De Silva F1 I-Xii.Indd I 4/1/2008 5:36:27 PM De Silva F1 I-Xii.Indd Ii 4/1/2008 5:36:29 PM Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia

Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd i 4/1/2008 5:36:27 PM de silva_f1_i-xii.indd ii 4/1/2008 5:36:29 PM Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia

Edited by Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya and Jean-Pierre Angenot

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd iii 5/6/2008 8:00:11 PM Cover illustration: “The Nizam’s African Bodyguard at the 1877 Imperial Durbar: Mounted Toy Soldier by W.M. Hocker”. With kind permission of Kenneth and Joyce Robbins. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Uncovering the history of Africans in Asia / edited by Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya and Jean-Pierre Angenot. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-16291-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Africans—Asia—History. 2. African diaspora. I. Jayasuriya, Shihan de S. II. Angenot, Jean-Pierre. DS28.A35U53 2008 950.0496—dc22 2008009473

ISBN 978 90 04 16291 4

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de silva_f1_i-xii.indd iv 4/1/2008 5:36:29 PM CONTENTS

Foreword by Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo ...... vii

Chapter One General Introduction ...... 1 Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya & Jean-Pierre Angenot

Chapter Two Identifying Africans in Asia: What’s in a Name? ...... 7 Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya

Chapter Three The Afro-Asian Diaspora: Myth or Reality? ...... 37 Gwyn Campbell

Chapter Four The African Slave Trade to Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands ...... 57 Robert O. Collins

Chapter Five The Makran-Baluch-African network in Zanzibar and East-Africa during the XIX Century ...... 81 Beatrice Nicolini

Chapter Six Somali Migration to Yemen from the 19th to the 21st Centuries ...... 107 Leila Ingrams & Richard Pankhurst

Chapter Seven Nineteenth Century European References to the African Diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula ...... 121 Clifford Pereira

Chapter Eight Migrants and the Maldives: African Connections ...... 131 Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd v 4/1/2008 5:36:29 PM vi contents

Chapter Nine The African Native in Indiaspora ...... 139 Jeanette Pinto

Chapter Ten Migrants and Mercenaries: Sri Lanka’s Hidden Africans ...... 155 Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya

Extensive Bibliography on the Afro-Asian Diaspora ...... 171 Jean-Pierre Angenot & Geralda de Lima Angenot

Notes on Contributors ...... 189

Index ...... 193

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd vi 4/1/2008 5:36:29 PM FOREWORD BY TUKUMBI LUMUMBA-KASONGO

Why, how, and when had Africans or Blacks from the African continent found themselves in Asia? What parts of Africa did these Africans or Blacks originate from? Who were these Africans or Blacks who migrated to Asia? Where in Asia are there the majority of the people of African descent? Who and what have they become? How had they been group- ing, integrated or disintegrated into various social and cultural fabrics of the Asian countries? What is the level of social consciousness of their African-ness or Blackness, if any? And what contributions have they been making to the development of their communities in Asia? It is necessary that I ﬁ rstly describe the general background behind these interesting and complex studies; secondly, I would like to present a sincere coup de chapeau to the Guest-Editor for a work well done; and thirdly, I invite our readers to read and use this book critically. I am working with the same Guest-Editor to produce another similar work on the same topic to be published in another special issue of the African and Asian Studies in the Fall of 2007. By some ad hoc common historical knowledge and some limited anthropological, ethnographic and biological studies, it is known that there are people of African descent in many parts of Asia. However, the scholarship in this area though not static, is still minimum. It is limited in relationship to its potential as it calls for questioning the conventional paradigms, and it is not intellectually legitimate yet. Many empirical and historical research projects are still needed to study collective and individual memories and stories of these people and how they had become Asians like other Asian ethnic groups for centuries. “The African Diaspora in Asia: Historical Gleanings” whose Guest-Editors are Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya of the University of London in Lon- don, United Kingdom, and Professor Jean-Pierre Angenot of Federal University of Rondônia, Brazil, is a monumental and rich work. It is an innovative collection of well-studied subjects undertaken by established scholars dealing with various forms of migration of the Africans to Asia from an interdisciplinary and a multidisciplinary perspective. I thank them, including the authors, for having analyzed various aspects of a topic that goes beyond a simple logic of linear history in the process

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of studying the movements of people with their traditions, their hopes and dreams, and their power of social reproduction. Because of the complexity of the issues examined in this volume, I would like to invite the readers to contextualize the whole work within a broader intellectual discourse and historical perspectives, to raise general issues related to the qualitative nature of the work itself, and to see how this work could help project the implications of the locations of large communities of people of African descent in Asia. After carefully reviewing each article included in this collection, I shared my satisfac- tion with Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya. Thus, I decided to push for the publication of the special issue of the African and Asian Studies as a book. In short, it is my hope that the readers will appreciate the value of this work within a bigger historical and sociological picture as an important step in the further studies of both Africa and Asia. In 2004, I was invited by Professor Jean-Pierre Angenot to participate in one of his conferences organized through the TADIA International Network, to be held in Goa. In the same year, he made a request to me to explore any possibility of publishing some papers in the African and Asian Studies. After reviewing the abstracts he submitted, the list of possible contributors, and their professional afﬁ liations, I approved the project for publication in the African and Asian Studies. Thus, with high enthusiasm, I worked closely with Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya of the University of London, the Guest Editor, who carefully paid close attention to all the details for producing this work. I read each article with high interest and intellectual curiosity to make sure that this work could produce high quality intellectual debates and that it stimulates further discussion and scientiﬁ c investigation. The questions related to, and/or about, the African Diaspora at large have been extensively studied mainly through two main interrelated historical perspectives, namely European-American transatlantic slavery and European colonialism. They are the dominant areas of interest, which are part of the imperialist paradigms. The studies on African internal, regional slavery and the African autonomous or independent international migrations have been limited until recently. Thus, within the existing world system and its international commercial routes, communication technology, and the axis of power, Africa has been more directly connected to Europe than to any other part of the world. For some, the phenomenon of Africans in Asia can be considered as enigmatic, random, individualistic or atomistic. But this is not the view shared with some authors in this collection. In this publication

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a broad basis of motivations and trends have been studied. As W. E. Burghardt Du Bois expressed in his work entitled: The World and Africa, (1985, p. 176): The connection between Asia and Africa has always been close. There was probably actual land connection in prehistoric times, and the black race appears in both continents in the earliest records, making it doubtful which continent is the point of origin. Certainly, the Negroid people of Asia have played a leading part of history. The blacks of Melanesia have scoured the seas, and Charles Taüber makes them inventors of one of the world’s fi rst written languages: thus, this greatest of all human inven- tions was made by aborigines whose descendants today rank among the lowest, the proto-Australians. The logic of this citation was clarifi ed by the empirical facts in specifi c case studies in this volume. The work dealing with the specifi c historical, physical and social movements or migration of Africans or Blacks in Asia over the centuries is clearly a complex historical, sociological, ethnographic and pioneering work. It is a work that can help demystify, deconstruct, and attempt to reconstruct ethnicity (Black ethnicity) and its cultures and some of its history. No single theory can provide suffi cient tools which would explain comprehensively the factors that have led to movements of Africans or Blacks and the implications and the consequences of their migrations. As such, I hope that this work will engender an intellectual curiosity and the space needed to challenge the conventional push-pull theory. The value of this work also lies in the fact that the authors have diverse academic and cultural backgrounds and that they are intellectually located within the major schools of thoughts in their various disciplines and interests. Also, the book is published at a time when the real and potential political debates about ethnicity in its various dimensions are, in most cases, fused and reduced in the languages of religions, power struggles, and in the forms of international security and capitalist regionalism. While the arguments of the positive role of cultural diversity and multiculturalism are becoming internationally appreciated valuable tools and topics with which to formally assess institutional performances and their development, especially in academia and multinationals, the studies of specifi c ethnic groups, the races or cultures, are still considered within the existing world politics as threatening to the grand paradigm, namely the world system and its various categories. States and their institutions and many private and public institutions the world over

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are still politically resistant to dialoguing with specifi c human histories. However, in the context of this book, the studies of the African Diaspora as a human and social history can create mechanisms of understanding people, a sine qua non condition for learning about them. The paradigms, methodological and analytical perspectives developed in this book were examined and appreciated within the frameworks of the dynamics of the world political economy and the contemporary state and its cultures. The world of the states has defi ned the world using some precise tools such as physical territoriality, imagined and/or real sovereignty, and population defi ned as citizens. But the call is to be critical to the state centric power as it has tendencies of obscuring history. The centrality of African historiography in the making of the world history or the humanity at large as the cradle of the humanity, though is still intellectually and historically controversial in some milieux, has been scientifi cally proven by African and non-African scientists. This centrality also challenged the arguments of the state-centrist in defi ning Africans or people of African descent. Cheikh Anta Diop, the Senegalese scientist, who popularized and internationalized the concept of Africa as the origin of civilization, advanced the view that ancient Egyptian civilization, which is essentially Black or African, was in the origin of the Greek civilization, a civilization which had been appropriated as the foundation of Western European civilization. While this work does not address Cheikh Anta Diop’s propositions, various types of arguments advanced complement Diop’s Afro-centric logic in terms of the necessity of the recognition of the contributions of the African and Black cultures in any part of the world. This work covers many subtopics such as the nature of the relationship between Africans and the Arabs who live in Africa and are Africans, the Arabs in the Middleast, Buddhism, Hinduism, the Indian involve- ment in the commercialization of the slave trade before the transatlantic slave trade, the lack of the intellectual and historical recognition of the African presence in the conventional historiography, etc. According to Robert O. Collins, one of the authors in this collection, between 800 AD and 1900 AD, the estimated population of Africans in Asia was approximately the same as the population of Africans sent to the Americas in four and a half centuries i.e. 12, 580,000. Demographically, this is not a small number that should be ignored and/or neglected in a monolithic and unilinear descriptive history.

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd x 4/1/2008 5:36:30 PM foreword xi

“Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia” is a work of reference that can stimulate further debates about the contributions of the Africans in the contemporary world.

References

Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt (1985) The World and Africa: An Inquiry into the part which Africa has played in world history: An Enlargement edition, with new writings on Africa, New York: International Publishers.

de silva_f1_i-xii.indd xi 4/1/2008 5:36:30 PM de silva_f1_i-xii.indd xii 4/1/2008 5:36:30 PM CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya (King’s College London, University of London) & Jean-Pierre Angenot (Federal University of Rondônia, Brazil)

Asia and Africa were both subjected to western intervention and commercial interactions, becoming part of a global economy. While West Africa became a trading place for the Portuguese from the 15th century, the interior of Africa was not explored until the mid-19th century. Contact with the Portuguese inevitably resulted in exporting Africans to Europe. The internationalization of the slave trade arguably weakened Africa. Colonisation by European powers, each scrambling for a piece of Africa, divided tribes and ethnolinguistic groups who had lived in harmony for centuries and put together rival groups. Asia also fell victim to western commercial interests, beginning with the Portuguese who controlled Indian Ocean trade for a hundred years, turning it into a Portuguese lake. This was possible by breaking into and disrupting old and well-established intra-Asian trading networks. Building farﬂ ung empires, albeit maritime ones, took its toll, resulting in the shortage of human capital, loyal personnel, military men for acquiring and then defending territories. Within this process, Africa fell victim to the exploitation of human resources, the already established slave trade offering a mechanism for it. Africans were moved to far ﬂ ung domains, not simply to the Middle East and South Asia but also to Southeast Asia, up to Japan and China. Japan, however, had started to modernise, beginning from the Meiji (1868–1912) restoration. This enabled the Japanese to hold their own against American and European powers during the 20th century. Despite the setbacks following the aftermath of World War II, Japan was able to rebuild its developing industrial base and compete in world markets, beginning in the 1950s. Initially mimicking western technology and manufacturing at a lower cost than the West, Japanese

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products began to take away a proportion of the market share previously held by European countries and America. The emergence of the four tigers—Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong—posed a real threat to the West. India and China are now following, about two decades later. Colonisation, the slave trade, indentured labour, all affected Asia. People moved in several directions geographically within the Indian Ocean. However, we must not forget the African-Asian trade that existed at least from the 1st century onwards. Abyssinians were trading in South Asia during the Aksumite Empire, from the 1st to the 7th centuries. There was, therefore, free movement of Africans to Asia. While uncovering African-Asian history, we must not overlook the fact that Africans mainly came as slaves. Yet some slaves rose to positions of power and infl uence through their military capabilities. The Afro-Indian dynasties of Sachin and Janjira are a reminder of the infl uence that Afro-Indians wielded in parts of India. While this glory was not to remain forever, the cultural contributions made by Africans are still alive, particularly in music and dance. Uncovering the history of Africans in Asia offers a challenge to scholars as it requires a multidisciplinary approach combining history with other disciplines such as anthropology, ethnomusicology, folklore and linguistics. It goes beyond traditional historical analyses and requires taking into account cultural expressions. Migration of Africans to Asia, both free and forced, has gone on for several centuries. Yet there is little awareness of an African presence in Asian countries. The extent of their acceptance to kinship networks, marginalisation and lack of political clout may partially account for their low profi le. Jean-Pierre Angenot and I invited scholars who had both a wide knowledge, and expertise in case studies of Asia, to write articles which could be published in a book, in order to emphasise the African presence in Asia. In “The problems of identifying an African presence in Asia: What’s in a Name?”, Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya (King’s College London, University of London) draws attention to the problems of recognising an African presence in Asia. Eastwards African migration was different to the transAtlantic migration in terms of the time scale involved, the types of demand for Africans and perhaps most importantly the nature of interactions with the host societies. The many terms that have been used for Africans throughout time and space, masks the African presence in Asia. Using her expertise in historical linguistics and history,

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combined with fi eldwork and regional knowledge, she draws attention to the rationale for the various ethnonyms and terms used for Africans. An awareness of the ethnic origins that are encapsulated in these terms is necessary for those attempting to undertake studies on the eastwards African migration. In “The African-Asian Diaspora: Myth or Reality?”, Gwyn Campbell (Department of History, McGill University, Canada) questions if there might be an African ‘slave’ diaspora in the Indian Ocean world similar to that of the well-documented African diaspora of the Americas. There has been increasing scholarly interest in this topic probably heightened by the International Year to commemorate the struggle against slavery and its Abolition, in 2004. Robert Collins (Department of History, University of Santa Barbara, California, USA) has written on history for the past fi fty years. He is of the view that history is not a social science, but a member of the humanities family. He points out that the historian carries out his task by searching for every available source, using any discipline, to narrate a story and that she or he is not bound by any rigid theoretical or methodological concepts. A Historian’s approach to the “African Slave Trade to Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands” is based on nar- rating a story as best as he can, as to what happened, where, when, how and why. In “The Makran-Baluch-African Network in Zanzibar and East Africa during the XIXth century”, Beatrice Nicolini (History and Institutions of Africa, Faculty of Political Sciences, Catholic University of the Sacred Heart, Milan, Italy) evaluates the cultural synthesis of different local realities combining material from her fi eld work with archival sources. She brings in the new historical perspective of viewing the relations between the coasts, islands and interior of the continents as areas that are in contact with fl ows of people, goods and ideas infl uencing and changing local societies. She acknowledges that studies on the history of the western Indian Ocean should take into account several historical-political-institutional factors. Her article emphasises slavery and examines the role played by the Makrani-Baluch tribes during the XIXth century. Leila Ingrams (Kent, UK) and Richard Pankhurst (Department of History, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia) draw attention to “Somali Migra- tion to Aden from the 19th to the 21st centuries” combining archival sources and oral histories. Of particular interest is an autobiography of a Somali migrant to Yemen. Ingrams and Pankhurst draw attention

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to free migrants who moved to Yemen for trade, in search of employment, and also as refugees due to the breakdown of the Somali state machinery. Clifford Pereira (Royal Geographical Society, London) discusses ethnicity and the process by which Africans become Arabs. Drawing on geographical sources, in “Nineteenth century European references to the African Diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula”, he demonstrates the African presence. By taking into account both oral traditions and historical accounts, Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya (King’s College London, University of Lon- don) demonstrates that Africans migrated to the Maldives. The Mal- dives is racially heterogeneous, and moreover, exogamy has diluted the African gene pool. Using music as an indicator of cultural expression, in “Migrants and the Maldives: African Connections”, she illustrates the African legacy of the Maldives. Jeanette Pinto (The Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture, Bombay, India) demonstrates the geographical spread of Africans in India through her article “The African Native in Indiaspora”. She points out that slavery was not limited to Africans in India, as it had existed in Ancient India. The Africans in India are mainly the result of Portuguese and Arab slaving activities. The position of Africans in India, however, was ambiguous. On the one hand, the African slave had no freedom of choice, with female African slaves being objects of sexual indulgence. Yet, on the other hand, he or she was a prized possession and a status symbol, prompting Indians to boast about the number of African slaves that they owned. In this respect, the African slave was a highly tradeable commodity. Pinto also draws attention to the heights that some Africans were able to reach in India. In “Migrants and Mercenaries: Sri Lanka’s Hidden Africans”, Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya (King’s College London, University of London), explores the reasons for the concentration of Afro-Sri Lankans in the North-Western Province. She demonstrates that Africans lived in other parts of the country but explains why their presence is signifi cant in Puttalama today. Finally, Jean-Pierre Angenot and Geralda de Lima Angenot (Fed- eral University of Rondônia, Brazil) provide a useful reference list for the scholar embarking on research into these fi elds in their “Extensive Bibliography”. Study of the African diaspora is now a dynamic fi eld of research in the area of African history. Unlike the transAtlantic diaspora, eastwards

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African migrants have received little attention. Studies on communities of African origin in Asia have increased. Some studies have restored the gallantry and glory that once belonged to some African migrants in Asia. New hypotheses are, however, necessary when considering the eastwards African migration.

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IDENTIFYING AFRICANS IN ASIA: WHAT’S IN A NAME?

Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya*

Abstract

In Asia, Africans have been referred to by various names over time and space. Many Africans who migrated to Asia were assimilated to the host societies making identification problematic. The different labels given to Africans in Asia accentuate the problem. Moreover, Africans were not perceived to have come from a unified entity. This paper draws attention to the different terms used for Africans in Asia and considers the rationale for the existence of numerous terms. The problems of identification have to be overcome before a comprehensive study of African migration to Asia is conducted.

Introduction

I have taken into account the various names by which Africans in Asia have been referred to in historical documents, and other literature, and also the local terms by which Africans were known in Asia. I have drawn on my ﬁeldwork in Asia, expertise in historical linguistics and history in analysing the numerous terms, which have been used for Africans at different times in various parts of Asia. The variety of ethnonyms makes any comprehensive study of African migration to Asia a difﬁ cult task to undertake. It is therefore necessary to identify the African presence masked under different terms in Asia and in the scholarly works available worldwide. African migration to Asia, both forced and voluntary, has continued for almost two millennia. Afro-Asian communities, however, remain

* Department of Portuguese & Brazilian Studies, King’s College London, University of London, Strand, London WC2R 2LS, England. E-mail: [email protected].

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‘invisible’ or as forgotten minorities. Africans in Asia and their descendants have been called by many terms and ethnonyms throughout the centuries. This tends to blur the African presence in Asia but it also raises questions about its origins. An ethnonym is a proper name by which a people or ethnic group is known, and especially one which it calls itself. The etymon of Africa is Afri, a Berber tribe who were living in North Africa around Carthage (Tunis). The Romans called this province Africa (‘the land of the Afri’). This term became the name for the entire Continent and replaced the previous term called Ethiopia. The Arabic word is Afrikaya. Therefore the older literature does not refer to people from Africa as Africans because the Continent was known by other names. Enslavement of Africans can be traced back to the Pharaonic times, as is illustrated in Egyptian Art. Black slaves were also found in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds. The geographical proximity of Africa to the Middle East and the maritime links across the Red Sea meant that Africans migrated to the Arabian Peninsula. For instance, Ethiopians, Somalis and Nubians, who were mostly enslaved, migrated to Arabia. Ethiopian warriors who came to Arabia must have remained in South Arabia and elsewhere and later have been absorbed into the indigenous population. Arabic literary sources indicate that Africans were in Arabia before the advent of Islam (Talib and Samir 1988). Today, Africans in Asia are small ethnic minorities (de Silva Jayasuriya 2004). From a political point of view, an ethnic group is distinguished from a nation-state by its lack of sovereignty. Ethnic minorities are connected to another nation-state, outside the one in which they are situated, giving them an alternative history. For people to belong to a particular ethnic group, they should ascribe themselves as such and others must also see them as such. An ethnic group shares a common genealogy or ancestry and has perceived common cultural, linguistic and religious practices.

