63/1923, 26/1923, 28/1923 and 20/1923. Ibid. 75 Ibid., p. 35., ‘Madras letter’, Home Political Deposit, Ref. No. 48, p 35. 164

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

students but no body of the students left their colleges. In the city of Madras, the student’s conference was held under the Presidentship of C. Rajagopalyacharya. The resolution was accepted and adopted by the conference but was not put into practice.76 On 18th February, C. Rajagopalachari, visited Malabar and inaugurated a National school at Valapattanam in Chirkkal Taluk. It was established and maintained with the efforts of the Central Khilafat Committee.77

The Non-Cooperation Movement had affected the peasants and the laborers throughout India. Now the strikes and revolts were taking place everywhere in the country and the Kisans sabhas and the labor organizations emerged to look after the affairs of these particular sections of the society.

In Madras, there was a tramway strike on 26th Of January 1920, a deputation, waited for Mr. Symonds, a Director of the Company and demanded ‘an increase of 2 annas per day per head and in addition 25 per cent increase to compensate for the rise in the cost of living, and also a bonus of one months of pay per annum to be given at the end of five years.’78

The rumors afloat about the sympathetic strike at the Electric Power House. There were also possibilities of the strike to be started at the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills. A Labor Commission had been appointed by the Government to inquire into the industrial conditions and to remain in the touch with the developments of the labor unrest.79

Despite the fact that the nationalist leaders of South India were not whole heartedly adopted the policy of the Non-Cooperation Movement but still the movement was so intense and powerful that in some way or the other it had make impressions on the mind of the people throughout the country. Consciously or unconsciously, the people had some faith in the movement and its leaders and believed that they were going to release them from the clutches of the oppressive landlords in general and the British government in particular.

76 Madras letter, Home Political Deposit., Ref no.48,p.35. 77Salahuddin O.P., ‘Ferment in Malabar’ p.33. 78Notes- Political Deposits, January 1920, Ref no. 79. 79 Ibid. Ref no.79. 165

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

However, the movement in Malabar or the workers strike in Bombay and Madras adopted the violent tone, but the movements were inspired by the Gandhi’s Non-Coperation Movement. It provided with the organized struggle of the workers and the peasants and boot up their morale to fight against injustice and barbarism which had never been witnessed before in the Indian history on such a large scale. Very strata of society irrespective of class, creed, religion or sex participated in the movement, no matter their problems and their grievances differ with each other, but they fought for the same cause that is ‘Swaraj.’

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CONCLUSION

In the year 1600 A.D, the British landed on the Indian soil to start trade with the country. But slowly and gradually the circumstances created within the Indian territories paved the way for the British to get hold of the administration of the country. The disintegration of the Mughal Empire led to the emergence of the small feudal state, which fought among them to establish their sovereignty. This was the golden opportunity for the foreigners to establish their own Empire. And this was what really happened.

It was now too late and too difficult for the Indians to oust the foreign rule from their country. The first war waged against the British Rule was the ‘Revolt of 1857,’ something changed with that but was only the, ‘modus oprendi’ in the form of Act of 1858. The exploitation continued which ruined the country’s economy and worsened the condition of the people. They were now like a parasite.

Before 1915, there was all chaos and confusion and the kind of topsy-turvy conditions with regard to the freedom of our country. The entire political system was in the hands of the elite classes who were struggling very haphazardly to achieve freedom. The Indian masses were not getting the proper guidance to streamline their struggle to gain freedom. The appearance of Mahatma Gandhi on the political scene of the country proved to be a boon for the entire nation. His ideologies went deep into the hearts of the people of the country, which lead to the inauguration of the mass mobilization.

Mahatma Gandhi’s theory of non-violence and satyagraha were the main weapons which targeted the colonial rule. Both these tools proved to be a great success in bringing down the British Empire on its knee. In Winston Churchill’s war system, there was nothing to match this political mantra that is satyagraha.

Mahatma Gandhi’s pioneering struggle was to fight against the racial discrimination, ‘Apartheid,’ in South Africa. His struggle became a matter of discussion in India. He became, well known not only among the elite section of the Indian masses but amongst the comman people as well. The initiative of non-violence and satyagraha had already taken up in South Africa which later on applied in the Indian territory to gain the swarajya. His preaching’s were not confined to words only

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Conclusion but he himself entered the life of the masses, lived with them, preached them and himself practiced. With all these, he touched the sentiments of the poor masses and went deep into the hearts of the masses, which resulted in large number of followers behind him. He now proved to be a great danger to the colonial rule, which ultimately had to bow down, and India was free from the clutches of the foreign rule.

The, ‘Moderates,’ and then the ‘Extremist,’ came to the forefront, but failed to achieve their task as they were limited to their own areas of struggle. It was then in 1915, that the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on the political scene of the country completely changed the situations.

The First World War, totally wreck the backbone of the country. The breach of promises by the British Government completely upset the Indians. The passage of the Rowlatt Bills, the Jallin walla Bagh Tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919, the Khilafat issues all paved the way for a struggle on a broader scale. This was the time when the masses were involved in the war against the injustice.

The brutalities of the Rowlatt Act, was an attempt through which the British were trying to curb the civil and political liberties of the people. It was Mahatma Gandhi who observed satyagraha and fast and stood all alone before the British unjust laws and spoiled it in its spirit and letter.

In order to repeal the Rowlatt Bills, a Satyagraha pledge was concluded-“The Bills are unjust subversive of the principles of liberty and justice and destructive of elementary rights of individuals on which the safety of the community as a whole and the state itself is based with solemly affirm that, in the event of these Bills, becoming laws and until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civially to obey these laws as committee to be hereafter appointed may think fit and we may affirm that in this struggle we will faith fully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person or property.”

On the other side the Khilafat issue was shooting out which was related to the securing the seat of the Caliph in Turkey, and had affected the Indian Muslim masses to a great extent. By the end of the 18th century, Turkey’s power and prestige was deteorating day by day. Turkey was, magnified in the eyes of the Indian Muslims by England herself. During this period, the Pan-Islamic Movements were the great

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Conclusion danger to the British but the ‘Russio-Phobia,’ was something, which forced them to extend their support to Turkey.

Turkey was totally crushed in October 1918, and the Sublime Port was confiscated. The promises made by the British, during the wartime that the Holy Places of Arabia, and the Holy shrines of Mesopotamia were remain immune from the attack or molestation by the British naval and military forces but soon these promises were ignored on part of the British Government, which resulted in the resentment of the Muslims masses.

In the Khilafat Conference, which held at Allahabad in June 1920, was attended by many prominenet leaders both Hindus and Muslims. In addition, the best part was that the Hindu leaders were deeply sympathesised with their Muslim breathen and considered that an attack on Islam was much politicized and thus they extended their support to the Non-cooperation movement.

Mahatma Gandhi found it as the great opportunity and associated himself with the movement, to espouse the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. This integration caused mobilization of masses by Mahatma Gandhi irrespective of any caste, creed or religion.

The Congress adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement in September, and in an article published in ‘Young India,’ Mahatma Gandhi warned the British Government of its grave consequences, of which it can paralyze the British Government and can bring it to a standstill.

The intentions of Mahatma Gandhi was very clear that this policy would soon dig up the foundations of the British Empire and that the swaraj would descend upon India within a year. The Government was totally declared by Mahatma Gandhi and his followers totally a ‘Satanic,’ government in its deed and tried to arouse the nation against the mighty British Empire.

The Khilafat movement and Gandhiji leadership played a vital role in the Indian National Congress, as well as for the country. This was for the very first time that the mass movement was launched which provided a new track to the Indian politics, which was beyond the range of liberalism and extremism. The liberal’s attempts were in vain because they were limited to the elite section of the society.

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Conclusion

Mahatma Gandhi’s concept of the communal feeling depends on the liberal interpretation of Hinduism.

He had whole-heartedly supported the Hindu-Muslim brotherhood and extended his full support to his Muslim brothers in prosecution of their just demands so far that they do not involve themselves in violence.

However, there were great variations in the opinion in the educated and political circles regarding the revision of the Congress Resolution on the Non- Cooperation. Some of the Congressmen were of the opinion that entire programme was totally impracticable and should be thoroughly revised before it proved to be a failure. However, it was Mahatma Gandhi’s firm position among those who were bitterly anti-Government.

On several occasions, the Non-Cooperation policy was not only criticized but also warned by the British officials, which annoyed the extremist group. On the other hand, the moderate faction warmly welcomed this attitude of the British Government. As they were opposing the policy from its inception and were of the opinion that it was to be full of harm to the country.

However, the extremist group was even much divided among themselves over the certain provisions of the Non-Cooperation resolution such as withdrawal of the students from school and colleges and abandonment of practice by lawyers and some were against the boycott of foreign manufacturer goods.