Sudan, Habasha, Zandj, Nuba

In medieval times, Africans were referred to by the region from which they originated. According to medieval Arabic sources, the inhabitants of tropical Africa belonged to the Sudan, the Habasha, the Zandj or the Nuba (Pelliot 1959; Hasan 1967; Desanges 1962). The term as-sudan (the plural of the Arabic word al-aswad ‘black’) generally referred to

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all people who are black in colour irrespective of the place of origins. Sometimes, even Indians and Chinese were included in this category. Sudan or Bilad al-Sudan (‘the land of the Blacks’) gradually came to mean the Black Africans living to the south of the Maghrib. The Ethiopians (Habasha), due to their geographical proximity to Arabia and also their association with Prophet Muhammad’s history, were the best known group. The term, Habasha, was used by some for people living as far as the Niger on the frontier of Egypt. Zandj (or Zindj ) mostly referred to Bantu-speaking people from the East African Coast who had been enslaved and brought to Arabia, Persia, and Mesopotamia since pre-Islamic times. Popovic (1999: 14) points out that the word Zanj was borrowed by the Arabs. Its etymon could be Ethiopian (Zanega ‘to babarise/prattle/stammer’) or Persian (zang/zangi which means ‘negro’). The term Zandj goes back to early antiquity. Ptolemy, the Greek astronomer, mathematician and geographer knew Zingis akra and Kosmas Indicopleustes, the 6th century merchant and traveller spoke of tó Zingion. The 14th century Moroccan traveller, Ibn Batuta refers to the Swahili Coast as Bilad al Zanj meaning ‘land of the Zanj’ in Arabic. In 150 AD, the Greeks and the Romans called this area Azania. The Chinese called this area Tsengta. In East Africa, Zangibari is a term which means ‘person from Zanzibar’. After the conquest of Egypt, the Nuba and its people (Nubians) became known to the Arabs. Talib and Samir (1988) suggest that it is likely that Africans from the South of Nubia who came to the lands of the Caliphate were also called Nubians. Slaves had to be obtained from outside the Muslim world because after the conquest was over, nobody within the frontiers could be reduced to slavery (Lombard 1971). Areas of Africa inhabited by the Black-Nubia, Ethiopia, and Central and Western Sudan became the major areas of slave supply. Agricultural development in lower Iraq and the expansion of international trade in the Indian Ocean demanded slave labour, long before the rise of Islam. People who could not defend themselves, such as the Bantu-speaking people, who became increasingly known as the Zandj, were captured in raids or bought as commodities in exchange for goods from the petty kings of the African hinterlands. These slaves had been shipped from the island of Socotra and the emporium of Aden, which were assembly points. Slaves went to Egypt via the Red Sea and to Mesopotamia via the Persian Gulf. The largest number of black slaves were in Iraq in the 9th century and this resulted in the Revolt of the Zanj, a major episode in Iraqi

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history which occurred from 869 to 883 AD. It marks the ﬁrst major uprising of the African Diaspora. The Zanj, were slaves who had been shipped from East Africa to Iraq and they worked in salt mines and plantations under harsh conditions. The revolt had triggered solidarity among the African diasporists who deserted the Caliph and joined the revolt. Some of these rebels were free Africans. Of the African slaves, only a few were from the Swahili Coast. Most of them were from other parts of Africa. The revolt that was initiated by Ali Muhammad is undoubtedly the abandonment of Lower Iraq’s barren lands by the servile workforce and the deﬁnite disappearance of the large work sites. This episode brought about improvements in the living conditions of the slaves who had worked there previously. Another important outcome was that the Zanj survivors who had enrolled in the Abbasid army, did not return to their former service condition (Popovic 1999: 154). The Abbasid Empire was founded in 750 AD, by Abu al-Abbas al-Saffan (descendant of the Uncle of Prophet Muhammad—Abbas) who, seized power with the help of Persian troops, and put an end to the Umayyad dynasty (661–75). Baghdad, which was founded in 762 AD became their residence. Ethiopians were imported along the valleys of the Blue Nile and the Nile or passed through the ports of Aydhab and Zayla which were on the African Coast of the Red Sea, into Egypt or Arabia. Somalis were shipped to Aden via Zayla and were sold in markets at Hidjaz, Syria and Iraq. Slaves from the Sahel (Ghana, Gao, Kanem and Zaghawa) were also taken to the Muslim East as there were colonies of Muslim traders in many Sub-Saharan countries, particularly in Ghana and Gao. Muslim merchants were middlemen for the trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt and slaves. In the merchant city of Mecca, the protection and defence of its caravan routes had been entrusted to a troop of mercenaries called Ahabish which is believed to be connected with the Arab name for Ethiopians—Al Habash. Though the term would suggest that they were exclusively Ethiopians, on the contrary, it included other Africans and also Arabic nomads from Tihana (the coastal plain along the Red Sea and shore) and Yemen. Abyssinia is known by many historians as one of Sub-Saharan Africa’s oldest countries. Hamitic people migrated to Abyssinia in prehistoric times. Semitic traders penetrated the region in 7 BC. The Semitic-speaking Ethiopians call themselves Habesha or Abesha. A variant of Coptic Christianity was brought to Ethiopia in 341 AD and it became the state religion. Ancient Ethiopia reached its peak in the 5th century only to be isolated by the rise of

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Islam and to be weakened by feudal wars. Abyssinians were trading in Sri Lanka, on the North-West Coast in Mātota (Maha Tota meaning ‘Big Port’) in the 5th century. Although it is not clear how deep the contact was at that time, it is likely that there was a contact language (perhaps a Pidgin) in Mātota to cope with the demands of being the emporium of the Indian Ocean. It has been suggested that some vowels of the Amharic script were borrowed from the script of Sinhala, the Indic language on the Island. Pankhurst (1964: 228) estimates the export of Ethiopian slaves at 25,000 per annum which conveys the significance of Ethiopia in the slave trade, which is probably comparable to that of East Africa, and establishes its demographic significance. Perhaps it is not surprising that in Asia, People of African origin have been known as Abexin, Abeixm, Abisi, Abyssinian, Habshi, and Habsie. Black slaves from the Coastal strip of Ethiopia to Mozambique were carried by Arab slave traders to various parts of the Muslim world, including India. Their presence is recorded since the early establishment of Muslim rule during the Sultanate of Delhi (13th to 16th centuries). African slaves continued to be imported to Western India until the late 19th century. Teotonio de Souza (2006) reports on manumission in Goa, the headquarters of the Portuguese Estado da India (‘State of India’). This is substantiated by a document in the Archives at Goa which covered almost a century-Codex 860 entitled Cartas de Alforria aos Escravos 1682–1759. He reports of a slave, Natalia, who was recorded as belonging to Abassy (i.e. Habshi ) caste. It seems that the Portuguese chroniclers equated ethnic groups to castes in India. A few Africans occupied privileged positions in India. The best-known is Malik Ambar, an Abyssinian sold to slavery, who became the Regent Minister of Ahmednagar (1600–1626). The Habshi dynasties of Janjira and Sachin continued until the 20th century (Robbins & McLeod 2006). Today, some groups of Afro-Indians are classified as Scheduled Tribes and they receive special privileges relating to education and employment. Africans elsewhere in Asia, for example in Muscat, were known as Hubshees which meant an Ethiopian or person from Northeast Africa. In Arabia, Abyssinian slave-soldiers were called Ahabish (plural of Habash), a term which stems from the early centuries of Islam. In Iran also, people of African origin were called Habashis. Pankhurst (1964: 220–228) confirms that the slave trade which was of great antiquity in Ethiopia, continued to exist in the 19th and 20th centuries. Ethiopian slaves were exported to other lands from the Indian Ocean ports. During

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the early 19th century, there were Habshis in the court of the King of Cabul in Afghanistan (André-Baptiste 2006). Abyssinian slave-soldiers in the early centuries of Islam were called Askir which means ‘soldier’ in Arabic. Pereira (2006) mentions that Galla was used as a derogatory term for Black Africans. The people who live south of the Amharic-speaking people (i.e. the Oromo or Galligna-speaking people are called Gallah (meaning ‘surf ’)). The word has its etymon in Amharic. The ruling people of Ethiopia, the Amhara enslaved the Galla and other peoples in Ethiopia. The term Galla was used by Arab slavers and the British for non-Amharic speaking people of Ethiopia. It therefore seems to have been used for Ethiopian slaves. However, the Galla call themselves Oromo. As Galla is thought to have derived from the Arabic word Qal-la (meaning “said no” or “refused” to be converted to Islam). Today most Oromo are Muslims, who converted due to both conquests and missionary activities. African slaves were brought to the Maldive Islands on Arab dhows until about the mid-19th century. They intermarried the indigenous Maldivians and worked mostly as raveris or coconut plantation keepers. In 1834, two British naval lieutenants who visited Male reported that: “From the information we were able to collect—it appears that Muscat vessels do not often visit this place: when they do, they generally bring a cargo of slaves. Five years ago one came and sold about twenty-ﬁve lads, at an average price of about 80 rupees each” (Forbes and Ali 1980: 19). When Ibn Batuta visited the Maldives in 1346, he reported on “a hermitage situated at the extremity of the island (Male) and founded by the virtuous Shaykh Najib”. Forbes and Ali (1980: 15–20) state that this is a clear reference to the Habshigefanu Magan (‘shrine of the African worthy’), a memorial erected to a Shaykh Najib whom the Maldivians believe had travelled through the Maldives Archipelago spreading Islam before dying at Karendu Island in Fadiffolu Atoll.

Baburu

The term used for Africans in Maldives today refers to a geographic area. Africans are identiﬁable by their Negroid physiognomy. They are in the capital, Male, and some of the islands such as Felidhoo and Feridu. I met people of African descent who knew about their African ancestor’s arrival to the Maldives. I was told about Sangoaru, an African who

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was brought by a Maldivian Sultan who went to Mecca on pilgrimage. Altogether, ﬁve slaves (Sangoaru, Laalu, Marjan, Masud, Muizz) had been purchased in Mecca by this Sultan. Bodu Beru (‘big drum’) is played by the descendants of Sangoaru who live in the Island of Feridu in Ari Atoll. It is also played in other islands in this Atoll and in Felidhoo island which is in Vaavu Atoll. Today Bodu Beru has become commercialised and is a tourist attraction. The song accompanying this drumming is called Baburu Lava (‘Negro Song’) and the words in the original songs were not comprehensible to Maldivians. The dance that accompanies the drumming is called Baburu Nisun (‘Negro Dance’). Most such slaves are reported to have come directly from eastern Africa via Zanzibar and the Omani port of Muscat. Others were bought in Jeddah, on one occasion by the Maldivian Sultan Hasan III, who brought 70 slaves from the Hijaz to Male in the mid-ﬁfteenth century. In the Maldives, Africa was known as Baburu Kara. The word Baburu means ‘negro’ as in Baburu nisun (‘negro dance’), Baburu kalo (‘Negro son’), Baburu kujja (‘Negro boy’), Baburu kuding (‘Negro child’) and Baburu Lava (‘negro song’) (Maloney 1980). The word Baburu could be from ‘berber’ which has its etymon in the Roman word ‘barbara’ which was used to denote barbarians. Formerly, the North African Coast was called Barbary. The Berbers were descendants of the pre-Arab North Africans. The Arabs would refer to a non-Arab Muslim as a Barbari.

Takruni, Abid, Mawalid

In the Middle East, Africans were referred to as Takruni, Sambo, Abid and Mawalid. Takruni is an Arabic term for a West African or West African slave. Takrur was the Sahel area which is modern-day Mali and Niger. In Arabia, the term Takruni was used for Africans. In Dhofar (Southern Oman), the term Sambo is applied to people with connections to East Africa. The Oxford English Dictionary states that Sambo is a nickname for a ‘negro’. This could also be due to Shambu being the personal name of the Ethiopian slave, whose name changed to Ambar after being enslaved and who became famous as Malik Ambar having ruled Ahmednagar in the 16th century. In Qatar, the Arabic word abid (which means ‘a male slave’) was applied to black people of African descent. In Arabic, a female slave is called yasyr. In Iraq, Thawra Youssef (2004), an Iraqi of African descent states that she is called abid (‘a slave’) even today due to her

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physiognomy. Although she is not a slave, the terminology has been retained to describe a negroid person. It is interesting that she seems to be called by the masculine form of the Arabic word for a slave. Mawalid is a term applied in the Middle East for a group of Arab and African descendants, slave or otherwise. Slaves who converted to Islam were manumitted because they were clients (mawālī ) of the Prophet and other powerful Muslims. The best known mawālī was Bilā Rabāh, an Ethiopian slave whose mother Hamāamah was a slave in Mecca. He was freed by Calip Abu bakr, who bought him and became the ﬁrst Mūadhdhi (one who calls to prayer) in Islam and took part in all the early Islamic campaigns including those to Syria and subsequently died in Damascus.

Kafﬁ r

Words which the Arabs used to describe non-Muslims became ethnonyms for Africans as the Europeans adopted the Arabic term. English travellers reported of cofferes (a word they used for Africans) in India. Apparently, the majority of cofferes in Goa had come from Mozambique. Africans in Asia have also been known, and in some parts of Asia are still known as Cafre, Caffre, Caffree, Kafara, Kafra, Kaphirs, Khafris, Kafirs, Kaffi rs, Kapiris, Kapilis and Hapris. In Sri Lanka, people of African descent were called Kaffi rs by the British and they appeared as a distinct ethnic group in the population census reports of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The word has its etymon in Arabic (qafir means ‘non-believer’) and the Arabs called the non-Moslem Africans qafirs. Ibn Batuta commented that villages in the Muslim settlements were inhabited by Kafirs (‘unbelievers’) who were victims of the slave raids (Defrémery and Sanguinetti 1969). Portuguese historical documents, however, refer to cafres, negros and escravos, all of which could include people of African origin. When the Portuguese entered the Indian Oceanic waters, they borrowed the word from the Arabs and referred to the Africans as cafres, continuing to use the same term that their predecessors the Arabs had used for the Africans. A cafrinho forro (‘a young free black’; nho is the Portuguese diminutive) from Mozambique who was brought to Goa by a Gonçalo Pinto Brandão from Lisbon. In the last quarter of the 17th century, some Goan households had up to 100 Kaffi rs. A Cafrinho was purchased to serve in the Augustinian Convent at the end of the 18th century at

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Daman, India. Sometimes, cafre is used disparagingly with reference to any Black African. It is worthwhile noting that the Sri Lankan population census reports during the British Era refer to Africans as both Kaffi rs and also Africans. The term Kaffi r was current along the East Coast of Africa, when the Portuguese arrived in the 15th century. The term has been borrowed by the Dutch and the British who followed the Portuguese into the waters of the Indian Ocean. The Frenchman, Thevenot, commenting on the Portuguese slaves in Daman stated that “the Portuguese live very great in India, both as to their tables, clothing and number of Cafres, or slaves, to serve them, having some of these to carry them in Palanchines on their shoulders and other great Umbrelloes of Palm Tree leaves” (Sen 1949: 116). De Silva (1972) lists the fixed annual expenditure of Kōtte, in Sri Lanka, during the period 1617–1638 which includes the costs associated with the Kaffi rs. The cost of mats and ropes used to bundle 1350 bahars of cinnamon and for clothes of the Kaffi rs was 700 xerafims. The salary of 280 Kaffi rs at a fanam a day was 1,708 xerafims. The rice allowance for 280 Kaffi rs of 2 measures a day was 2,800 xerafims. In 1640, 100 Kaffi r archers had fought for the Portuguese against the Dutch in Galle (Southern Province), Sri Lanka (de Silva 1953: 274). On 13th March 1640, Galle had been seized by the Dutch and some Kaffi rs and Canarese had been retained to repair the ramparts (Pieris 1973: 77). A few years later, in 1644, when the Portuguese were defending Negombo fort from the Dutch, Dom Philippo de Mascarenhas (the Portuguese Captain General 1630–1 and 1640–5), had 300 Kaffi rs in his force (Pieris 1973: 111). The Dutch priest, Phillipus Baldaeus, who lived in Sri Lanka from 1656 for 9 years, describes a Caffer trumpeter who came around with a Portuguese free merchant, in his memoirs, a ‘Description of the East-Indian Coasts of Malabar and Choromandel, its neighbouring Kingdoms, and the Mighty Island of Ceylon’ (Brohier 1960: 192). He also describes how the King’s slaves and Kaffers and all other black servants were each given a quarter of a measure of rice daily (Brohier 1960: 130). Captain Robert Knox (1681), who kept a diary in the late 17th century Sri Lanka, recorded that in 1681 Kaffi r soldiers were employed by the Kandyan Kings. These soldiers seem to have deserted from the Portuguese army perhaps after 1656, which is generally taken to be the end of the Portuguese era. Baldaeus describes two Caffers (the King’s trumpeter and drummer) who came over to the Dutch on the 20th July 1656, and gave them details of the Sinhalese King’s

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movements in the country (Brohier 1960: 267). Baldaeus describes the ceding of the Fort of Saint George in Mannar (Brohier 1960: 283). Among the Portuguese prisoners in the Mannar fort was a Caffer who was a Captain and who had made much of his rank and refused to bear arms or to do other kinds of labour and insisted that he would rather submit himself to a sound thrashing than so degrade himself. Baldaeus accompanied Rickloff van Goens, as Chaplain in the 1658 expedition against Mannar and Jaffnapatam. His account is therefore an eye witness account. According to the Dutch Governor, Van Goens Junior, (who served in Sri Lanka from 1675–80), 4,000 Kaffi rs were engaged in building the Dutch fortress in Colombo, at the beginning of Dutch rule of the maritime provinces. The VOC slaves lived south of the Fort across a lake. The Dutch formed the Kaffi rs into a labour pool when they set out to build their fortress in Colombo. In the early eighteenth century, the Kaffi rs had become aware of their increased numbers and had staged an insurrection within the ramparted citadel. They had sparked off many acts of violence in the streets, had caused damage to properties, and had conspired and murdered the Fiscal, Barent van der Swann, and his wife. The insurrection had been suppressed by containing the Kaffi rs within the citadel. They had been housed in an open stretch of land, which lay below the outerface of the southern rampart hedged in by the Beira Lake, after their day’s work in a domestic house or in an institution. They answered a roll-call and were marched along a nar- row passage and then ferried across the Beira Lake to what was once a jagged peninsula. They spent the night in lines and shanties. The old and sick slaves were also housed there. According to Brohier (1973: 31) old Dutch maps marked the tract known as the Echelon Parade Grounds as the Kaffi rs Veldt (‘Kaffi rs Field’). At the end of Dutch rule in the late eighteenth century, the Dutch gentlefolk of Colombo went to Wolvendaal Church on Sundays in trikkel (‘three-wheeled’) carriages or in palanquins pushed or drawn by Kaffi rs of both sexes (Roberts et al. 1989: 22). The confusion regarding ethnicities is illustrated in an eye-witness account of the people of Sri Lanka. For example, Robert Percival (1803: 114–115), a British colonial offi cer stated that “There are also a number of Africans, Cafrees, Buganese, a mixed race of Africans and Asiatics”. Africans married and co-habited with the indigenous Sri Lankans, the offspring of these unions are not classified as a separate race. The child assumes the father’s ethnicity for offi cial census purposes in Sri Lanka. The Buganese are neither African nor Negroid.

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Anthony Bertolacci who served the British government in Sri Lanka from 1800 to 1816 and who held several offi ces including that of Comptroller-General of Customs and Acting Auditor-General of Civil Accounts, remarked that though 9,000 Kaffi rs had been brought for the regiments (presumably by the Portuguese and the Dutch) in Sri Lanka, they were not visible. He added that the Kaffi r soldiers served in the colonial regiments and that they were from Mozambique and other countries on the African Coast and from Madagascar. He observed that a new race was springing up due to the intermarriages between Kaffi r soldiers and Sri Lankan women. This new progeny was not thought by him to be suffi cient to maintain the existing levels in the local regiments (de Silva Jayasuriya 2003). When the 4th Ceylon Regiment was disbanded at the end of the 1815 campaign and the 3rd Ceylon Regiment was also disbanded in March 1817, the African soldiers were passed on to the 2nd Battalion, which then became a mixed unit with 5 companies of Sepoys and 5 companies of Kaffi rs (Hardy 1864: 239). About 25% of the first 600 Kaffi r recruits died during their first year in Colombo. The survivors are described as “fine, hardy, tough, good-humoured fellows, and excellent road-makers” (Campbell 1843: 9). The British Government also had retained a body of Kaffi rs, brought by the Portuguese from Mozambique, to construct mountain roads. In addition, 700 Kaffi rs had been added to the British garrison in Colombo and then formed into a regiment (Cordiner 1807: 213). According to Emerson Tennent, Colonial Secretary of Ceylon (1845– 1849), the Dutch had kept up the strength of the Kaffi rs by immigration from the Cape, and the British had maintained the numbers by buying slaves from the Portuguese in Goa (Tennent 1860: 259). He seems to imply that Kaffi rs did not move as slaves from the Cape. Frederick North, the first British Governor in Sri Lanka (1798–1805) formed a Regiment of Caffres. In 1808, the second Governor, Sir Thomas Maitland (1805–11) had been able to increase the number of Kaffi r soldiers to 800. When Robert Brownrigg became the Governor in 1812, and he continued until 1820, there were four “native” regiments called the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Ceylon Regiments. The 3rd regiment consisted of Kaffi rs only and the 4th regiment contained a mixture of Kaffi rs and Malays. In 1813, the Malays were transferred to the 1st regiment which consisted of Malays only, as there was a serious scuffl e between the Kaffi rs and Malays in the 4th regiment. In 1815, the 4th regiment which consisted of Kaffi rs was incorporated into the 3rd Ceylon Regiment (Tylden

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1952: 125). In 1816, the third Ceylon Regiment was also abolished on the orders of the British Government.1 The Secretary of State wrote “that the Kandyan war has ended favourably” and with the present climate of Europe (favourable to England), the Ceylon Government should dispense with the services of the 3rd Ceylon Regiment. The Ceylon Regiments were gradually awarded rifles, and became known as the Ceylon Rifle Regiments in 1848, and the Kaffi r soldiers received rifles. After the 1830s, the number of Kaffi r companies was reduced from three to one. The Boys’ School of the Ceylon Rifle Regiments had 28 Caffres in 1835.2 It is interesting that the list of promotions that took place in the Ceylon Malay Regiment in 1802, includes a Malay Offi cer named “Kaffi r Boonkoos”. He could be the offspring of a Malay father and Kaffi r mother. A Minute by Major Thomas Skinner, in 1861, reports that “flat nosed, thick lipped woolly haired Kaffi r from Mozambique is I think to be preferred, for in addition to his soldiery qualities he is of a powerful athletic frame, he is innured to labour, and is less artificial in his habits than the Malay”.3 Major Skinner went on to suggest that if it were possible to recruit Kaffi rs from Mozambique to the regiments, it would be a mistake to introduce beef-eating Kaffi rs who are unaccustomed to living on rice which is the staple food of the country. General Braybrooke had considered the climate of Sri Lanka as being unsuited to the Kaffi r of Mozambique. The Kaffi r Companies of the Ceylon Rifle Regiments employed on the public works of the colony, had for several years penetrated the depths of the jungles and the mountain ranges where it would have been impossible for any other men to have worked. It had been diffi cult to estimate the age of these Kaffi rs but judging by the length of service with the British, it was estimated that many of them were effi cient hardworking men until the age of 60. They had lasted for longer than any other men could have lasted under similar circumstances. He also commented that the climate of Sri Lanka was inimical to the Kaffi r and that it was thought diffi cult for them to rear children. In 1861, there had been 126 men and 655 married women in the Regiment, which included Malays, Hindoos, and Kaffi rs. There had been only 995 children of both sexes. In 1861, there had been one company of Kaffi rs in the Regiments. If

1 S.L.N.A., 4/3, Bathurst to Brownrigg No. 46 of 8th June, 1816. 2 S.L.N.A., 6/1479, A.M.S. to C.S., 9th December 1835. 3 S.L.N.A. 2/50 (Ceylon) Executive Council Proceedings, 27th February 1861.

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Kaffi rs could be obtained from Mozambique, it was thought that two or three divisions of pioneers should also be composed of them as they could be converted to soldiers at any time and might act as feeders to the Regiment. The Ceylon Executive Council had considered the possibility of sending a recruiting party to obtain Kaffi rs from South Africa but had postponed the mission. As early as 1545 the Portuguese Crown forbade the sons of Portuguese settlers in the colonies from being enlisted as soldiers, though this proved impractical and by 1634 only soldiers of a high degree of European blood were enlisted into the higher levels of the military and naval forces. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Portuguese raised some Indian auxiliary troops called Lascarins (Lascars) and Sipais (Sepoys). They found that the Konkani-Marathi troops of the West Coast of India did not make good soldiers, and as a result they did not make as much use of them as the French and British (in later years). Instead the Portuguese relied much more on the African slaves. African slaves defended the Macau fort against Dutch freebooters in 1622. Africans also helped the Portuguese to defend Hormuz against a Persian assault in 1622. In 1651, the Governor of Macau requested “Negro” slaves rather than Eurasians from India. An artillery regiment raised in Goa, in 1773, included Europeans and also Europeans born in Asia. It was only after a royal decree enforced by Pombal in 1792 that racial discrimination was eliminated from the armed forces of Portuguese Asia. The Dutch also employed African militiamen and bandsmen in Ceylon prior to the island falling into British hands. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the Portuguese had suc- cessfully excluded other Europeans from the Mozambique, and indeed the East African slave trade. By 1800, however, the Portuguese had ceased to be a world naval power in the Indian Ocean. Clifford Pereira (personal communication) who has carried out archival research in the National Maritime Museum, London, has demonstrated that by this time Portugal was relying increasingly on East India vessels to transport people (soldiers, administrators, clergy, settlers and domestic servants) as well as mail and goods between Asia (Goa, Macau and Timor) and the Atlantic (Brazil, the Azores, Madeira and Lisbon). At this time there was a shortage of soldiers in British Ceylon which became a British colony in 1802. The British Governor, Sir Frederick North appealed for a regiment of West Africans, perhaps by buying slaves and training them as soldiers. At first the idea was to create a “Caffre Corps” but then Sir Frederick North decided to expand this to a regiment of perhaps

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1,000. The most obvious sources were the Portuguese settlements of Goa, Daman and Diu and a series of correspondences were initiated between Sir Frederick North and Sir William Clarke, the British ambassador in Goa at that time. Between 1802 and 1810 British troops of the 84th regiment were based in Goa and the creation of several battalions of Goan troops took place. The English merchant, Charles Forbes, corresponded with a Goan “to pay the bearer the sum of Rs 150, Bombay Rupees, the price of one Caffre, and take his receipt for the amount”.4 In July 1804, the British Ambassador had collected fifty Africans through a Colonel Taylor, a buying agent, to ship to Colombo and found a Captain Scott to transport any number of them for 2000 rupees on board the Hercules. It appears that there was some friction between the three parties regarding the pricing of this human cargo, suggesting that these Africans were slaves. The process of sending these Africans to Ceylon was later hampered by the actions of the Catholic church in Goa, which refused the sacrament to any Portuguese who sold slaves to the Protestant English. Despite Sir William Clarke’s insistence that he could work around this, Sir Frederick North decided it might be better to purchase the soldiers at their source in Mozambique.5 A ship was subsequently despatched to Mozambique and loaded with almost five hundred African men (and a few women). Despite the loss of many Africans due to fighting (with the Indian Sepoys) and disease aboard the ship, the majority made it to Colombo. Additionally, some Africans were taken from captured French ships. Hence the Third Ceylon Regiment was created, predominantly with Africans. Two years later, in 1808, the British parliament passed an Act outlawing slave trading by all British subjects. The Third Ceylon regiment fought in the 1815 war against the King of Kandy, where the British were victorious and the entire Island came under British rule, a feat that the two previous colonisers of the island—the Portuguese and the Dutch—were not able to achieve. In the 1820’s there was a severe drought and famine in the Zambesi valley. The effect of this natural event on the Afro-Portuguese (Prazo) landlords was to undermine their agricultural activities. The trading fairs (Feiras) were stopped and banditry became common place. Thousands of destitute and starving Africans were sold as slaves. During the 1820s and 1830s the British started pressurising the Portuguese to put an

4 Mhamai House Records: 7 January 1813. Slaves from Goa to Bombay. 5 North/Clarke correspondence in PRO CO55/34.

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end to the slave trade. The establishment of an independent Brazil, in 1922, and the move by Brazil to allow Britain the right to search ships carrying slaves in 1826 led to a decline of slaves being exported around the Cape of Good Hope and new markets were sought in Asia (including Goa). When the drought broke out in the 1830’s, the economy had changed to one based on slavery and Brazil had declared that slave-running was an act of piracy. The Tonga peoples returning to the river valley and the Afro-Portuguese families combined to raid people from far inland in the Shire and Laungwa valleys. At the same time the Prazo families had developed closer ties with the coastal Swahili, who would transport the slaves to the markets of the Middle East via Mozambique Island, Kilwa, and Zanzibar. Slaves were shipped to Goa and Macau while others were often recruited into the militia either in Mozambique or in Asia. The slave trade from Zanzibar to the Middle East was only abolished by the Hamerton Treaty of 1847. British naval patrols covered the area from Northern Mozambique to Baluchistan (Pakistan). By 1881, there was a considerable British anti-slavery naval force in Eastern Africa, utilising Zanzibari, East African, Arab and Goan seamen. The term Kaffi r has been borrowed by the African people themselves as Kafula. The term has no ethnological value as the Kaffi rs have no national unity. According to the Encyclopedia Britannica (1911), it was used to describe the large family of Bantu negros inhabiting the larger part of the Cape, the whole of Natal and Zululand and the Portuguese dominions on the east coast, south of the Zambesia. Kaffi r is also loosely used for any negroid person in South Africa. The Bechuana, for example, in the Transvaal and Orange Free State are usually called Kaffi rs. The Kaffi rs in South Africa are divided into Ama Zulu, Ama Swazi and Ama-Tonbu. The Kaffi rs proper are represented by Ama-Xosa, the Tembu and the Pondo. Therefore all the Kaffi r people are collectively called Zulu-Kaffi r. Several broken tribes were intermediate between these two branches and are called Ama-Fengu i.e. ‘wanderers’ or ‘needy’ people, from the word fenguza (‘to seek service’). The Zulu and Ama-Xosa regard the Ama-Fengu as slaves or outcastes, who do not have any rights to the privileges of the true-born Kaffi rs. I was told by people of African descent in Sri Lanka that some of their ancestors have come from South Africa (de Silva Jayasuriya 2001, 2003, 2005, 2006). The South East part of the Cape Province of South Africa was called Kaffraria. Kaffraria (or ‘land of the Kaffi rs’) is not an offi cially designated area presently. Hunter (1873: 338–342)

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reports that the caffres (who occupied a region more eastward to the Hottentos) were not of the proper negro race, but that they have woolly hair like the negros. The people of Kafiristan (‘land of the infidels’), a province of Afghanistan were called Kafirs. They are mostly descended from the broken tribes of eastern Afghanistan, who refused to convert to Islam, in the 10th century, and were driven out by the swordsmen of Mahomet. Before the conquest of Abur Rahman, all the Kaffi rs seem to have been ancestor-worshippers or fire-worshippers. So, a native of the Hindu-Kush mountain in the north-west of Afghanistan is also called a Kafir but they are not negroid and are not from the African migrants. Kafiristan was renamed Nuristan (‘land of light or enlightenment’) after the people converted to Islam at the turn of the 20th century. Burnes (1833: 306–307) disagrees with the suggestion that they are of Greek descent, and descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedonia. He considers them to be “aborigines of the plain who fled to their present elevated abode in the wars that followed the introduction of Muhammedanism. Bowen (1944: 56–7) wrote on the ‘Red Kafirs’ and ‘Black Kafirs’ and tried to distinguish between them by “the filth in which the Black Kafirs live, and the fair hair and complexion of the Red Kafirs”. Some Afro-Sri Lankans seem to connect their ethnonym with a place called Kaffa, which according to their oral history is an island. In 1907, the Capuccin missionaries calculated that 6,000 to 8,000 slaves were exported annually from Kaffa (Pankhurst 1964: 222). Kaffa is a region in Ethiopia and some Afro-Sri Lankans believe that it is their ancestral homeland. They are not able to describe it in detail. Some Afro-Sri Lankans believe that the place of their origin has given them the ethnonym Kaffi r. The term Kaffi r is a colonial carry over which has been borrowed by the indigenous languages as Kāpiri in Sinhala and Kāpili in Tamil. Kaffa was part of the Abyssinian empire and was in North East Africa. The people of Kaffa who are called kaficho are said to have been from the same stock as the Northern Abyssinians. They intermarried with the Muslim Gallas but remained Christians.

Sidi

Terms used by the British for African seamen became ethnonyms. Seedee, Seede, Scidee, Scidy, Sciddee, Seydee, Sheedi, Sidi, Sidy, Siddi, Siddy and Sidhi are terms used for Afro-Indians and Afro-Pakistanis. In Pakistan, Shidi, Shidi

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Baluchi, Shidi Sindri, Sidi are some of the names that describe people of African descent. According to Badalkhan (personal communication), the term Shidi is used in the Sind and Karachi but rarely in Balochistan. Abdulaziz Lodhi (1992) suggests that the word Siddi has its origins in Saydi which means ‘captive’ or ‘prisoner of war’ in Arabic. Slaves were chattels, similar to livestock in many respects. They were not slaves because they were ‘outsiders’; they were slaves because they were born to slaves, or had been rightfully enslaved. Despite the clear legal definition, slaves were allocated a bewildering variety of social roles, from emirs to outcastes (Clarence-Smith 2003). Rulers relied on military and administrative slaves to such an extent that they sometimes seized power. Eunuchs were treated as offi cials and harem guards as their genitals had been partially or entirely removed so that they could not father any heirs (Toledano 1998). A connection, between commercial penetration of Eastern Africa by outsiders and the appearance in the interior of new political structures, was occurring as the 19th century progressed. The development of Zanzibar under Omani rule is part of this process. As the demand for slaves, ivory and plantation products grew early in the century, traders were attracted to the island of Zanzibar and Indian financiers serviced the trade caravans and provided goods on credit. Seyyid Said carefully nurtured Zanzibar’s commercial community and it rapidly attracted much of the inland trade that for three centuries had been brought to Mozambique Island and the Zambesi towns (Newitt 1995: 267). Sayyid Said was the first Sultan of Muscat, Oman and Zanzibar, in 1821. He died on 19th October 1856. At that time, the Omani kingdoms included Oman, part of Yemen, Hormuz and Makran Coast (modern-day Iran and Pakistan). Clifford Pereira (2006: personal communication) found the ethnonym, Sidi, appearing in shipping records referring to people from the Omani Sultanate from 1851 onwards. It appears that people from the Sultanate were simply called the Sidi (a contraction of the Arabic word Sayyid ). The contraction would probably have been made by Bantu-speakers. The word Sidi seems to have then become an ethnonym for some Africans in India. They could have been Swahili, African or Arab from Aden. Ewald (2000: 83) confirms that the British called African seamen (both enslaved and free) Seedies, in the 19th century. Ommanney (1955: 162–3) refers to ‘Bombay’, a ‘Sidi boy’, who was a survivor of a larger number of Arabs and African ratings taken on as firemen and stokers in His Majesty’s ships before and during the

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First World War. They were called ‘Sidi boys’ by the navy as they were subjects of the Seyyid, as the Sultan was known in his dominions. There had been several ‘Sidi boys’ in Zanzibar at that time. They had been distinguished by their old-style naval rating, directness, sophistication, self-pride and by their fluency in English. An Englishman was astonished to be greeted by his friend’s “coal black” cook who said “Back in a jiffy, sir. Jest gorn dahn the road for a ball oapos; chalk! ”. All these ‘Sidi boys’ had drawn a pension from the Admiralty. They were very proud of their service in the navy, in the hot stokeholds of coal-burning ships. Bombay had spoken English, French, German, Arabic, and his mother-tongue Kiswahili. ‘Bombay’ had been a tourist guide in Zanzibar after his retirement from the navy. Sidi was originally a title of honour given in Western India to African Muslims holding high positions under the kings of Deccan as in Siddi Yaqut, for example. Nowadays it is also a clan name and some Afro-Indians have names such as Laurence Siddi and John Siddi. Basu (1992: 260–261) states that the ethnonym of the Siddis is Habshi. Many scholars have implied that Sidi derives from Syd meaning ‘master’ or ‘ruler’ in Arabic. Pereira (2006: personal communication) points out that the word Siddi has its etymon in the Arabic word Seyidi/Sayeedi/ Sayedhi meaning ‘lord or master’ and that it was applied to people of African descent as a title (i.e. Master or Lord) because it was the term with which they called their masters. He adds that the term Seedi or Sidi does appear in 19th century British sources as applying to people of African descent in Western India (Maharashtra, Gujarat) or to the men of African and Arab descent who worked as stokers in the boiler- rooms of steamships. Initially, Africans in India seem to have been called Habshi. Then the word cafre seems to have been introduced by the Portuguese from the late 16th century upto the 18th century. The word Kaffi r (from the Arabic word qafr which means ‘non-believer’) does not imply that one’s origins are African. It is not a derogatory term, in this context. In Sri Lanka, the population census reports from the colonial era recorded Kaffi rs as a separate ethnic group. The term was retained in independent Sri Lanka. There are Kaffi rs in South Africa and in Kalash in the North-West Frontier of India, for example. The Kaffi rs in Kalash are not African in origin. It is not clear exactly when the terms Habshi and Kaffi r began to decline in use. The term Sidi seems to have been introduced by the

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British in the 19th century. Sidi describes Africans in Gujarat and Karnataka today. Africans in Andra Pradesh call themselves Chaush as they identify themselves with the Yemeni Muslims. They have a multiple identity and also call themselves Sidi among other ethnonyms.

Makrani, Syah, Dada, Gulam, Zangibari

In addition to being called Shidi, in Pakistan, people of African descent are called Makrani, Dada, Syah, Gulam and Zangibari. According to Badalkhan (2005: personal communication), the terms most commonly used are Syah (‘black’) or Gulam (‘servant/slave’) in the interior of Balochistan. In Karachi one also hears Dada (both ‘d’ are retroﬂex) but it is considered a pejorative term and not liked by the Shidis themselves. Syah (‘black’) and Gulam (‘slave’ or ‘servant’) are of Persian derivation while Dada could have its origins in the Urdu word Dadagiri which means ‘strength or strong’. The meaning of Dada is ambiguous and according to Badalkhan (2005: personal communication) the word means ‘champion’ or ‘athlete’ in Karachi today. Afro-Pakistanis never use this term to identify themselves; only others call them as such. Therefore, it does not qualify as an ethnonym. Makrani is simply a person from the Makran region. Its origins stem from the early migrants from Balochistan to the then newly cosmopolitan city of Karachi, who were blacks from Makran, who called themselves Makrani. Now the term has got rooted among the non-Baloch population of the Sind and Punjab but it is not correct to call them Makrani for the reason that they are black. Indeed skin colour is not a determinant of race or ethnic group in Asia, where there is much variation in hues. Zangibari probably is a reference to people who have come from Zanzibar which is nowadays in Tanzania.