But Mahatma Gandhi counter these differences and wrote in ‘Young India,’ “……..that I urged people to descend from their chairs and go down to the people, learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart against the non-cooperation. They will find as I have found, that the only way to avoid violence is to enable them to give such expressions to their feelings as to compel redress…it is logical and harmless. Non-Cooperation as a voluntary movement can only succeed if the feeling is genuine and strong enough to take people suffer to the utmost…”

Finally, after so many hurdles in its way, Congress in its annual session at Nagpur finally adopted the non-cooperation programme. It included the four successive stages, which was followed up by the establishment of National schools and colleges.

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Conclusion

The Non-Cooperation Movement emerged because of the fundamental political problems prevailing during those days. Congress leaders made serious efforts to mobilize people on a broader platform against the British. The participants of the movement were from all strata of society- professionals and non-professionals, men and women, businesspersons, intellectuals, peasants and workers.

Reading, correctly points out that- Gandhi’s domination in the Congress is based on three main aspects-newly emerged groups and areas which did not participate earlier in nationalism, an alliance with the Muslim community, which provide him with the new thrust area of politics, an unwilling consent by some political leaders.

The passing of this resolution was considered the personal victory of Gandhi as most of the Congress leaders opposed him. The All-India Congress Committee, an assembly of representatives elected by the members of the National Congress was responsible to carry on the propaganda work of the non-cooperation agitation, and the working committee, an executive body comprised of 15 Congress leaders, was responsible for the execution of the policy adopted from time to time, under the supervision of AICC. Provincial Congress activities in the province. In addition, the working committee transmitted their policy to the District Congress Committees to provide coordination in their work.

The boycott of the titles were the most difficult task but at the as time the most essential part of the non-cooperation movement. It is an important item because this class must realized that they received gifts from an unjust and unfair Government. In addition, it was difficult even because it was applied to those who were not a part of active public life.

As far as the boycott of foreign cloth was concerned, the hand spinning and hand weaving was revived at large scale by 1921. For this purpose both men and money was needed. For this Mahatma Gandhi appealed to the people for ten million members for the Congress and then million rupees for the fund. Two million charkhas or spinning wheels were introduced in order to keep up the pace of the movement.

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Conclusion

For this, the student community played an active role in the year 1921. There were all over boycott of schools and colleges. The boycott was more vigorous in the region of Bengal. Number of National schools emerged during this period.

The uniqueness of the movement took up by Mahatma Gandhi was that; it was started up on broader issues to fight for a national cause but it involved the regional issues within its domain. The leaders were unaware of the situations and the distress of the people who were the real sufferers. It was made possible only because of the leaders who were working on the grass root level that the issues of the comman people came to the forefront. It was only possible with the efforts of the Nationalist leaders that it was now not limited to the regions only but gained the national character.

Different regions were confronting with the different problems; people had their own grievances, sufferings, hardships but all because of the British Rule. They had started their own struggle long back before the launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement, but they were limited to their own territories. This was for the first time with the launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement that their struggle merged with the National struggle. All the regions and their people supported the National cause and realized the need to free them from the foreign rule, under the banner of the Non- Cooperation Movement.

The Non-Cooperation Movement was launched by the Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, which was totally based on the two principles of Satyagraha and Ahimsa. Mahatma Gandhi proved to be a revolutionary who really became a great threat to the mighty British Empire. Even Governor of Bombay, Lord Willingdon described him a ‘Revolutionary.’

In his unique struggle he took up the different causes of the comman people such as those of the peasants, the workers, the students and was able to join them in his struggle. And each and every strata of society extend their full support and cooperation to the movement. However, in the later years they do not stick themselves to the creed of non-violence, and that was the reason that sometimes or the other the Congress deviate itself from their struggle. It does not mean that it was not concerned with the problems of the regions.

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Conclusion

Taking into account of the very first chapter, it deals with causes of the inauguration of the Non-cooperation Movement against the British Empire.

As far as the region of United Provinces is concerned, the movement had the drastic effect on the region. As the peasants of this regions were the real sufferers and they had already started the struggle against the zamindars and the taluqadars who exploit them at their level best.

Touring throughout India, Gandhi realized that they lacked organizational skills. He laid much emphasis on the non-violent struggle, Hindu-Muslim unity was preached to bring the entire nation on a comman platform. The Movement was popularized with great zeal and gusto by the nationalist leaders in the remotest areas of the country. It had greatly affected the grass root struggles which amalgated with the national struggle.

The peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and because they were closely related with the Congress. It was for the first time that the organization has expanded its base and every strata of society joined the struggle.

Gandhi along with the Congress became the champions of the peasantry in 1920. The peasants on the other hand, a strong faith in Gandhi and because of this large number of peasants marched from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in order to present their grievances before them. According to Sushil Shrivastav, ‘the march was unique in the way that it was not an isolated event, but it reflects a change in the response of peasantry.’

The Kisan Movement and the Kisan Sabhas, which were gathering storms since 1918. The Non-Cooperation propaganda by the Congress workers and particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru boosts the existing ferment and it really became difficult to distinguish between Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan Sabha meetings. This is sufficient to prove that the National struggle had a far reaching effect on the regions.

The other area which affected the region of United Provinces was Aligarh, where the students were deeply concerned with the political developments of the times. The Khilafat issues had adversely affected the Muslim University. This was the time when the relations were improving between the Congress, The Muslim League

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Conclusion

and the the Khilafat Committees. In addition, it became a great threat to the British Rule.

The Muslim Ulemas even joined the struggle. On the call of Maulana Shaukat Ali, large number of students was drawn to the struggle. According to the reports, Maulana Mohammed Ali got the signatures of around 200 students who extended their support to the national cause. Government was highly alarmed with the growing unrest among the students and that’s why they had implemented the AMU Act which finally came into existence on 1st December 1920. This was an attempt to draw the loyalist lobby to their side and to dwindle the spirit of the Non-Cooperation Movement among the students.

Moving ahead in the region of Punjab, the issues were totally religious in nature. The Non-Cooperation Movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi was dealing with the religious issue that was –‘The Khilafat Question.’ Therefore, the Congress did not take time to carry forward the demands of the Sikhs. In fact, it was the demand of the time that every religion and community should come forward to combat the British Rule in India. In addition, that why it gave a call for the Hindu-Muslim Unity.

The Sikh shrines were under the corrupt mohants who were the puppets in the hands of the British rulers who were enjoying the corrupt practices prevailing inside the Holy Shrines. The comman people did not accept this and thus they revolted against them. The Akalis formed the groups known as ‘jathas,’ to fight against their enemies. The Congress provided them the full support and they on the other hand joined the national struggle. They were deeply impressed by the way of struggle and thus they followed the non- violent struggle.

The Akalis formally adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement on 11thMay, with two aims and objectives.-(i) to reform the Gurudwara and (ii) to launch the non- cooperation against the British. The British were really puzzled with the blending of the two movements.

The Government being alarmed by the situation, they negotiated with their leaders and reached the compromise. They were highly alarmed with the growing

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Conclusion

excitement among the Sikh units of the Indian army as the numbers of the ex-soldiers were proceeding toward the Guru-Ka-Bagh in jathas.

Apart from the religious sphere, the other areas in which the movement was gaining momentum was on the schools and colleges. Large number of students left Government run schools and colleges and in that place number of national institutions emerged. Khalsa College had been greatly affected as large number of students and Professors withdrew from the college. Lahore Islamia School and Muslim High School were closed temporarily.

Many lawyers gave up their practices. Regarding the programme of Khadi, the response was tremendous. As well as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was considered the efforts of the Punjab was heading the list. Mahatma Gandhi himself, appealed to the people to spin, weave and wear khaddar. And the response was fantastic.

In Rajasthan, with the efforts of Vijay Singh Pathik, the Bijolia matter was put before the national leaders. However the Congress did not take it up officially but it gained the attention of the leaders. Despite this fact, the Non-Cooperation Movement had affected the regional movement of Rajasthan. Such as in 1920, Kisan Panchayat began to run their own parallel governments and decided that the peasants would not deal directly with the thikana authorities but deal through the panchayats only. The panchayats appointed by the Kisans organized the charkha movement. The peasants boycotted the courts and the police and refused to pay the land revenues and the other illegal cesses.

Worried about the developments, British along with the thikana authorities made all possible ways to crush the movement. The Kisan Panchayats, on the other hand counter it. In the state of Sirohi, the Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood against the authorities. Both the sections of the society, the peasants and the tribals revolted against the British authorities based on the non-cooperation.