Chaush

Although Habshi, Kafﬁ r and Sidi, are more often used, Africans are called Chaush in India. According to Esma Durugonul (2005: personal communication) the term Chaush is an Ottoman military term and is still in use. It means sergeant or halberdier (from the French word halebarde which means ‘a soldier with a pole and an axe or spear’) of the Sultan’s

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bodyguard; herald, messenger, musician of the Palace. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, Chaush is a Turkish messenger, sergeant or lector. Chaush is the name given to the Yemeni communities living in Hyderabad. Afro-Indians in Hyderabad also call themselves Chaush as they identify themselves with Yemenis (Minda 2005). The etymon of Chaush could be the French word chausses which refers to hose, cover- ing the body from waist to foot or breeches. In Medieval times, it was used to refer to the armour for the legs and feet. The word may have been used to refer to the Yemeni army in British India whose military uniform includes chausses. The Oxford English Dictionary states that chausses (plural of the noun) are pantaloons or tight coverings for the legs and feet, especially of males, forming part of a knight’s armour.

Macua

Sometimes the African tribal name was used to refer to Africans probably because the incoming Africans called themselves by their tribal name. Agostinho do Rosario, a black of ‘macua caste’ was enslaved to Father Matinho do Rosario, Commissary General of the Hospitalliers of St John, in Goa. The macuas are an ethnic group in Africa. As castes are considered distinct groups in India, the reference to a ‘macua caste’ is understandable. This most probably refers to people of the macua tribe who are in Mozambique. Eduardo Medeiros (2003) points out that the term Makoa refered to Africans being taken to Madagascar as slaves.

Orang Belanda Hitam

African migrants to Indonesia were part of the Dutch colonial regime. They were called Orang Belanda Hitam (which means ‘Black Dutchman’ in Bahasa Indonesia). They were Ghanaian soldiers who were recruited by the Dutch in the mid–19th century. The Dutch had paid salaries to the Belanda Hitam and had offered them passages back to Elmina once they retired from the army. Some remained with their Indonesian wives and families but after 1955, they had been forced to leave Indonesia together with the Dutch and the people of European and Indonesian descent (Van Kessel 2005: personal communication).

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K’unlun

An examination of Chinese sources reveals another term for Africans. In China, black slaves were called K’unlun, a term which describes dark-skinned people including Africans. K’unlun were employed as divers in Chinese ports to caulk the seams of boats with oaksum due to their strength and ability to keep their eyes open underwater (Irwin 1977: 71). The Chronicle of the Sung Dynasty in 976 recorded that an Arab merchant bought ‘a black K’un Lun slave with deepset eyes and black body’ (Chou Jukua 1911: 599). Itsing, a Chinese Buddhist monk visiting Srivijaya (the Buddhist kingdom in Indo-Malaysia with its headquarters in Java) in 671 AD reported that the Chinese Buddhist monks, besides studying Sanskrit, mastered a language called K’unlun. According to Sneddon (2003: 41), the Chinese called any indigenous language, K’unlun, and in this instance it referred to Malay. According to Asher (1994), K’unlun was almost certainly a form of Malay and was widely used as a lingua franca in the area. The Chinese Tang era (618–906 AD) refers to K’unlun or black African slaves, described as a rare luxury item of no economic importance (Balázs 1932: 13).

Falasha and Falashmura

In Israel, there are several terms to describe Africans. According to Kessler (1996), Falasha is from ancient Ethiopic, or Ge’ez, meaning ‘an exile’ or ‘a stranger’. They have a Bible and a Prayer Book in Ge’ez. Kessler is not convinced that it is a derogatory term unless it is used as an insult. The idea of exile is because they were living in Galut or Exile from the Promised Land and he points out that it did not apply when they came to Israel. The Falashas are believed to have been converted by Jews living in southern Arabia in the centuries before and after the Christian Era. They have remained faithful to Judaism and have not converted to Christianity when the powerful kingdom of Aksum converted in the 4th century AD. Thereafter, the Falashas were persecuted and were forced to retreat to the area around the Lake Tana in northern Ethiopia. From 1980 to 1992, some 45,000 Falashas ﬂed drought and war-stricken Ethiopia and emigrated to Israel. Falasha is a person with no right to own land. It refers to Ethiopian Jews since the time the Ethiopian Negus (emperor) took away their title deeds. The Falashmuras

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are Falashas (Ethiopian Jews) who have converted to Christianity due to various reasons such as economic hardship and persecution. Due to the Israeli law of return, they are entitled to come to Israel if they can trace a maternal Jew in their geneaology. Many Falasha families have Falashmuras within their family. In addition, there are several thousands of “Black Hebrews” now in Israel and most live in the southern town of Dimona (Tadmor 2003). The “Black Hebrews” are a community which emigrated to Israel in the 1970s from the United States. They had claimed to be ‘the original Jews’. Most of them came to Israel as tourists and simply stayed after their visas had expired. The Israeli government decided to give them permanent resident status in July 2003.

Mulatto

The terms used for the offspring of Africans and Portuguese unions reveals their African ancestry. Mulatto was a Spanish and Portuguese term which means ‘a person of mixed African-European’ heritage and was used in the Americas after the 16th century. Gemelli-Careri, the Italian doctor who visited Goa in 1695 found that the city of Goa was teeming with mulattos. He stated that “There are also an abundance of Cafres and Blacks; for there are Portuguese that keep thirty or forty, and the least six or twelve; to carry their umbrella, and Andora, and other mean Employments; nor are they at any other charge to keep them, but a Dish of Rice at Noon, and another at Night; for they have no other Garments but what they brought out of their Mothers’ Wombs” (Sen 1949: 188). The statistical record of Goa and its neighbourhood in 1797 records Mulattos.6 Jeanette Pinto (1992: 106) points out that people of Afro-Portuguese descent were called Mulattos in India. The British also borrowed the term mulatto to describe any person of mixed ancestry including those with African and Asian parentage.

Slaves and Freed Slaves

When historical documents refer to slaves and freed slaves, their ethnicity is not speciﬁed. As escravo (the Portuguese word for slave) and kafﬁ r were synonymously used widely, Jeanette Pinto (1992: 97) deduces

6 Monções do Reino, MS 177–A(17796–98), p. 317.

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that it indicates the widespread usage of Africans as bondsmen. When the term slave is used without an adjective it is not possible to work out the ethnicity of the slave. The term slave could be confused with indigenous systems of slavery. In Ancient India, the slaves were mainly Indians who lived in the region and were bonded to labour; they were insolvent debtors who worked for their masters to pay off their debt. In later Medieval India, the ethnicity of the slaves changed with the arrival of the Moghuls and the Europeans. Then the word slave referred to a multiplicity of ethnicities: African, Arab, Indian, Chinese and Japanese (Pinto 2006: personal communication). Pinto (1992: 32) draws attention to the fact that sometimes African slaves were simply referred to as Carga (the Portuguese word for cargo) in ship records. A ship that came to Daman had listed several slaves under the heading of Carga.7 De Silva (1972) distinguishes between Kaffi rs and slaves and also between servants and slaves. Pieris (1973) describes the Dutch defeat of the Portuguese in Jaffnapatam where “300 armed Toupas and Kaffi rs. . . . slaves. . . .” emerged from the fort. Pieris (1973) in his book “Some documents relating to the Rise of the Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1602–1670, from the Translations at the India Offi ce, London refers to Kaffi rs and slaves as distinct categories. Kaffi r mercenaries are mentioned. There is no mention of Kaffi r slaves. Perhaps the Portuguese bought Kaffi r slaves in Africa and then trained them as militia in Goa to whom they then paid salaries. VOC offi cials employed African and Asian slaves as domestic servants, housemaids, concubines and seamstresses. In this pool of multiethnic slaves, the Dutch stereotyping of slaves differed across time and settlements. They generally considered Asian slaves to be cleaner and more intelligent than the African slaves, who were, according to the Dutch, more suited for hard physical labour. This ethnic stereotyping meant that the male African slaves were put to work in the fields and to build fortresses while the Asian slaves were engaged in domestic work or as artisans. However, African slave women were not employed in the fields; they were housemaids, wet nurses, seamstresses and domestic servants. A system of gender stereotyping existed within the ethnic stereotyping of slaves. There were two different categories of Dutch in Sri Lanka: the VOC (‘Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie’) employees and the Vrijburgers (‘free burghers’). The distinction between these two categories was not maintained in the British era and both groups became

7 Alfandega de Damao, MS 6777 (1796 –1841), p. 19.

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known as Burghers. The Vrijburgers came to the Island for private business and trade. They ran bakeries, inns and taverns, for example. Colombo became the seat of government since the Dutch capture in 1656. Its inhabitants were mainly Sinhalese Buddhists. The Vrijburgers engaged their slaves in their businesses as artisans or as labourers. When the British took over and the Burghers (who included both the VOC offi cials and the Vrijburgers) were reduced to a lower socioeconomic status, their slaves also suffered. Nevertheless, slaves were an income generat- ing asset and were hired out by their owners when they needed extra income. Bertolacci (1817: 59) commented that a few Burghers supported themselves by hiring out their slaves to work as bricklayers, palanquin- bearers, house-servants, and in other similar jobs. Slaves were bound to give their masters whatever part of their wages that exceeded what was required for the supply of the mere necessities of life. The slaves that the Dutch possessed at the time of capitulation, in 1796, were looked upon as their private property and were doomed to continue in servitude and so were their descendants in all future generations; their master had the right to dispose of them to Dutchmen, Burghers or Sri Lankans. There were nearly an equal number of female and male slaves. In total, there were about 8,000 to 10,000 slaves according to Bertolacci (1817). When the parents were unmarried, the child of a slave by a free woman was not a slave, but a child of a free man by a female slave is a slave to the woman’s master. This was based on Roman Dutch law ‘on the principle that the fruit follows after the womb’. The rate of reproduction in female slaves was low, probably due to malnourishment and their physically demanding occupations, and was therefore an insignificant source of supply for captive labour. The Dutch, however, introduced humanitarian ideas about slavery almost a century prior to the British. The Dutch applied the same principles and code for dealing with slaves in Batavia and in Sri Lanka. By 1771, the Dutch had reduced the number of slaves in Sri Lanka. The transfer of slaves was made more diffi cult by 1787. Christian slaves were not transferable. Dutch law to reduce and abolish slavery was already in place in Sri Lanka when the British arrived on the Island; it was confirmed in 1802 after the British had taken over. Anyone who attempted to enslave a freeborn person was fined 100 rix dollars. Nevertheless, slavery continued in the Dutch era and when the Dutch capitulated, female slaves were worth 100 ridis (£3 4s 8d) and males were valued at 50 ridis (£1 13s 4d). A female child slave was worth 3 rix dollars (£0 4s 6d). Emancipated slaves of the Dutch were called Libertines (from Rom. Antiq. meaning ‘a Freedman’ or one manumitted

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from slavery). A son of a freedman was also called a Libertine. Some Libertines would have had African ancestry though all slaves may not have been African. The number of Libertines had increased as slaves received freedom on death, or departure of their masters. The Libertines gradually merged with the Tupasses (‘descendants of the Portuguese and Sri Lankan unions’), and the name Libertine fell into disuse (de Silva Jayasuriya 2003). Tupasses were called mestiços by the Portuguese; they are called Portuguese Burghers today. Certiﬁcates of Burghership which were originally given to the Dutch entitling them to reside in the towns and to enjoy civic rights, were later given to the Libertines. The only obligation associated with Burghership was the enlistment in the reserve militia. The question of redeeming or transferring slaves arose when the British encountered the institution of slavery in Sri Lanka. The Commander of the British Expeditionary Force extended the meaning of property to include slaves. The slaves were restored to their owners. All slaves had to be registered. The British offered a sum for the maintenance of the slaves. Sir Alexander Johnston, President of His Majesty’s Council and Chief Justice of Ceylon (1806–1819), had adopted various measures to raise the political, moral and intellectual character of the people in Sri Lanka. He had obtained a charter from the Crown to extend the right of sitting upon juries to all Sri Lankans; a privilege not possessed by any other Asian nation. In return, he had urged the gradual abolition of domestic slavery in Sri Lanka. Then the proprietors of domestic slaves came to a resolution that all children born of their slaves, after 12th August 1806 (the birthday of the then Prince Regent, later George IV, was chosen so that the slaves might associate the freedom of their descendants with the reverence of the Crown), should be free, thereby putting an end to the state of domestic slavery that prevailed in Ceylon for three centuries. Slavery was abolished in Sri Lanka during the Governorship of Edward Barnes (1824–31), and a group of slave- owners in Galle and Jaffna freed all children born of their slaves. Sri Lankans had been anxious to show themselves worthy of the privilege which had been granted to them. In the 19th century, slavery became a subject of debate and was ﬁnally abolished in Sri Lanka in 1845. According to Saunders (1982: 1) the number of black slaves in Portugal in the 15th and 16th centuries was striking, though they had not out-numbered the native Portuguese. The Africans were called pretos (‘black’) or negros. When the Portuguese set out for India, their ships would have included some Negroid Africans.

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Lascarins

When historical records refer to lascarins, their ethnic origins are not speciﬁed. De Silva (1972) states that lascarins were distributed as slaves and servants to the captains and mudaliyars, if they were rebellious. De Mello had realised that the key to conquering the lands of Sri Lanka depended on the loyalty of the lascarins. According to Charles Boxer (1991: 389) a lascarin was a native soldier in Portuguese Asia. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Portuguese also raised auxiliary Indian troops which they called lascarins (Boxer 1991: 301). They therefore punished the rebellious lascarins and rewarded the loyal. Clifford Pereira (2006: personal communication) who has carried out archival research on shipping records states that before the 19th century, the term lascar was used for anyone east of the Cape of Good Hope—Africans, Arabs and Asians. In addition to being sailors, lascars also served as cooks and cleaners on ships.

Afro-Indians/African-Indians/Indo-Africans/Afro-Asians

The more recent terms used for Africans in India also confuse the ethnic origins. Few scholars are using the term Indo-African when referring to people of African origin in India and Indonesia. The Dutch coined the term Indonesia recently, which means ‘islands in the Indian Ocean’. The label Indonesia was in keeping with Polynesia (many islands), Micronesia (‘small islands’) and Melanesia (‘black islands’). When ‘Indo’ is preﬁxed to Africans it implies India, the Indian Ocean or the Indian subcontinent. Therefore the term Indo-Africans means Indians who have migrated to Africa. In the late 15th century, when the Portuguese made contact with East Africa during Vasco da Gama’s voyage to India, there were many Indians trading in East Africa. During Portuguese rule, the number of Indians increased further as East Africa and Portuguese India were part of the Estado da India (‘the State of India’) and Goans (called Canarins by the Portuguese) were moved to East Africa for various jobs. During the 18th and 19th centuries, many of these Indians were given prazos (‘land grants’) and most of them took African wives. Their children are called Afro-Indians (Newitt 1995). This could be confused with the terminology used for people of African origin in India which is also Afro-Indian. In addition, the

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North Americans, tend to call the Africans in India, African-Indian. Here the Indian does not refer to an American-Indian (‘Red Indian’) but one domiciled in India. Similarly, the term Afro-Asian refers to Africans or people with African ancestry in Asia. Africans have intermarried with other ethnic groups in Asia and their physiognomy has been diluted. Many Africans became a part of the kin system of Asian societies. Assimilation has concealed their genealogy and history. This is in contrast to the African Diaspora in America. Although some African-Americans have become wealthy and hold important positions, they are outside the kin system. Historians will have to take a different approach when researching the Africans in Asia. Reliance on archived documents only, can be misleading as Africans in Asia had many ethnonyms and sometimes their ethnic origins were not recorded. A Levi-Straussian approach of combining history and anthropology would be more effective than dating the cargoes and counting the men and piastres.

Conclusion

Many African migrants have now assimilated to the Asian societies. Some names used for Africans in Asia reveal information about their origins while others conceal them. The numerous terms are partly due to changing names of the geographic locations from which they originated. Other names were given to them by the people who dealt with them, through commercial transactions, the slave trade, missionary activities, and colonial expansions. The terms used for Africans in Asia varied across time and space, and even overlapped in some parts. A knowledge of the terms used for Africans in Asia is necessary for scholars undertaking a comprehensive study of the eastwards African migration.

Acknowledgement

I should like to thank Dr Hemal Jayasuriya, Schiller International University, for his critical and constructive comments on this paper.

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References

André-Baptiste, F. 2006 “Habshis in late 18th C.E. Afghanistan: A Research Note”, Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire 9. Asher, R. E. 1994 The Encylopedia of Language and Linguistics. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Badalkhan, S. 2005 Personal Communication. Balázs, S. 1932 Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Tang-Zeit (618–906), Des Ostasiatische Studien Mitteilungen des seminars für Orientalische Sprachen 35. Basu, H. 1992 “Sidi”. in P. Hockings (ed.), Encyclopedia of World Cultures: South Asia. Boston, Mass: G. K. Hall & Co. Bertolacci, A. 1817 A view of the agricultural, commercial, and ﬁnancial interests of Ceylon. London: Black, Parbury & Allen. Bowen, R. 1944 “Red Kaﬁrs”, Notes and Queries 186–187, London. Boxer, C. R. 1991 The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415–1825. UK: Carcanet. Brohier, P. (trans.) 1960 A True and Exact Description of the Great Island of Ceylon by Phillipus Baldaeus being the section relating to Ceylon of the “Beschrijving der Oost Indische Kusten MALABAR en CHOROMANDEL der Zelver aangrenzende Ryken en het machtige EYLAND CEYLON Nevens een onstandige en grondigh doorzochte ontdekking en wederlegginge van de AFGODERYE DEN OOST-INDISCHE HEYDENEN” by the Revd Phillipus Baldaes published in Dutch in Amsterdam, 1672. Dehiwala, Sri Lanka: Tisara Prakasakayo. Brohier, R. L. 1973 Discovering Ceylon. Colombo: Lake House Investments. Burnes, A. 1833 “On the Reported Descendants of Alexander the Great. In the Valley of the Ocean” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 2. Campbell, G. (ed.) 2004 The Structure of Slavery in the Indian Ocean, Africa and Asia. London: Frank Cass. Campbell, J. 1843 Excursions, Adventures and Field Sports in Ceylon. London: T. & W. Boone. Chou Ju-Kua 1911 Chou Ju-Kua: His work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries entitled Chu-fan-Chi, (trans.) F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, St Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences. Clarence-Smith, W. G. 2003 Islam and the Abolition of Slavery. London: C. Hurst & Company. Cordiner, J. 1807 A Description of Ceylon, Containing an Account of the Country, Inhabitants and Natural Productions. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees & Orme. De Silva, C. R. 1953 Ceylon under the British Occupation 1795–1833. Colombo: Colombo Apothecaries Company. 1972 The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617–1638. Colombo: H. W. Cave & Company.

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De Silva Jayasuriya, S. 2001 Les Cafres de Ceylan: le chaînon portugais. Cahiers des Anneax de la Mémoire 3. 2003 “An African Presence in Sri Lanka” in S. de S. Jayasuriya & R. Pankhurst (eds.), The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. New Jersey: Africa World Press. 2003 Les femmes et l’esclavage au Sri Lanka. Cahiers des Anneax de la Mémoire 5. 2004 “Trading on a Thalassic Network” in Issues of Memory: Coming to Terms with the Slave Trade and Slavery. A Conference held at UNESCO, Paris, France. 2005 “The Portuguese Identity of the Afro-Sri Lankans”, LUSOTOPIE. Defrémery, C. et Sanguinetti, B. R. (eds. and trans.) 1969 Voyages d’Ibn Battuta, Reprint of 1st edition 1854–8 with notes by V. Monteil, Paris: Anthropos. Desanges, J. 1962 Catalogues des tribus africaines de l’antiquité classique à l’Oest du Nil. Dakar: University of Dakar, Section d’Histoire. Durugonul, E. 2005 Personal Communication. Encyclopedia Britannica 1911 Chicago: Encylopedia Britannica Inc. Ewald, J. 2000 “Crosses of the Sea: Slaves, Freedmen, and Other Migrants in the North- western Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1914” American Historical Review 105. Forbes, A. and Ali, F. 1980 “The Maldive Islands and their Historical Links with the Coast of Eastern Africa” Kenya Past and Present 2. Hardy, S. 1864 Jubilee Memorials of the Wesleyan Mission, South Ceylon 1814–1864. Colombo: Wesleyan Mission Press. Hasan, Y. F. 1967 The Arabs and the Sudan. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Hunter, Rev R. 1873 History of the Missions of the Free Church of Scotland in India and Africa. London: T. Nelson & Sons. Irwin, G. 1977 Africans abroad: a documentary history of the black diaspora in Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean during the age of slavery. New York: Columbia University Press. Kessler, D. 1996 The Falashas: A Short History of Ethiopian Jews. London: Frank Cass. Knox, R. 1681 An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon. Sri Lanka: Tisara Prakasakayo Ltd. Linschoten, Van 1885 The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten. London: Hakluyt Society. Lodhi, A. 1992 “African Settlements in India” The Nordic Journal of African Studies 1(1).

Lombard, M. 1971 L’Islam dans sa première grandeur (VIIIe–XIe siècle). Paris: Flammarion. Maloney, C. 1980 People of the Maldive Islands. India: Orient Longman. Medeiros, E. 2003 “Contribution of the Mozambican Diaspora in the Development of Cultural Identities” in S. de S. Jayasuriya & R. Pankhurst (eds.), The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. New Jersey: Africa World Press. Minda, A. 2005 Personal Communication.

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Newitt, M. 1995 A History of Mozambique. London: C. Hurst. Ommanney, F. D. 1955 Isle of Cloves: A View of Zanzibar. London: Longmans. Pankhurst, R. 1964 “The Ethiopian Slave Trade in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries: A Statistical Inquiry” Journal of Semitic Studies IX (1). Pelliot, P. 1959 “Çanghibar” in P. Pelliot Notes on Marco Polo. Paris: Imprimérie Nationale. Percival, R. 1803 “Account of the Island of Ceylon”, The Ceylon Historical Journal 22. Pereira, C. 2006 “The Bombay Africans and the Freretown Settlement” Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire 9. 2006 Personal Communication. Pieris, P. E. (ed.) 1973 Some documents relating to the Rise of the Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1602–1670 from the Translations at the India Ofﬁ ce. London: Curzon Press. Pinto, J. 1992 Slavery in Portuguese India. Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House. 2006 Personal Communication. Popovic, A. 1999 The Revolt of African Slaves in Iraq in the 3rd/9th century. Princeton New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers. Robbins, K. and McLeod, J. 2006 African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat. Hyderabad: Mapin Publishers. Roberts, M., Raheem, I. & Colin-Thome, P. 1989 People Inbetween. Sri Lanka: Sarvodaya Book Publishing Services. Saunders, A. C. de C. M. 1982 A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal 1441–1555. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sen, S. N. (ed.) 1949 Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri. New Delhi: Indian Records Series. Sneddon, J. 2003 The Indonesian Language: Its History and Role in Modern Society. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press. Tadmor, U. 2003 Personal Communication. Talib, Y. & Samir, F. 1988 “The African Diaspora in Asia”, in M. Elfasi (ed.) UNESCO General History of Africa, Paris: UNESCO. Tennent, J. E. 1860 Ceylon: An Account of the Island—Physical, Historical and Topographical. London: Longman. Toledano, E. R. 1998 Slavery and abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Tylden, G. 1952 “The Ceylon Regiments, 1796 to 1874” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 30. Van Kessel, I. 2005 Personal Communication. Youssef, T. 2004 http://www.aliraqi.org/forums/archive/index.php/t–27475.html.

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THE AFRICAN-ASIAN DIASPORA: MYTH OR REALITY?

Gwyn Campbell*

Abstract

Since Joseph E Harris’ The African Presence in Asia: Consequences of the East African Slave Trade (1971) there has been a growing scholarly interest in the possibility of an African ‘slave’ Diaspora in the Indian Ocean world similar to that of the well-documented African Diaspora of the Americas. However, while the number of studies on communities of African origin has blossomed, there has been little attempt to evaluate if those communities ﬁt the criteria—well-established for the Americas—of a victim diaspora. In pursuing such an exercise, this paper concludes that in the Indian Ocean world the criteria for the historical or current existence of an African Diaspora of slave origin are not met.

Introduction

Scholarly interest in the African-Asian Diaspora1 is largely an extension of research into the African-American Diaspora. This highlights six key characteristics of such a diaspora: displacement from a homeland to two or more peripheral or foreign regions; the formation of a ‘relatively stable community in exile’;2 social rejection by, and alienation from, the locally dominant society; an awareness, real or imagined, of a common homeland and heritage, and of the injustice of removal from it; efforts to maintain links with and improve life in that homeland; and a desire ultimately to return permanently to the homeland.3 Also critical is the

* Department of History, McGill University, 855 Sherbrooke Street W., Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3A 2T7. E-mail: [email protected] 1 African’ is here deﬁned as a member of a family or group that had been living in part of Africa or its islands for more than two generations. 2 Wilson, “Conceptualizing the African Diaspora”, p. 118. 3 Okpewho, Davies and Mazrui (eds.), The African Diaspora; Akyeampong, “Africans in the Diaspora”, pp. 184–6; Hine & McLeod (eds.), Crossing Boundaries; Thompson,

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formation of a diasporic ‘consciousness’, for which there are three pre-requisites: geographic concentration; common living and working conditions markedly different from the politically dominant group; and a leadership which articulates the diaspora’s interests—deﬁned in opposition to those of the dominant group. It is here argued that the pre-conditions for an African-Asian diasporic consciousness did not exist in most of Asia, which in turn undermines the argument for the existence of an African-Asian Diaspora.

The Homeland

The ﬁrst prerequisite for a diaspora is the dispersion of its members from a geographical centre of origin to several distant regions. African slaves exported to Asia were certainly dispersed throughout the Indian Ocean World (IOW) from the Middle to Far East4 in a trade that was multidirectional, involved overland and maritime routes and changed over time.5 However, they possessed no common centre of origin. Rather, they came from many different regions of Africa and the islands, and represented widely varying ethnicities and cultures.6 Terms applied in Asia to African-Asians often supposed to indicate precise origins (e.g. Zanj / Sidi = Swahili littoral; Habshi = Ethiopian; Kunlun = African), tend rather to be generic. Thus ‘Zanj’ indicated someone from the ‘uninhabitable’ regions of sub-Saharan Africa; ‘Ethiopian’ meant any dark-skinned person, African or Asian,7 while ‘Kunlun’ referred both to the east African island of Pemba, and generally to anyone with dark pigmentation, notably from Africa, Papua New Guinea or Melanesia.8 On Mauritius, the term ‘Mozambique’ covered at least thirteen different

Africans of the Diaspora; see also introduction in Matsuoka & Sorenson, Ghosts and Shadows; Basu, “Indian Sidi”. 4 Hunwick, “Black Africans”, p. 31; Vérin, “Madagascar”; van Goor, “A Hybrid State, p. 196; Chakravarti, “The Dutch East India Company and Slave Trade”, pp. 81, 85; Boomgaard, “Human Capital”, pp. 83–96; Jayasuriya, “The Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”; Bhargava, Indian Ocean Strategies, p. 30. 5 Schottenhammer, “Slaves and Forms of Slavery in Late Imperial China”, pp. 143– 54; Wink, Al-Hind. vol. 1, pp. 30–1; Goody, “Slavery in Time and Space”, p. 18. 6 Trimingham, Islam in East Africa, pp. 2–3; Hunwick, “Black Africans”, p. 31; Vérin, “Madagascar.” 7 Lewis, “The African Diaspora”, p. 37; Ross, “Africa in Islam”, pp. 12–13; Irwin, Africans Abroad, p. 16. 8 Filesi, China and Africa, p. 21; Irwin, Africans Abroad, pp. 169–72.

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ethnicities from southeastern Africa.9 ‘Sidi’ Hindus of Karnataka possess a low incidence (6%) of the sickle cell trait, probably indicating that few of their forebears originated from East Africa.10 Moreover, except in recent concentrated settlements, such as Hyderabad, few African- Asians today have a clear idea of their African origins.11 In other cases, oral histories do not seem to match historical accounts.12 Again, ‘a diaspora by its nature cannot exist without a homeland and the quest to re-attain that homeland’.13 However, there is scant evidence amongst African-Asians of a desire to return to Africa. The few ex-slaves in the IOW who were offered passage to their region of origin found re-integration difﬁ cult.14 African-Asians returned to Africa only because of Western pressure: from 1874, CMS missionaries to India sent some African ex-slaves to establish a mission at Freretown in Mombasa, the activities of which continued to the 1930s.15 Otherwise, attempted returns were sporadic, generally escape bids by freshly captured young adult male slaves, and in no way represented an African diasporic consciousness.16 Indeed, when offered passages back to Africa, many African/African-Asian slaves refused.17 Currently, most African- Asians reject identiﬁcation with what they consider an undeveloped region.18 An awareness of the injustice (or ‘victimisation’) of forcible removal from the ‘homeland’ is also weak, although slaves exported to Asia underwent dislocation and suffering. Malagasy slaves to the Mascarenes commonly believed that they would be eaten by whites,19 and some Mozambican slaves chose suicide to exile.20 Slave mortality was high; possibly 12 per cent of slaves shipped to the Mascarenes died en-route,

9 Alpers, “Becoming ‘Mozambique’, pp. 1–2. 10 Vijayakumar, “Genetic studies among the Siddis”, pp. 118–9. 11 Harris, African Presence in Asia, pp. 111–2; Bhattacharya, “Indians of African Origin”, pp. 579–82. 12 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs.” 13 Quoted in Lovejoy (ed.), African Diaspora Newsletter 4, p. 3; see also idem, “The African Diaspora”. 14 See e.g. Warren, “Structure of Slavery in the Sulu Zone”, pp. 111–28. 15 Akyeampong, “Africans in the Diaspora,” 197; Basu, “Indian Sidi”. 16 Alpers, “Flight to freedom”, pp. 51–68; Mampilly, “African Diaspora of the Indian Sub-continent”. 17 See e.g. Miers, “Slavery and the slave trade in Saudi Arabia”, pp. 120–36. 18 Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée”, pp. 223–4. 19 Grif ﬁ ths, Hanes Madagascar, p. 26. For comparative material see Piersen, “White Cannibals, Black Martyrs”, pp. 147–59. 20 Rea, Economics of the Zambezi Mission, pp. 117–8.

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a rate which rose as distances grew. Also, slaves were vulnerable to disease carried aboard or encountered at their destination: approximately 25 per cent of African male slaves imported into Sri Lanka in 1817 died within a year.21 Moreover, most slaves were ascribed a low social status. In Impe- rial Madagascar, India, and South China, they were categorised as a hereditary ‘outcaste’ status based on a ritual distinction between ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’. Such distinctions continued after abolition which rarely conferred full citizenship.22 Most ex-slaves were incorporated as inferior members of the host society or retained, as in most Islamic societies, in hereditary servitude.23 This reﬂected in part their weak economic position as, unlike many ex- slave holders, few received compensation upon abolition, or assistance in adjusting to a post-slave economy. Dominant groups continued to consider ex-slaves ‘impure’ and ‘polluting’, and to call them the traditional terms for ‘slave’.24 Moreover, indigenous traditions were reinforced by colonial European, notably Dutch and British, racial codes.25 Emancipation released large numbers of ex-slaves onto the local labour market, which favoured the employer. Subject to the harsh laws of supply and demand, many failed to secure wage labour. Some, like the African-Iranians of Sīrīk, the Sidis of the Gir forest in Gujarat and the Western Ghat forests,26 and the ex-slave Creoles of Mauritius, became economically and socially marginalized.27 Exceptions included the nizam of Hyderabad’s khanazah advisers, for whom he provided a trust fund, and ex-slave professionals in Saudi Arabia accepted as part of the Arab elite.28

21 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”; see also Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East, p. 10; Campbell, “The State and Pre-colonial Demographic History”, pp. 415–45. 22 Watson (ed.), Asian and African Systems of Slavery; Evers, “Stigmatization”, pp. 137–56; idem, “Solidarity and Antagonism”, pp. 565–71. 23 Brunschvig, “Abd”. 24 Eno, “The abolition of slavery”, pp. 83–93; Evers, “Stigmatization”; Watson, “Transactions in People”, pp. 237–8, 246–7; Harris, African Presence, 116–7, esp. n. 4. 25 Harris, African Presence, 115–9; Reid, Slavery, Bondage and Dependency, p. 18. 26 Harris, African Presence, 103, 113–4; Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran”, p. 236; Bhattacharya, “Indians of African Origin,” 579–82; Vijayakumar, et al., “Genetic studies among the Siddis of Karnataka,” 98; Boivin, “La Condition servile dans le Sindh colonial”. 27 Benoit, “Les oubliés de la liberté”. 28 Cole and Altorki, “Family in Changing Saudi Arabia”.

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Diasporic Consciousness

What, then, explains the lack of an African-Asian diasporic consciousness? One factor may have been the desire to forget the role of fellow Africans, from warrior kings to impoverished kin, in enslaving and selling their own kind.29 More important was the lack of the three bases for the rise of a diasporic consciousness: geographic concentration; common living and working conditions markedly different from those of the locally dominant group; and a leadership to articulate the diaspora’s interests.30

Geographic Concentration

Slaves in Asia often comprised 20 to 30 percent of the population (rising to 50 percent and over in Indonesian ports). However, concentrations of purely ‘African’ slaves were rare as almost every Asian society possessed both indigenous and foreign slaves drawn from many different regions and ethnic groups. The Middle East, a major market for African slaves, also imported large numbers from the Caucasus, Central Asia, Pakistan and India, and smaller numbers from further east. African slaves in the IOW also served a variety of masters, indigenous and foreign. Thus in Asia, ‘slave’ was never equated with African or Black, or slave-owner with Muslim.31

Common Living and Working Conditions

In the IOW, few examples exist of concentrated numbers of slaves living and working together outside imperial Madagascar (c. 1790–1895) and the east African plantation islands (Mauritius and Réunion from c. 1750; Zanzibar and Pemba from the 1830s). Neither was there an

29 Boivin, “La Condition servile.” 30 Quoted in Lovejoy (ed.), African Diaspora Newsletter 4 (2001), 3; see also idem, “The African Diaspora.” 31 Boomgaard, “Human Capital”; Kim, “Nobi: A Korean System of Slavery”, pp. 155–68; Kopytoff and Miers, “African ‘Slavery’”, pp. 60–1; Reid, “Introduction,” 12, 29; Campbell, “Slavery and Fanompoana”, pp. 474–5.

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identi fication with fellow ‘Africans’.32 In part this reflected internal divisions, such as ethnicity. Slaves of the same ethnicity as the slave- holding society were generally ascribed superior status to those obtained externally, while fresh arrivals raised the status of resident slaves. Thus a mass influx of Makua slaves in nineteenth-century Madagascar placed the newcomers at the bottom of the slave hierarchy.33 Similarly placed were recaptured fugitive slaves, whose inferior status was often visibly clarified through branding or tattoos.34 Another sign of superior slave status was avoidance of menial or ritually degrading activities.35

Leadership

The development of a diasporic consciousness also requires a leadership to express that diaspora’s interests. Some African-Asian communities produced highly educated ﬁgures.36 However, their interests lay less with fellow ‘Africans’ than with the local elite: thus Atā ibn Abī Rabāh, born in Saudi Arabia of Nubian parents, became a celebrated Muslim teacher and jurist at Mecca,37 and Abū Al-⁄āhiz, probably of Ethiopian slave descent, became a leading intellectual in early ninth-century Iraq.38 The leaders of the 860–83 ‘Zanj’ revolt in Iraq, traditionally considered to have been East Africans,39 were in fact non-slaves involved in local power politics.40 Moreover, the slave elite often became slaveholders, reﬂecting a distance from fellow ‘Africans’ and a communality of interests with the slave-owning society.41

32 see e.g. Teelock, “The Inﬂuence of Slavery in the Formation of Creole Identity”, pp. 3–8; Alpers asserts such a consciousness existed, but produces no evidence of it—Alpers, “Becoming ‘Mozambique’,” esp. p. 18. 33 Campbell, “Introduction: abolition and its aftermath”, pp. 1–28.” 34 Reid, “Introduction,” 12. 35 Schottenhammer, “Slaves”; Klein, “Introduction: Modern European Expansion and Traditional Servitude in Africa and Asia”, p. 7; Chauhan, Africans in India, pp. 12–117. 36 Though few received a Western education—Alpers, “Recollecting Africa”, pp. 84–5. 37 Irwin, Africans Abroad, 66. 38 Pellat, “Al-⁄āhiz”. 39 Allen, Swahili Origins, p. 73. 40 Ibid., 73. 41 Schottenhammer, “Slaves”; Klein, “Introduction,” 7; Chauhan, Africans in India; Cole and Altorki, “Family in Changing Saudi Arabia.”

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Denial of Africa

Despite being generally impoverished and socially stigmatised, Afri- can-Asians overwhelmingly claim a local Asian, and deny an African, identity.42 Thus African-Asians in Sri Lanka and the Middle East stress a local identity;43 African-Qatars even claim to be members of noble, second-ranking Arab tribes.44 Some former African slaves in Madagascar constructed tombs in order to claim a Malagasy ancestry, and Sunni Sidis insist that they are ‘Muslim Sidis’ and claim direct descent from Mohammed.45 Many ex-slaves have retained strong emotional bonds with the former slave- owning family with which they identiﬁed far more closely than with others of African origin and descent.46 Some Diaspora scholars emphasise the existence of ‘African’ cultural traits, notably music and possession cults, as proof of Diaspora ‘memory’ and ‘consciousness’. However, evidence of this is weak. Of the music of ‘African’ inspiration played by people of African or part-African descent in Qatar, Anie Montigny comments: It is above all for its liberty of expression that music is taken up, and Blacks do not search through it to return to their roots, nor to contest their social condition. Rather, they emphasise its arabicised character, taken as a proof of their Arab roots.47 Similarly, Sidi devotees of Bava Gor claim an Indian and deny an African identity.48 Passington Obeng’s study of Indian Sidis produces evidence not of an ‘African-Asian’ but of a class or caste consciousness incorporating ‘African’ and ‘non-African’ groups, that is based on common economic interests.49 In such contexts, it is futile to search for a ‘slave mode of production’, a construct which bears little relation to historical reality in the IOW outside plantation economies.50

42 For Iran, see Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 241; For India, see Basu, “Indian Sidi”; Mampilly, “African Diaspora.” For Sri Lanka, see Cooper, “Within South Asia”; see also Alpers, “Recollecting Africa,” 85. 43 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”; Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée,” 215. 44 Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée,” 214, 216–7. 45 Ali, African Dispersal, p. 226. 46 Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée.” 47 Ibid., 223–4. 48 Shroff, “Sidis and Parsis”. 49 Obeng, “Survival Strategies”. 50 Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 234, 238–9; Klein, “Introduction,” 10–11; Campbell, “Introduction: abolition and its aftermath.”

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Assimilation

In the Asian world, in contrast to the Americas, most slaves were subject to forces promoting assimilation into local society rather than separateness and alienation from it.51 First, ‘violence’, considered a characteristic of slavery in the Americas, was not universally employed against slaves in the Asian world where violence or the threat of violence was rarely used outside European- managed plantations. Elsewhere, harsh working conditions did exist and could provoke revolt, suicide and attempts to curtail reproduction.52 However, slaves represented a capital asset the value of which was worth maintaining or even enhancing. Moreover, maximum slave productivity could only be achieved through acknowledging the essential humanity of slaves.53 In general, however, slaves in the IOW generally enjoyed an array of traditional and prescribed rights unknown on the American plantations. In the parts of the IOW, outside the Mascarenes, where European law was applied, treatment of slaves was tempered by local economic and political forces.54 Igor Kopytoff and Suzanne Miers stress that large complex societies were more likely to institutionalise inter-generational slave status and slave stigma than simpler decentralised polities.55 How- ever, even in Korea and China, where the most extreme systems of hereditary slavery were practised, slaves nevertheless possessed a legal status and some rights: They were immune from state corvees, could be punished but not killed by their owners, their marriages were in general respected. Such rights, it could be argued, meant that they were not true outsiders as they had entered into the dominant society’s system of reciprocity.56 As such, they were, like ‘free’ subjects, bound to serve those of higher status, but were in return guaranteed protection from external predators and at least basic food, clothing and shelter.57 Some

51 Campbell, “Introduction. Slavery and other forms of Unfree Labour”, pp. vii–xxxii. 52 Alpers, “Flight to freedom”; Boomgaard, “Human Capital”; Sheriff, “The slave trade and its fallout”, pp. 103–19. 53 Klein, “Introduction,” 11–12; Meillassoux, Anthropology of Slavery, pp. 9–10. 54 Boomgaard, “Human Capital”; Worden, “Indian Ocean slavery”, pp. 29–49. 55 Kopytoff and Miers, “African “Slavery’,” 42. 56 Schottenhammer, “Slaves”; Kim, “Nobi”; see also Salman, “The meaning of slavery”, pp. 180–97. 57 Campbell, “Introduction: abolition and its aftermath”; Klein, “Introduction,” 25; see also Kopytoff and Miers, “African ‘Slavery’,” 26–7.