The region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was evenly affected by the Non Cooperation Movement. With the call of non-violent non-cooperation struggle great enthusiasm could be witnessed in these regions. When the national leaders visited these areas they were warmly welcomed. The leaders here provoked and incite the people to raise their voices against the unjust rule. Hindu-Muslim unity was preached

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Conclusion at its greatest length. Some of the people denounce their titles as a first step in the progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement. The schools and colleges were even affected by it. As far as, the elections were concerned the region of Bihar made a great success. National leaders hold meetings to boycott election campaigns. The anti liquor movement was in a full swing throughout the entire province.

The peasants of these areas stood up against their rulers like in Bihar they raise their voices against the Dharbanga Raj and in Orissa they were against the Kanika ruler in order to remove their tyranny. Nationalism was accepted throughout the region of Bihar in the form of non-payment of taxes. The people even stood against those who were pro-British.

In the region of Orissa, with the beginning of the Non-Cooperation Movement in Orissa, the peasants started expressing their grievances in more organized form. The Nagpur session of the Congress pleaded for the involvement of the students, youth and the agrarian masses to join the national struggle.

In Bengal region, the Krishak and Praja Samities started demanding their economic and social rights. In the early phase it only took up the demand of the peasants but soon with the emergence of the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920-22, it was dragged into a more widespread agitation. In the Midnapur region, the masses revolted against high taxes issued by the Government in the name of introduction of the institution of the local self Government. The Congress was able to draw larger support from the various classes. Despite the lot of differences the creed of the non- violent struggle initiated by Mr. Gandhi was accepted and supported by large number of people.

The South India remained silent spectator of the growing mass movement. The leaders of the Deccan and their allies in the Central Provinces and Berar, disheartened Mahatma Gandhi as they suggested that it was a ‘mistaken policy to stand out from the councils and not to go to the electrote.’ Still the circumstances changed. Strikes were observed throughout the region. Bombay was suffering most acutely.

The visit of Prince of Wales, the workers started a general wide strike on the call of the Congress. The Turkish question was a heated topic among the Press. The

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Conclusion

Swarajya Sabha was making a rigorous propaganda work and dissuade the electors to not to go to the polls. In Madras, the M.P.C.C had now remained under the sole control of the Non-Cooperation Movement here much of the propaganda work was done by the Khilafat workers. Attempts were made to dissuade the students from the Government schools and colleges. Attempts were also made to dissuade the people from the voting and election campaigns.

In Malabar, the peasants of Kerala rose against the oppressive landlords in August 1921. Their issues were renewal fees, high rents, lack of security of tenure and other oppressions and exactions made by the land owners. This anti-landlord character, draw the Mapilla peasantry into the tenancy movement. The Manjeri Conference was the beginning of the propaganda work of the Non-Cooperation Movement and the Khilafat issue. The other important element of the conference was that it laid much emphasis on the Hindu-Muslim unity.

The Mapilla’s grievances were mainly against the Hindu landlords who were known as jenmies. The Khilafatist made great efforts to bring these peasants under their cult as they laid emphasis on the non-violent non-cooperation struggle.

The movement in Malabar or the workers strike in Bombay and Madras adopted the violent tone, but the movements were inspired by Gandhian Non- Cooperation Movement. It provided with the organized struggle of the workers and the peasants and boost up their morale to fight against injustice and barbarism, which had never been witnessed before in the Indian History on such a large scale. Every strata of society irrespective of class, creed, religion or sex participated in the movement, no matter their problems, their grievances differ with each other, but they now fought for the same cause that is ‘Swaraj.’

The Non-Cooperation Movement of Mahatma Gandhi had done one great thing that it had exposed many of the so called “leaders.” In the Calcutta Notes it had been mentioned under the heading, “The Test of Leadership,” it writes- “The Non- Cooperation Movement has at least done one great service to the country. It had afforded an infallible test for winnowing the chaff from the grain. Leaders who have been only too willing to take upon themselves the burden of piloting the political activities of the country have had to come in their true colors. It is not possible to play fast and loose for any length of time with a movement which is exclusively based on

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Conclusion truth and self-sacrifice. At the first summons to subordinate personal interest to those of the country, the pseudo patriot stands unmasked. Those who joined the ranks of politicians in order to advertise themselves as champion of the rights of the people feel mortally disconcerted when the people feel actually come forward to claim their due and demand that their views be given effect to………….We have been led to these observations on seeing the fierce scramble that is about to take place for the seats in the Legislative Council. The sweets of office, even honorary office, are far too tempting for Indian character to resist………”

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