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slave statuses overlapped with those of free people, the lot of elite slaves being invariably better than that of the vast majority of free people. In such circumstances, such as in nineteenth-century imperial Madagascar, this was so even for ordinary slaves—to the extent that they refused freedom to avoid being subject to corvee.58 Also, slaves in the Asian world quickly adopted the language, religion and general culture of the dominant slave/ex-slave-holding society. Many, possibly the majority, of African slaves in the IOW were employed in sensitive positions—within the household, court, administration or in commerce—where some, notably child and young female slaves, forged intimate relations with their owners forbidden to non-kinsmen. For most slave-owners, it was vital that the slave spoke the local language or, at the very minimum, understood orders. Children, particularly, rapidly learned the local language and customs, and there existed strong incentives for slave wives to do likewise if they wished to advance their own and their children’s prospects. Many developed close dependent relationships with their owners who often used for slaves terms that were frequently cognates of those used for ‘children’, ‘foster children’ or ‘nephews’ and ‘nieces’.59 In such circumstances, the native languages of slaves quickly ceded to that of the dominant society. In China and Imperial Madagascar, language classes were established in slave reception camps to facilitate the process.60 By the second-generation, African-Asians had largely shed their cultural origins; many became monoglot speakers of the host community’s language.61 African-Qatars base their claim to be Arab in part on their knowledge of, and contribution to, Arabic language and literature.62 Currently only the elderly Afro-Sri Lankans speak Sri Lanka Portuguese Creole (otherwise known as the Indo-Portuguese of Ceylon), the former mother tongue of that community.63 Vestiges of other singular ‘African’ languages, such as Makhuwa in Madagascar,

58 Campbell, “Slavery and Fanompoana.” 59 Kim, “Nobi”; Schottenhammer, “Slaves”; Klein, “Introduction,” 8; Reid, “Intro- duction,” 9. 60 Delaye, “Slavery and Colonial Representations”, pp. 129–42; Campbell, “Mada- gascar and the Slave Trade”, p. 224. 61 Harris, African Presence, 99–100, 111–2; Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 241; Chauhan, Africans in India, 261, 263; Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”; Bhattacharya, “Indians of African Origin,” 579–80; Ali, African Dispersal, 224; Drewal, “Aliens and Homelands”. 62 Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée,” 223. 63 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”.

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are fast disappearing.64 Swahili is an exception. However, this reflects its role as a lingua franca, utilised in coastal areas of the Middle East not only by African-Asians but also by numbers of sea-faring and coastal Arabs.65 Similarly, most African-Asians accepted the locally dominant religion, from Islam in Muslim regions, to Hinduism and Christianity in parts of India and Sri Lanka, to Christianity and ancestor worship in Madagascar.66 Acceptance of the local religious ideology was vital for slaves employed in sensitive and inter-personal activities. As crucial was the conversion of imported child brides and concubines to local belief systems so that these might in turn be transmitted to their children, especially those who had an opportunity to be integrated into the slave-owner’s lineage.67 Moreover, African-Asians often sought higher status through religion. Many who adopted Islam constructed their own mosques.68 In nineteenth-century Madagascar, many sought positions within the early Christian church, or as traditional ancestral mediums.69 Afro-centric scholars interpret this as an assertion of African heritage.70 However, while African-Asians employed practices and a vocabulary that sometimes demonstrate an African affi liation, these were employed in a local context, in which the local language and traditions dominated.71 Rather, in a process of empowerment, African-Asians sometimes used religious ideology to gain higher status in local society.72 For example, the Bava Gor cult gives its Sidi mediums ritual power over their former owners and an honorific place in local history and society.73 It thus cements

64 Alpers, “Recollecting Africa,” 93–4. 65 Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 237–8; Alpers, “Recollecting Africa,” 93. 66 Harris, African Presence, 99–100, 111–2; Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 241; Chauhan, Africans in India, 261, 263; Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”; Bhattacharya, “Indians of African Origin,” 579–80; Ali, African Dispersal, 224; Drewal, “Aliens and Homelands.” 67 Kopytoff and Miers, “African “Slavery’,” 28–9; Watson, “Transactions in People,” 249; Kim, “Nobi”; Schottenhammer, “Slaves”; Sheriff, “The slave trade and its fallout”. 68 Harris, African Presence, 122; Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 235. 69 Campbell, “Crisis of Faith”, pp. 409–53; Idem, “Introduction: abolition and its aftermath.” 70 Alpers, “African Diaspora”, pp. 67–8, 73; Idem, “Recollecting Africa,”, 90–1; Drewal, “Aliens and Homelands”. 71 Montigny, “L’Afrique oubliée,” 221–2. 72 See e.g. Ghatwai, “Shrine Where Crime Suspects Face Unusual Test”. 73 Basu, “Indian Sidi”; Shroff, “Sidis and Parsis.”

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their identity as Gujaratis.74 Other Sidis used similar saint cults (Mai Goma, Sidi Mubarak Nobi, Bava Habash, Mai Mishra), to assert local Indian, rather than African identity.75 The Nobān and Gwāti/Damal healing ceremonies of southern Iran and Baluchistan respectively, and the essentially female-dominated Zār spirit possession cult of the Middle- East-Persian Gulf-Baluchistan regions, served a similar purpose.76 Associated inﬂuences are possession cults, and song, music and dance (often focussed around the lyre and big drums).77 Those associated with Bava Gor, and with the Afro-Sri Lankans, appear to possess Tanzanian, and Mozambican/Tanzanian elements respectively.78 Some emphasised the role of males,79 but the role of females, notably in song, dance and possession cults, was major, and may be interpreted as a means whereby women could gain inﬂuence in a male-dominated society.80 IOW societies also provided the means for legal integration of slaves into local societies. From around 1000 CE a growing racial tolerance facilitated assimilation in Muslim societies.81 Caucasian and Ethiopian females might have been more highly priced than darker-skinned Afri- cans as concubines, but this made little difference in terms of children born to the latter or of their legal treatment.82 Many members of the Arab elite, such as the celebrated sixth-century Arab warrior-poet Antara ibn Shaddād, and even later Muslim monarchs, had African mothers.83 Again, over 40 percent of the Makrani (Pakistan) maternal gene pool derives from Africa, notably from Mozambique, but only 8 percent of the paternal gene pool.84 According to the sharia, slaves could redeem themselves, while children of a slave woman and her owner inherited a non-slave status, as did a concubine mother upon the death of her owner (a rich Muslim

74 Shroff, “Sidis and Parsis.” 75 Basu, “Indian Sidi”. 76 Hunwick, “Black Africans,” 37. 77 Bhattacharya, “Indians of African Origin,” 579, 581–2; Harris, African Presence, 112; Mirzai, “African Presence in Iran,” 241–5. 78 Basu, “Indian Sidi”; Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs.” 79 E.g. the Gujarati Muslim saint Baba Gov, of reputedly Ethiopian origin—see Alpers, “African Diaspora in the Northwestern Indian Ocean,” 74. 80 Nelson, “public and private politics”, pp. 555–6; Lewis, Race and Slavery, 13; Pel- lat, “Kayna”. 81 Lewis, Race and Slavery, 19, 26–7, 37–41; Hunwick, “Black Africans,” 35–6. 82 Goody, “Slavery in Time and Space,” 29. 83 Irwin, Africans Abroad, 54, 58. 84 “Slavery and Gender in the Indian Ocean”.

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was legally restricted to four wives but the number of concubines he might possess was unlimited). As in European territories in the IOW, Muslim slave soldiers were usually freed after a period of service, married local women and were assimilated.85 In Hyderabad, the Nizam encouraged his African soldiers to marry Arab girls.86 In Bahrein, a few ‘free’ women married slave men.87 Of Bahrein’s ‘African’ pearl divers in 1831 and Kuwait’s ‘African’ population around 1900, an estimated one-third were non-slaves.88 Again, in Dutch Sri Lanka children of slaves gained their freedom if they converted to, and were married by, the Dutch Reformed Church, while their parents could not be sold, and were freed upon the death of their master.89 Slaves employed by British families in Bombay in the late eighteenth century were usually freed by Testament Will following the death of their owner.90 In Imperial Madagascar (c. 1790–1895), traditionally categorised as possessing a ‘closed’ system of slavery,91 manu-mission was considered meritorious for zazahova (Merina enslaved chieﬂy for indebtedness) with whom slave owners shared a common religious and cultural heritage, but not for non-Merina Malagasy or African slaves92 who, however, assimilated relatively easily into lowland societies such as the Sakalava.93 Moreover, proscriptions against sexual liaisons across the slave-free lines were frequently ignored, as is conﬁrmed by genetic studies.94 In Imperial Madagascar some female slave-owners broke fundamental taboos against taking male slaves as their sexual partners.95 In the

85 Lewis, Race and Slavery, 10, 15; Basu, “Indian Sidi”. 86 Harris, African Presence, 112. 87 Sheriff, “The slave trade and its fallout”. 88 Sheriff, “The slave trade and its fallout”; Clarence-Smith, “Islam and the abolition of the slave trade”, pp. 137–49. 89 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”. 90 Chakravarti, “The Dutch East India Company,” 83. 91 For the debate, which centres around the concepts of ‘kin’ and ‘slave’, see Meil- lassoux, Anthropology of Slavery, and Kopytoff and Miers, “African “Slavery’,” 3–84; see also Watson, “Introduction: Slavery as an institution”, pp. 1–15; Bloch, “Modes of production”. 92 Poirier, “Un ‘Menabe’ ”, pp. 122–4; Campbell, “History of Nineteenth Century Madagascar”, pp. 331–79. 93 Lambek, “Revolted but Not Revolting”; Evers, “Solidarity and Antagonism”. 94 See e.g. Ramana et al. “Y-chromosome SNP haplotypes”, pp. 695–700; Singh et al., “Short tandem repeat-based Y-chromosome haplotype data”; Jenkins et al., “ß-Globin Haplotype”, pp. 1303–8. 95 Poirier, “Un ‘Menabe,’ ” 100 n. 1.

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Makran and Gujarat some African males formed liaisons with local members of low castes and with tribal peoples.96 The Sidi Hindus of Karnataka, who intermarried to a great degree with local Hindus, display fewer physiognomically negroid characteristics than Christian or Muslim Sidis.97 For some, intermarriage resulted in positions of high offi ce and wealth. Thus the Sidi elite of Janjira merged through intermarriage with the Ismaili Tyabji who in the nineteenth century emerged as leading entrepreneurs and bankers.98 The trend may have been even greater in Southeast Asia, which possessed many ‘open’ systems of slavery where even adult male slaves found it relatively easy to fit into their ‘host’ society.99 Such inter-mixture inevitably promoted assimilation of slaves into local society. For example, in early nineteenth-century Ceylon, ‘Kaffi r’ soldiers (from Africa, notably Mozambique and Madagascar) intermarried with Sri Lankan women to the extent that it depleted the Afro-Sri Lankan community—despite the nominal ruling that all children of such unions assumed the father’s ‘ethnicity’—and continued intermarriage threatens to lead to its disappearance.100

Current African-Asian Identity

Until the recent interest shown in them by ‘Diaspora scholars,’ Indian Sidis possessed little awareness of being ‘African’ or of pan-Sidi cause.101 The overwhelming tendency of African-Asians to seek a local Asian identity runs counter to the desire of ‘Diaspora scholars’ to awake an African-Asian diasporic consciousness. Reacting to the burgeoning interest in the African Diaspora outside the Americas, and possibly provoked by Edward Blyden’s comment that ‘The countless caravans and dhow-loads of Negroes who have been imported into Asia have not produced, so far as we know, any great historical results,’102

96 Alpers, “comments”. 97 Ali, African Dispersal, 225–6. 98 Basu, “Indian Sidi”. 99 Reid, “Introduction,” 13, 25–6. 100 Jayasuriya, “Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”. 101 Prashad, “African-Dalits”, p. 195; Cooper, “Within South Asia”; Obeng, “Sur- vival Strategies.” 102 Blyden (1880), quoted in Shepperson, “Introduction”, p. 4.

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academic ‘essentialists’ have since 1982 joined Joseph Harris’ search for the African-Asians and their ‘African’ heritage.103 Scholars of this ‘Diaspora’ are backed by politicians whose purposes it serves. In the belief that Sidis were genetically supremely gifted for sports, the Indian government Sports Authority in 1987 established a special programme to recruit and train them for international competition. The strategy failed due, according to government spokespeople, to poor Sidi motivation.104 Again, upon Nelson Mandela’s visit to India, Gujarati Sidi goma dancers sporting so-called traditional exotic ‘African’ costumes (peacock feathers) were summoned to perform before the visi- tor. Bollywood has subsequently portrayed them in the same costumes to embellish ﬁlms.105 Such external pressure carries social, political and economic risks for African-Asians precisely because it accentuates their ‘foreign’ and often ‘slave’ origins. Afﬁ rmative action programmes aim at promoting the status of ‘African’ communities in the West and its historic enclaves, such as South Africa, do not exist in most of Asia. The much vaunted exception, the recognition in India of some Indian Sidis as a ‘Sched- uled Tribe’, is not certain to improve their lifestyle.106 By contrast, some might argue that the best way to promote the status of African-Asians is to downplay their differences from, and promote their integration into, local society.

Conclusion

In contrast to the Americas, where communities of African descent either underwent creolisation or developed an ‘African’ diasporic consciousness, the overwhelming majority of people of African-Asians quickly, and often deliberately, shed consciousness of their African origins, and sought assimilation into local society where they assumed a new ‘local’ ethnicity. Individual slaves sought to forge linkages not with other slaves but with slaveholders who alone could ameliorate their conditions and

103 Prashad, “African-Dalits,” 189–201; Wilson, “Conceptualizing the African Dias- pora,” 118–22; Alpers, “African Diaspora in the Northwestern Indian Ocean,” 62–81; Alpers, “Recollecting Africa,” 83–99; Rashidi, “African Presence in India”; Obeng, “Survival Strategies.” 104 Drewal, “Aliens and Homelands”; Cooper, “Within South Asia.” 105 Shroff, “Sidis and Parsis”; see also Fernandes, ms. 106 Singh, “Letter From Mumbai”; Drewal, “Aliens and Homelands.”

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station. Currently identifiable African-Asians, often the product of the nineteenth-century slave trade, are equally undergoing assimilation. Vestiges of cultural origin, such as the Zār healing ceremony practised by ex-slaves in the Gulf, are insuffi cient basis for a separate consciousness to be maintained.107 Indeed, most African-Asians continue to deny an African, and instead affi rm, a local Asian identity.

References

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THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TO ASIA AND THE INDIAN OCEAN ISLANDS

R obert O. C ollins *

A bstract

Unlike the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade the transportation of slaves from Africa to Asia and the Mediterranean was of great antiquity, but the intense historical interest in the Trans-Atlantic Trade for the past two hundred years has overshadowed the study of the Asian slave trade which, until this past decade, has been largely ignored despite the fact that the total number of Africans exported to Asia was spread out over thousand years (between 800 AD and 1900 AD) but has been estimated at approximately the same as the number of Africans sent to the Ameri- cas in four and a half centuries i.e. 12,580,000. This paper describes the African slave trade to Asia across the Sahara Desert, over the Red Sea, and from the coast of East Africa, and how this trade was conducted in each of these regions. History is not a social science, but a member of the humanities family. It is the search of every available source using any discipline to narrate a story and not bound by any rigid theoretical or methodological concepts. In the compilation of this essay, I have employed the latest information and interpretations on the African slave trade to Asia to write the history of that institution as to what happened, where, when, how and why.

Introduction

Unlike the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade the transportation of slaves from Africa to Asia and the Mediterranean was of great antiquity. The ﬁ rst evidence was carved in stone in 2900 BCE at the second cataract depicting a boat on the Nile packed with Nubian captives for enslavement in Egypt. Thereafter throughout the next ﬁ ve thousand

* Department of History, University of California at Santa Barbara, California 93106, USA. E-mail: [email protected].

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years African slaves captured in war, raids, or purchased in the market were marched down the Nile, across the Sahara to the Mediterranean, or transported over the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean to Asia. The dynastic Egyptians also took slaves from the Red Sea region and the Horn of Africa known to them as Punt. Phoenician settlements along the North African littoral possessed African slaves from the immediate hinterland or slaves from south of the Sahara forced along the established trans-Saharan trade routes to the Mediterranean markets. The Greeks and the Romans continued the ancient Egyptian raids into Nubia and sent military expeditions from their cities along the southern Mediterranean shore that returned with slaves from the Fez- zan and the highlands of the Sahara. African slaves, like those from Europe, were used in the households, ﬁ elds, mines, and armies of Mediterranean and Asian empires. However, it should be noted that Africans formed only a modest portion of the Roman slave community as the abundant supply from Asia Minor and Europe became more than adequate for the economic and military needs of the empire. Not surprisingly, African slaves were more numerous in the Roman cities of the Mediterranean littoral. There can be no reasonable estimate of the number of slaves exported from Africa to the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East, and the Indian Ocean before the arrival of the Arabs in Africa during the seventh century of the Christian Era. Between 800 and 1600 the evidence for the estimated volume of slaves is more intuitive than empirical but better than none at all. One can only surmise that during the previous four thousand years when slaves were a common and accepted institution in most African societies those slaves marched across the Sahara or transported over the Red Sea and Indian Ocean to Asia during these eight hundred years must have been a considerable number. Until the seventeenth century the evidence is derived mostly from literary sources whereby maximum and minimum numbers can at best be extrapolated given the paucity of direct data. There is a considerable amount of indirect evidence from accounts of the trade, population, and the demand for black slaves for military service from which general but not unreasonable estimates of the Asian slave trade can be proposed. When European states directly entered the world of international trade in the seventeenth century, the estimates of the number of slaves become increasingly reliable. There is a striking similarity between the total estimated number of slaves exported across the Atlantic and those sent to Asia. The trans-Atlantic trade carried an estimated 11,313,000

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million slaves from 1450 to 1900. The Asian trade numbered an estimated total of 12,580,000 slaves from 800 to 1900. The important difference between the Trans-Atlantic and the Asia slave trade, however, is the time span in which the exportation of slaves took place. The eleven million slaves of the Trans-Atlantic trade were exported to the Americas in only four hundred years, an intensity that had dramatic effects on the African societies engaged in the trade. The twelve and a half million slaves exported to Asia during eleven centuries obviously did not have the same traumatic impact experienced on the western African coast in just four centuries of the Trans-Atlantic trade. During three hundred years, 1600–1900 for which there is more credible evidence, the volume of the Asian trade is estimated at 5,510,000 slaves, half that of the Trans-Atlantic. At the end of the Napoleonic wars during the fi rst half of the nineteenth century an extensive plantation economy was developed on the East African coast and the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and the Mascarenes in the Indian Ocean that required greater numbers of slaves from the interior. In a brief spasm of fi fty years until the impact of the European abolitionists after 1860 dramatically restrained and then ended the trade to Asia, the eastern African slave trade was more reminiscent of the West African experience than in any of the preceding centuries. Until the arrival of the Portuguese on the coasts of sub-Saharan Africa in the fi fteenth century, Islam was the only ideology to introduce a more systematic regulation of slavery in Africa. By the tenth century the Arabs, who had conquered North Africa, the Middle East, and Persia, had absorbed the historic institution of slavery, but as Muslims they shaped the ancient traditions of slavery to conform to the religious laws and practices of Islam. Their legal defi nitions and treatment of slaves, however, was more a modifi cation in the status and function of a slave than any fundamental change in the practice of involuntary servitude. The slave remained property to be used as the master wished as an agricultural laborer, soldier, domestic, concubine, or even a high offi cial, a wazir. Thousands of slaves were taken in the holy wars, jihad, during the expansion of the Islamic world, for their enslavement was legally and morally justifi ed because they were not Muslims but unbelievers (kafi rin) who were expected to abandon their traditional religions and embrace in slavery the true faith. Islam recognized that Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians required a special status. They were “People of the Book,” the Bible, the Talmud, and the Avesta (Pure Instruction) who acknowledged one supreme deity, God, Allah, or Ahura Mazda. Consequently, they were regarded as protected minorities (dhimmis) who

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were not to be enslaved, their property safeguarded, and permitted to practice their religion freely so long as they paid a special tax ( jizya). In reality, Christian, Jew, and Zoroastrian all were regularly enslaved in the tumult of war, raids, or piracy where legal distinctions disappeared before passion, bigotry, and avarice. As the Islamic empire expanded slaves came increasingly from conquests of non-Muslim Africans on the frontiers of Islam for slave markets in the Arab Middle East where women and children were more pliable and therefore more likely to accept Islam. Young women became domestics or concubines for the harem; young men were trained for military or administrative service. Except for the constant demand of the Moroccan sultans in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for young men as slave soldiers, mature males and women were preferred to perform the menial tasks of fi eld and household under harsh conditions and a short life and had to be continuously replaced by newly acquired slaves, preferably females. Since the young were absorbed into Muslim society and the old per- ished, the need for constant replenishment of slaves was not impeded by race or color. The only criteria for the Muslim was that the slave be pagan, and since African traditional religions were unacceptable, sub-Saharan Africa became the most important source of slaves for the Muslim merchants who established elaborate commercial networks to transport them out of Africa across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean. In order to justify slavery Europeans frequently argued that conversion to Christianity, the religion of the plantation owners, would by example bring civilization and salvation to slaves otherwise condemned to eternal damnation. Islam, however, imposed upon the Muslim master an obligation to convert non-Muslim slaves in order for them to become members of the greater Islamic society in which the benefi cence of the afterlife was assumed. Indeed, the daily observance of the well-defi ned Islamic religious rituals was the symbolic and out- ward manifestation of the inward conversion without which emancipation was impossible. Unlike Christianity and African religions the act of emancipation was explicitly defi ned in Islamic legal tradition that enabled the slave to become immediately free rather than the lengthy African generational process of acceptance by social assimilation. Con- version also enabled slaves to perform different functions unknown in the slavery of the New World. The Arab conquests had produced a far-fl ung empire of many ethnicities whose common denominator was Islam administered by a vast bureaucracy that required slave offi cials

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Table 1 Estimates of African slave exports from Africa, across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ocean, 800–1900 and 1600–1900. Trans-Saharan African Slave Exports:

Period 800–1600 4,670,000 1601–1800 1,400,000 1801–1900 1,200,000

800–1900 Total 7,270,000

African Slave exports across the Red Sea:

Period 800–1600 1,600,000 1601–1800 300,000 1801–1900 492,000

800–1900 Total 2,392,000

African slave exports across East Africa and the Indian Ocean:

Period 800–1600 800,000 1601–1800 500,000 1801–1900 1,618,000

800–1900 Total 2,918,000

African Slave exports across the Sahara, Red Sea, East Africa and the Indian Ocean (800–1900)

Total 12,580,000

Slave Exports across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ocean (1600–1900)

Total 5,510,000

Source: Paul E. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, Tables 2.1, 2.2, 3.7, 7.1, 7.7.

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and slave soldiers loyal to the state, for their status was dependent upon their master and his religion. These slave offi cials were frequently empowered to have authority over free members of the state. Often Muslim slaves became highly specialized in commerce and industry through the acquisition of skills in the more advanced technology of the Islamic world than in Africa or even on the sugar plantations of the Americas. Women also occupied a different status in Islam than in African or Atlantic slavery. Islamic law limited the number of legal wives to four, the sexual appetite of men being satisfi ed by the number of concubines they could afford. Slave women were given as concubines to other slaves, to freed slaves, or to the master’s sons. The relationship between the male master and the female slave, however, was clearly defi ned in theory by the legal Islamic sanctions that applied to emancipation. A concubine became legally free upon the death of her owner. If she bore him children, she could not be sold and her children were free, but in practice they had a lower status than children of free wives.

Trans-Saharan Slave Trade

Although the numbers of the slave trade to North Africa and Asia are more a benchmark from which extrapolations can be disputed, there is no doubt that there was a constant demand for slaves in the Islamic world. Until the fi fteenth century, the export of slaves across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean was believed to be relatively constant, numbering between 5,000 and 10,000 per year throughout these many centuries whose modest numbers mitigated the impact of the loss among African societies. The estimate of the number of slaves, 4,670,000, exported across the Sahara between 800 and 1600 can only be but a reasonable guess based on diffuse direct and indirect evidence acceptable for lack of a better fi gure. Whether more or less, there was a demonstrable demand for slaves from sub-Saharan Africa that resulted in continuous contact between the Muslim merchants, who organized the trans-Saharan slave trade, and the rulers of the Sudanic states, who supplied them. The presence of Muslim traders had a profound infl u- ence at the courts of African kings. They not only conducted commerce but also introduced literacy and Islamic law as it pertained to their transactions, principally slaves. Although the Bilad al-Sudan stretched from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, there were only six established

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vertical routes across the Sahara that resulted in well-deﬁ ned markets at their terminals in the Sudan and North Africa. There was the Walata Road from ancient Ghana to Sijilmasa in Morocco; the Taghaza Trail from Timbuktu at the great bend of the Niger north to Taghaza and Sijilmasa or to Tuwat and Tunis; the Ghadames Road from Gao on the lower Niger to Agades, Ghat, Ghadames, and Tripoli; the Bilma Trail or the Garamantian Road that left the Hausa states at Kano and Lake Chad north to Bilma, Murzuk in the Fezzan, and on to Tripoli; the Forty Days Road or the Darb al-{Arbain from El-Fasher in Darfur north to the Nile at Asuyt; and the route furthest east that began at Suakin on the Red Sea, swung southwest to Sennar on the Blue Nile, and thence followed the Nile to Egypt. There was also a vigorous and often ignored lateral east-west trade which connected the great market towns of the Sahel overland and on the Niger River along which slaves were moved laterally for sale locally by dyula traders or to the larger markets in one of the Sudanic termini of the trans-Saharan trade. Like the Atlantic trade, the largest number of slaves did not come from the same region throughout the millennium of the trans-Saharan trade, and although a very important source of revenue, the savanna states of the western and central Sudan were not dependent upon the slave trade for their rise, expansion, and decline. They were important suppliers of slaves but not at the expense of their political and cultural independence. Slaves associated with the gold and salt trade and the Ghana wars had long been taken from the headwaters of the Senegal and Niger rivers up the Walata Road to Sijilmasa in Morocco. During the three hundred years (1235–1492) of the Keita dynasty and the expansion of the Empire of Mali slaves were captured south of the Niger and from its headwaters to Gao where they were exported from Timbuktu up the Taghaza Trail or less frequently from Gao up the Ghadames Road. The Songhai Empire (1492–1599) succeeded that of Mali when Sunni Ali of the Songhai established his authority over the whole of the middle Niger River valley. His wars and those of his suc- cessors produced a substantial increase in the number of slaves exported across the Sahara in the sixteenth century partially to offset the loss of revenue from the declining gold trade. When the Moroccan army crossed the Sahara to conquer Songhai in 1591, the large number of Songhai captured produced an ample supply of slaves in the markets of North Africa before returning to the historic pattern of the past. Further east in the central Sudan west of Lake Chad during the same century the Kingdom of Bornu acquired an excessive number of slaves

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The Trans-Saharan Routes

during its wars of expansion under Idris Alawma (c.1571–1603) who were exported up the Bilma Trail to Tripoli. The mai (kings) of Bornu utilized this historic route that had been established many centuries before by the Saifawa dynasty in Kanem. In the nineteenth century the largest number of slaves to cross the Sahara had shifted from the western and central Sudan to the two routes for the Nilotic slave trade, the Forty Days’ Road (Dar al-{Arbain) from Darfur and the route from Sennar to Nubia and Egypt. The estimated 1,200,000 slaves exported across the Sahara in the nineteenth century, compared to 700,000 in the eighteenth, can only be explained by the increase taken from the Upper Nile basin, for the numbers exported from the states of the western and central Sudan had steadily declined.1 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (1601–1800) the trans-Saharan trade steadily increased to some 700,000 in each century or sixty-seven percent of the total exported across the Sahara in the preceding eight hundred years. This estimated average of 7,000 per year for these two centuries, based on limited evidence, may be greater than the real numbers, but the indirect evidence reasonably concludes that there was a considerable supply of slaves from the

1 Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa, second edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 24–29.

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savanna and Sahel because of drought and warfare. When the rains did not come, the fi elds were barren and the free cultivators vulnerable to slavers when wandering the countryside in search of food. In order to survive they often enslaved themselves voluntarily to those with something to eat. These two centuries also experienced the dissolution of the old Sudanic empires into petty states whose warlords carried on interminable warfare with local rivals that produced an abundance of captives who became slaves. The extent of suffering from drought or war was painfully measured by the increase in the number of slaves during these two centuries. Between 1639 and 1643 a serious drought spread from the Senegam- bia to the great bend of the Niger. After a period of adequate rainfall the severe dry years returned during the last quarter of the seventeenth century. Desiccation in the Bilad al-Sudan proved worse in the next century. A major drought brought famine to the middle Niger valley from 1711 to 1716 and again during the early 1720s, but the great drought of the eighteenth century on the Niger and in Senegambia lasted from 1738 to 1756. Bornu in the central Sudan suffered correspondingly in the 1740s and 1750s. Thereafter sporadic and localized years of little or no rainfall were recorded from 1770–1771 at Timbuktu, 1786 in the Gambia, and during the 1790s in the central Sudan. The wars that followed the fragmentation of the old empires were characterized by Muslims against non-Muslims, Muslims who claimed to be Muslims but did not practice orthodox Islam, and Islamic jihads led by holy men against infi dels and those they regarded as renegade Muslims. The historic goal of Muslims was to convert unbelievers to Islam and the enslavement of them for conversion was both legally and morally correct. These reasons, however, were often a euphemistic rationale for the warlord to resolve the problem of replacing the natural loss of slaves by exploiting new sources or whose sale would provide revenue for him and the state. The organized razzia became commonplace with a variety of offi cial names, ghazwa or salatiya in Darfur and Sennar for instance, to be carried out more often than not by slave soldiers. Some of the enslaved were retained, women as concubines, men as soldiers or agricultural laborers, but a far greater number were sold, and for most warlords slaves, after direct taxes, were the greatest source of his revenue. During the innumerable petty wars among the Hausa city- states Muslim prisoners were illegally sold for the trans-Saharan trade along with non-Muslims to the dismay and condemnation of Islamic jurists. Further west on the middle and upper Niger and the plateau of

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the Senegambia the distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim was more well-defi ned, but this did not inhibit the Muslim reformers from leading their followers, talibes, in holy wars against apostate Muslims who were enslaved when they refused to accept Islam as practiced by dogmatic Muslim clerics or the political authority of the theocratic Islamist states they founded. Those who supplied slaves for the trans-Saharan trade were not always Muslims. The powerful Bambara pagan state of Segu established on the Niger southwest of Timbuktu was a major supplier for the trans-Saharan trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The hunting associations of young Bambara men were easily transformed into mercenaries to loot for petty warlords or organized bands to raid for panache and profi t. Slave soldiers were the largest contingent in the armies of the Bambara and in the states of the Senegambia where they collected taxes, held administrative offi ces, and were often the powerbrokers at the royal court. The reduction in the number of slaves crossing the desert that accompanied the steady decline of the established trans-Saharan trade in the nineteenth century was offset by the astonishing growth of the Nilotic slave trade. In 1820 the army of the able and dynamic ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, invaded the Sudan. Although nominally the viceroy of the Ottoman sultan, Muhammad Ali was in fact an independent ruler whose armies had conquered the Hijaz and its holy cities, Mecca and Medina, and advanced through Palestine to the frontiers of Syria at great human and material expense to his army and government. He therefore invaded the Sudan to exploit its gold to replenish his treasury and to enslave the pagan Sudanese to rebuild his army and succinctly summed up his purpose to his commander in the Sudan. “You are aware that the end of all our effort and expense is to procure Negroes. Please show zeal in carrying out our wishes in this capital matter.”2 Hitherto the Funj Kingdom of Sennar had exported some 1,500 slaves per year to Egypt. Muhammad Ali wanted 20,000. A military training camp was constructed at Isna and a special depot to receive slaves from the Sudan at Aswan. From the administrative capital at

2 Muhammad {Ali to sar-I {askar [Commander-in-Chief ] of the Sudan and Kordofan [Muhammad Bey Khusraw, Saftardar], 23 September 1823 in Hill Egypt in the Sudan 1821–1881, p. 13.

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Khartoum the Egyptian governor-general organized military expeditions up the Blue and White Niles to enslave the Nilotes. By 1838, despite heavy losses from disease and hardship on the march down the Nile and across the Nubian Desert 10,000 to 12,000 slaves reached Egypt every year. Under pressure from the British government the Ottoman sultan and the khedive of Egypt ofﬁ cially declared the slave trade illegal in the Commercial Convention of 1838, but on the Nile the trade shifted from the Egyptian government to an elaborate private commercial network constructed by Muslim merchants to continue and expand the trade throughout the upper Nile basin. By the 1870s tens of thousands of slaves were exported to Egypt and to Arabia from ports on the Red Sea, and although the numbers dramatically declined during the years of the Mahdist State in the Sudan (1881–1898), the Red Sea trade only came to an end after the Anglo-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan in 1898.

Table 2 Estimated slave exports across the Sahara 1600–1900 and its percentage of the total Asian trade 1600–1900.

Period Period Period

1600–1700 % 1701–1800 % 1801–1900 % Total & Percentage Trans-Saharan: 700,000 12.7 700,000 12.7 1,200,000 21.7 2,600,000 47.1

Source: Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, Tables 3.1, 7.l.

The Red Sea Slave Trade

The Red Sea slave trade was ironically older than the trans-Saharan. The dynastic Egyptians regularly sent expeditions to the Land of Punt, the coasts of the Red Sea and northern Somalia, to return with ivory, perfumes, and slaves. Slaves were undoubtedly among the commodities exported from Africa to Arabia across the Red Sea and the Gulf of Arabia during the centuries of Greek and Roman rule in Egypt. Between 800 and 1600, the direct evidence remains scanty, but the numbers of slaves transported to Arabia were not large and localized rather than organized. An estimated guess has been 1,600,000 slaves were exported during this period or an annual average of 2,000 slaves per year. The sources of slaves for the Red Sea trade were limited to Nubia, the Nile north of its conﬂ uence at the modern capital of

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Khartoum, and Ethiopia but the total Red Sea trade amounted to only thirty-four percent of the trans-Saharan trade during these same eight hundred years. The ports were few, Aidhab in Egypt until destroyed by the Ottoman Turks in 1416, Suakin in the Sudan, and Adulis (Mas- sawa) in Ethiopia. During the seventeenth century the Red Sea export trade appears to have been a steady but modest number of 1,000 slaves per year. The estimated number of slaves increased in the eighteenth century to some 2,000 slaves annually from Ethiopia and the Nile valley that was, however, only a symbolically small portion of the increasing world wide export of African slaves that continued into the nineteenth century. Throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries Darfur in the Nile basin sent several thousand slaves per year to Egypt but also to the Red Sea through Sennar on the Blue Nile and thence east along the established trade route to Suakin. The Funj Kingdom of Sennar itself exported some 1,500 slaves per year until conquered by the forces of Muhammad Ali in 1821. Thereafter, Egyptian government razzias and later in the century powerful merchant-adventurers organized the Nilotic trade for Egypt, but they also sent a substantial number of Sudanese slaves to Arabia through the Red Sea ports which the Egyptian government controlled. Slaves in the upper Nile basin were captured by the private armies (bazinqir) of these merchants that raided as far as Dar Fertit in the west and southwest into the kingdoms of the Azande and Bagirmi deep in equatorial Africa. These same centuries also experienced an increase in the slave trade from the Ethiopian highlands. Slavery in Ethiopia had been an accepted institution in the long history of that Christian kingdom, and slaves had regularly been sent to the Yemen and Arabia from the ancient port of Adulis that later became Massawa. Although there had been constant conﬂ icts throughout the centuries between Christian Ethiopians in the fertile highlands and the Muslim Somalis on the arid plains below, it was not until the sixteenth century that the famous Imam of Harar, Ibrahim al-Ghazi, known as Grãn, the left-handed, and his Somali warriors ravaged Ethiopia, destroying churches, monasteries, and enslaving large numbers of Ethiopian Christians until he was killed in 1543 by Portuguese musketeers who had arrived to defend the emperor and his Christian kingdom. Thereafter Muslim control of the Red Sea continued to insure a dependable supply of Ethiopian slaves through Massawa during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when the centralized authority of imperial Ethiopia collapsed. Known as the Masafant, the

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period of judges, Ethiopia dissolved into anarchy for two hundred years during which the rival warlords of the nobility obtained many slaves in their petty wars and razzias. They retained some slaves for agriculture and domestic chores selling the surplus captives to Muslim merchants. In the nineteenth century strong emperors returned internal stability to Ethiopia, but they waged continuous warfare on their frontiers against the Egyptian government, whose armies raided the border hill country, while the Muslim Galla (Oromo) pillaged southwestern Ethiopia for thousands of slaves who were exported across the Gulf of Arabia from the Somali ports of Berbera and Zeila. Children, girls, and young women were particularly prized in the Ethiopian trade outnumbering males two to one and commanding three times the price in the mar- ketplace. During the ﬁ rst half of the nineteenth century the Ethiopian Red Sea trade peaked at 6,000 to 7,000 slaves each year numbering an estimated 175,000 exported in the second quarter of that century.

Table 3 Estimated slave exports from Red Sea, 1600–1900, with the percentage of the total Asian trade 1600–1900.

Period Period Period Period

1600–1700 % 1701–1800 % 1801–1900 % 1600–1900 Total Percentage

Red Sea: 100,000 1.8 200,000 3.6 492,000 8.9 792,000 14.4

Source: Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, Tables 3.1, 7.1.

East African and the Indian Ocean Slave Trade

During the centuries of the early Christian Era Greek traders had been making their way down the coast of East Africa where they conducted a proﬁ table trade that included slaves. The Greek mercantile presence in the Indian Ocean did not survive the dominance of Rome in the Mediterranean, but trade on the East African coast was continued as in the past by merchants from Arabia, Persia, India, and China who plied the waters of the Indian Ocean on the monsoon winds of the Sabaean Lane. The Arabs brought goods from Asia—cloth, porcelains, glassware, and hardware—and after the seventh century Islam. They returned to Asia with ivory, gold, rhino horn, spices, and always slaves, called Zanj (Blacks), for ﬁ elds, mines, armies, and households. The Arabs

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were followed by the Persians and the Chinese who traded on the East African coast during the Sung (1127–1279) and the Ming (1368–1644) dynasties for ivory, rhino horn, and tortoise shells that were highly valued in the Orient and a few slaves mostly as concubines. Although there is Arabic, Persian, and Chinese documentation and the writings of Arab geographers and travelers about East Africa and its trade, there is little direct evidence as to the number of slaves exported to Asia until the nineteenth century. By extrapolation with the slave trade in the Red Sea an estimate of 1,000 per year throughout the centuries until the eighteenth does not appear unreasonable. At the end of the eighteenth century there are records of the number of slaves (2,500 per year) from the mainland that passed through Kilwa to the French sugar and coffee plantations on the Mascarene Islands and slaves exported from Mozambique to Cape Town and Brazil to add another 4,000 to 5,000 per year from the historic ports of the East African coast.3 This was a dramatic increase from the last three decades of the eighteenth century but only the harbinger of the massive numbers exported during the ﬁ rst half of the nineteenth century.

Table 4 Estimated slave exports from East Africa 1600–1900 with the percentage of the total Asian Trade 1600–1900.

Region Period Period Period Period

1600–1700 % 1701–1800 % 1801–1900 % 1600–1900 %

East Africa: 100,000 1.8 400,000 7.3 1,618,000 29.4 2,118,000 38.4

Source: Lovejoy, Transformations in African Slavery, Tables 3.7, 7.3.

In the ﬁ rst decade of the nineteenth century 80,000 slaves are estimated to have been brought from the interior of East Africa. Over a third (30,000) were retained on the coast; the other 50,000 were shipped to the Asian mainland (Arabia, Persia, and India), the Mascarene Islands, and the Americas. During the next four decades the decline in the Mas- carene trade was offset by a regular increase in the number of slaves sent to the Americas, mainly Brazil that reached a high of 100,000 per decade during the 1830s and 1840s thereafter to experience a drastic decrease to a trickle by mid-century. During this same ﬁ rst half-century the export trade from the East African coast to the Asian mainland

3 Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 61–62.

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IRAN Cairo Basra Shiraz

Sirat Hormuz I.

ARABIA Banbhore Medina Muscat Cambay Jiddah OMAN Red Sea Mecca Aydhab Arabian Sea Gulf of Cambay Bombay Suakin INDIA Adulis Sana Goa Aksum SABEA Mocha ui Arabian Gulf Malabar e GuardafSOCOTRA Aden Cap Zeila Laccadive Is. Berbera N N O O O O Harar S S N N Webe O Sh O e M b M el R e E R Maldive Is. R E . T N M I

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R N . W Merca Mogadishu S Brava Indian Ocean Malindi Mombasa Seychelles PEMBA T ZANZIBAR SUMMER EQUATORIAL CURREN Amirante Is.

MAFIA

The Indian Ocean, Red Sea, and the Sabaean Lane

experienced a modest but fi rm increase to a high of 65,000 per decade in the 1850s and 1860s until 1873 when the Sultan of Zanzibar was forced by the British government and its navy to ban all trade in slaves by sea. Despite the British intervention at Zanzibar the retention of slaves to work the growing number of plantations on the East Afri- can mainland coast rose an average twenty percent per decade from 35,000 slaves in the fi rst decade of the century to a high of 188,000 for the 1870s at a time when the Indian Ocean trade was fi rst restricted and then suppressed. When confronted by the infl uence of British abolitionists and the power of the Royal Navy, the slaver traders brought fewer slaves out of Africa, yet from 1890 to 1896 as many as 16,000

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reached the coast, a good number of whom were smuggled across the Indian Ocean.4 This spectacular increase in the nineteenth century East African slave trade was caused by the development of plantations that required large numbers of unskilled labor on the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba where Arab immigrants from the Hadhramaut and Oman and Swahili entrepreneurs from the mainland had planted extensive plantations of cloves, coconuts, and grain. The Swahili traffi c in slaves from the mainland to the offshore islands dates from the late sixteenth century when patrician Swahili families, the Nabhany of Pate and the Mazrui from Mombasa, acquired estates on Pemba and Zanzibar at the end of the sixteenth century. The fertile soils and timely rainfall of Pemba, in particular, produced suffi cient rice and cereals to become the granary for the whole of the Swahili coast throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Under the leadership of Sultan Sayyid Sa{id, who arrived in Zanzibar from Oman in the 1820s, cloves were being exported by 1827, and thereafter the island became the principal supplier to the international market. The clove, like cotton, is a labor- intensive crop, that required an ever-increasing supply of slaves, and it is no coincidence that the demand for slaves was greatest during the peak of clove production in the 1860s and 1870s. Ironically, the needs of the nineteenth century plantation economy of East Africa for slaves were similar to those in the Americas that produced the expansion of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the eighteenth century. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slaves for the East African coast and Asia came mainly from the hinterland of the Zam- bezi valley controlled by the Portuguese. By the nineteenth century the sources of supply had shifted north where African traders, the Nyamwezi and the Yao, brought slaves to the coast from the interior of Lakes Tanganyika and Nyasa (Malawi). Kilwa, which had been reduced by the Portuguese to a commercial backwater, now became the principal slave entrepôt for the Zanzibar clove plantations supplying nearly ninety-fi ve percent by 1866. After the prohibition against exporting slaves across the Indian Ocean in 1873, Kilwa continued to supply slaves for the mainland plantations by marching them up the coast.5

4 Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 155–156. 5 Cooper, Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa, pp. 115–130.

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During the early decades of the nineteenth century Arab and Swa- hili traders from the East African coast developed a second route for slaves and ivory using the historic road into the interior that led them to the Africans living in the vicinity of the great equatorial lakes of Tanganyika and Victoria. Their success brought them into competition with the Nyamwezi and Yao traders and precipitated hostility with the Africans of the lakes who at ﬁ rst supplied slaves only to be taken as slaves themselves by the heavily armed agents of the coastal merchants. The interior of eastern Africa erupted in raiding and petty wars from which the African victims became slaves in these local struggles between rival warlords, traders, and warrior bands known as the ruga-ruga. The ruga-ruga had ﬂ ed north in the 1840s and 1850s from the intense warfare of the Zulu in southern Africa in the 1830s, the years of destruction known as the Mfecane, to plunder, loot, and add to the insecurity of the East African interior that made slaves readily available south of the Lake Plateau of East Africa.

Table 5 Estimated slave exports from East Africa 1800–1900 and the percentage of the total Asian trade 1800–1900. Regions Volume East African Trade Asian Trade (percentage) (percentage) Arabia, Persia, India 347,000 21.4 10.5 South-east Africa 407,000 25.1 12.3 Mascarene Islands 95,000 5.9 2.9 East African Coast 769,000 47.5 24.6 Total 1,618,000

Source: Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, Table 7.7.

Summary and Conclusions

The history of slavery in Africa and the slave trade cannot be measured only in terms of numbers or statistics of the slave trade which obscure the complexities of the system and the enormity of the misery that accompanied the institution. Yet numbers do serve their purpose for they quantify to give a means, no matter how sterile, to understand this otherwise incomprehensible human tragedy of mankind. There are pitfalls to avoid in reading the numbers. There was, of course, no trade

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The World of the Swahili

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with the Americas until they were discovered at the end of the fi fteenth century, yet slaves had been taken out of Africa across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and East Africa for many centuries before Columbus. Their numbers can only be estimated, precariously, from indirect evidence and extrapolation after the coming of the Arabs from 800 to the great surge in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade in the seventeenth century at some seven million or less than 9,000 per year This fi gure is not very helpful, for the number of slaves taken to the Mediterranean and Asia varied dramatically in time and place. Not until the seventeenth century did evidence, direct and indirect, permit greater certainty as to the estimated numbers of slaves taken out of Africa. From 1600 to 1900 the Trans-Atlantic and the Asian slave trades together systematically exported 16,414,000 slaves from Africa of which 10,904,000 slaves were taken to the Americas, and 5,510,00 slaves were taken to the Indian Ocean islands and Asia. This represents a total annual average of 54,715 slaves per year or over 36,347 exported every year across the Atlantic and another 14,000 yearly to Asia. In Africa there are no statistics but many accounts and oral traditions confi rm that the slave trade and slavery were very much a part of African life until the 1930s. Thereafter numerous incidents of slavery have been reported to the present day and involuntary servitude remains under new names, but after 5,000 years the institution of slavery as a system has come to an end to leave behind myths and truths. The historic obsession with the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and slavery in the Americas has often obscured the trade to Asia and slavery within Africa. Slavery was as indigenous to Africa as to Europe and Asia. Slavery was an institution in most African societies, and its abolition came later than in the Americas. The international system of slavery tied the Americas, Africa, and Asia together, and the task of emancipation was not complete until slaves were as free in Africa as in the Americas.

References

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A lpers , E. 1967 East African Slave Trade, East African Publishing House: Nairobi. 1975 Ivory and Slaves: Changing Patterns of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century, Berkeley: University of California Press. (ed.) 2005 Slave Routes and Oral Tradition in Southeastern Africa, Maputo, Mozambique: Folson Entertainment. B arth , H. 1896 Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, Duallop: New York. B eachey , R. W. A. 1976 Collection of Documents on the Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, New York: Barnes & Noble. 1976 The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, New York: Barnes & Noble. B ennett , N. R. 1978 A History of the Arab State of Zanzibar, London: Methuen. B ovill , E. W. 1995 The Golden Trade of the Moors, intro. Robert O. Collins, Markus Wiener: Princeton. B riggs , L. C. 1960 Tribes of the Sahara, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. B rode , H. 2000 Tippu Tip, trans. H. Havelock, Zanzibar: Gallery Publications. B urckhardt , J. L. 1822 Travels in Nubia, Association for promoting the discovery of the interior parts of Africa. London. B urton , R. F. 1872 Zanzibar, London: Tinsley Bros. C aillié , R. 1830 Travels Through Central Africa to Tiimbuctoo, and Across the Great Desert to Morocco, London: H. Colburn & R. Bentley. C ampbell , G. (ed.) 2004 The Structure of Slavery in the Indian Ocean, Africa, and Asia, London: Frank Cass. C larence -S mith , W. G. ( ed .) 1989 The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century, London: Frank Cass. 2005 Abolition and Its Aftermath in the Indian Ocean, Africa, and Asia. London: Rout- ledge. C ooper , F. Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa. New Haven: Yale University Press. C ordell , D. D. 1988 Dar al-Kuti and the Last Years of the Trans-Saharan Slave trade, Madison: Uni- versity of Wisconsin Press. C oupland , R. 1961 East Africa and its Invaders from the Earliest Times to the Death of Seyyid Said in 1856, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1969 The Exploitation of East Africa 1856–1890: the slave trade and the scramble, London: Faber. C osmas I ndicopleustes 1897 The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk, trans. J. W. McCrindle, London: Hakluyt Society. D as G upta , A. 2001 The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant, 1500–1800, New York: Oxford University Press.

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D uarte B arbosa 1866 A Description of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century, trans. H. E. J. Stanley, London: Hakluyt. D uyvendak , J. J. L. 1949 China’s Discovery of Africa, London: Arthur Probsthain. F arrant , L. 1975 Tippu Tip and the East African Slave Trade, New York: St. Martin’s Press. F oster , W. ( ed .) 1949 The Red Sea and Adjacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century, London: Hakluyt Society. F reeman -G renville , G. S. P. 1962 The East African Coast, Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century, Oxford: Clarendon Press. G ordon , E. 1973 Slavery and the Slave trade in Zanzibar, London: African Publication Society. G ray , J. M. 1962 History of Zanzibar from the Middle Ages to 1856, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. G ray , R. 1961 A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839–1889, London: Oxford University Press. H arris , J. 1971 African Presence in Asia: Consequences of the East African Slave Trade, Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. (ed.) 1993 Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, Washington, D.C.: Howard Uni- versity Press. H asan , Y. F. ( ed .) 1971 Sudan in Africa, Khartoum: Khartoum University Press. H ikoichi , Y. 1976 The Arab Dhow Trade in the Indian Ocean, Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. H ill , R. L. 1959 Egypt in the Sudan, 1820–1881, London: Oxford University Press. 1970 On the Frontiers of Islam, Clarendon Press: Oxford. 1980 The Europeans in the Sudan, 1834–1878, Oxford: Clarendon Press. H ourani , G. F. 1963 Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and early Medieval Times, Princeton: Princeton University Press. H unwick , J. and E. T routt -P owell 2002 The African Diaspora in the Mediterranean Lands of Islam, Princeton: Markus Wiener. I bn B attuta 1962 Travels of Ibn Battuta, (trans.) H. A. R. Gibb, New York: Cambridge Uni- versity Press. I ngrams , W. H. 1998 Arabia and the Isles, London: Kegan Paul International. K ammer , A. 1947–1952 La mer Rouge, l’Abyssinie et l’Arabie depuis l’antiquité, Société Royale de Géograhpique d’Égypte. L ovejoy , P. E. 1986 Salt of the Desert Sun: a history of salt production and trade in the Central Sudan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2000 Transformations in Slavery: A history of slavery in Africa, New York: Cambridge University Press. (ed.) 2004 Slavery on the Frontiers of Islam, Princeton: Markus Wiener.

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L unde , P. and A. P orter ( eds .) 2004 Trade and Travel in the Red Sea Region, Oxford: Archaeopress. M aamiry , A. H. 1988 Omani Sultans in Zanzibar, 1832–1964, New Delhi: Lancers Books. M angalaza , E. 2000 La route des esclaves, Paris: L’Harmatttan. M artin , E. B. 1978 Cargoes of the East: the Ports, Trade, and Culture of the Arabian Seas and Western Indian Ocean, London: Elm Tree Books. M auny , R. 1961 Tableau géographique de l’ouest africain au moyen âge, Dakar: Mémoires de l’Institut Français d’Afrique Noir, no. 61. M owaﬁ , R. 1981 Slavery, Slave Trade, and Abolition Attempts in Egypt and the Sudan, 1820–1882, Lund: Scandinavian University Books. N achtigal , G. 1971–1987 Sahara and Sudan, trans. A. G. B. Fisher and H. J. Fisher, New York: Barnes & Noble. N ibbi , A. 1981 Ancient Egypt and Some Eastern Neighbours, Park Ridge, NJ: Noyes Press. N wulia, M. 1987 The History of Slavery in Mauritius and the Seychelles, 1810–1815, Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickerson University Press. P otts , J. 1949 The Red Sea and Adjacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century, London: Hakluyt Society. R akoto , I. 1987 L’esclavage à Madagascar, Antananariva: Institut de Civilisations Muséed’est et d’archéologie. R eyna , S. P. 1990 Wars without End: the political economy of a precolonial African State, Hanover, N.H.: University of New England Press. R igby , C. P. 1935 General Rigby, Zanzibar, and the Slave Trade, London: Allen & Unwin. S aid R uete , R. 1929 Said bin Sultan Ruler of Oman and Zanzibar, London: Alexander-Duseley. S avage , E. ( ed .) 1991 The Human Commodity: Perspectives on the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade, London: Frank Cass. S heriff, A. 1987 Slaves, Spices, and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East Africa Commercial Empire in the World Economy, 1770–1873, London: James Currey. 2001 Afro-Arab Interaction in the Indian Ocean: Social Consequences of the Dhow Trade, Cape Town: Centre for Advanced Studies of African Societies. T alhami , G. H. 1979 Suakin and Massawa under Egyptian Rule, 1865–1885, Washington, D.C.: University Press of America. T eelock , V. 1998 Bittter Sudgar: Sugar and Slavery in Nineteenth Century Mauritius, Moka, Mau- ritius: Mahatma Gandhi Institute. T ippu T ip 1974 L’autobiographie de Hamed ben Muhammad el-Murjebi Tippo Tip, trans. François Bontinck, Bruxelles: Académe royale des sciences d’outre-mare.

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V aughan , M. 2005 Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth Century Mauritius, Durham, NC.: Duke University Press. W alz , T. 1978 Trade Between Egypt and the Bilad As-Sudan, 1700–1820, Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Cairo. W illis , J. R. ( ed .) Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, London: Frank Cass.

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THE MAKRAN-BALUCH-AFRICAN NETWORK IN ZANZIBAR AND EAST AFRICA DURING THE XIXTH CENTURY

B eatrice N icolini *

A bstract

Throughout the western Indian Ocean during the XIXth Century there were not just one, but people from many regions, merchandise and slave routes. They were generally divided in two main monsoon directions: one from East Africa and the Red Sea to Arabia, to India and to South East Asia, and the other in the opposite direction; consequently, slaves were not only black Africans, but also Asians.1 African slaves were imported in great numbers annually from East Africa to Oman, travelling on Arab dhows (sanbuq). Around the fi rst half of the XIXth Century there was an extensive commerce of slaves from Ras Assir (“The Cape of Slaves”) and Pemba, and many African people were bought with cloth and dates on Zanzibar and Pemba Islands, enslaved, and transported to the Arabian Peninsula where they were mainly engaged in fi shing pearls in the Per- sian/Arab Gulf.2 Slaves also became lords of African “reigns”, as they were considered to be more loyal than anybody else within their clans and tribes. In this regard, Omanis used to recruit mercenary troops also from the Baluch tribes, who developed a long-lived military tradition, representing a real element of power within Omani areas of infl uence in East sub-Saharan Africa. This article examines the role played by the Makrani-Baluch tribes during the XIXth Century’s sub-Saharan East African apogee with the Omanis, and their infl uence on the social, political and economic level giving special attention to slavery.

* History and Institutions of Afroasian countries, Faculty of Political Sciences, Catho- lic University of the Sacred Heart, Milan—Italy, email: [email protected]. 1 B. Nicolini, “The 19th century Slave Trade in the Western Indian Ocean: the Role of the Baloch Mercenaries”, in Carina Jahani, Agnes Koru, Paul Titus (Eds.), The Baloch and Others: Linguistic, historical and sociopolitical perspectives on Pluralism in Balochistan, Wiesbaden (Reichert) 2008, 81–106. The transliteration of Arabic names here follow a simpliﬁ ed system of the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Cd Rom Edition, Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden, 1999. 2 From now on the Persian/Arab Gulf will be referred to as the Gulf.

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Introduction

In the Indian Ocean religious elements, such as Hinduism in India, Buddhism in the Malaysian-Indonesian Archipelago, and the spread of Islam through short as well as long-distance trade routes, strongly infl uenced, and in many cases, modifi ed the concept and use of slavery. The social, political and economic functions of slaves were generally: a) domestic patriarchal, b) productive-agricultural (bonded labour directed into intensive wet crop agriculture); c) military administrative. Within the Islamic world, armies of slave-soldiers came from Central Asia, mainly Turkish peoples from the Caucasus and from the Steppes till their islamization; while domestic slaves came chiefl y from the coastal strip of East Africa.

Methodology

This article evaluates the cultural synthesis of different local realities through fi eldwork and, at the same time, integrates this with the archival and bibliographical research that lies at the basis of the work itself. In this respect, the new historical perspective which tends to the relations between the coasts, islands and interior of the continents no longer a state of incommunicability, isolation and stasis but rather an intense and dynamic movement of peoples, goods and ideas—with marked effects on local societies—is also to be considered an extremely valid tool in providing a more complete and up to date interpretation of events. It is well known that studies in the history of the western Indian Ocean can no longer be considered merely as hagiographic reconstructions, but must take into consideration a number of historical political institutional aspects. These include: the presence of different ethnic, social and religious groups together with the affi rmation of Arab-Omani domination between the end of the XVIIIth and start of the XIXth Century; the fundamental infl uence of the Indian mercantile and other Asian communities; the impact with the Swahili populations of the East African coast and the sub-Saharan areas. All of these factors must, naturally, also be considered in relation to links with Europe.

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Slavery in the Western Indian Ocean

Oman occupies the southeast corner of the Arabian Peninsula and is located between latitudes 16° 40' and 26° 20' north and longitudes 51°–50' and 59° 40' east. The coastline extends 1,700km from the Strait of Hormuz in the north, to the borders of Yemen in the south and overlooks the Arabian Gulf, Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea. The total land area is approximately 309,500 square kilometres and it is the third largest country in the Arabian Peninsula. Oman’s territory has a varied topography, consisting of plains, deserts, mountain ranges and oases. The rock matter is predominantly sedimentary and is rich in metallic mineral deposits, such as copper, chromite and gold. The two main mountain ranges are the Hajar range, running from Musandam to Ras al Hadd; and the Qara range in Dhofar, which attracts the light monsoon rains during the mid-summer months. Around 82% of Oman consists of desert. Most conurbations arise on the coast. There are many caverns in Oman and the country is home to one of the largest caves in the world, Teyq Cave, which is 250 metres in depth, 300 million metres in size. It is thought that the cave was formed as a result of several chambers collapsing due to erosion. There are several islands located in Oman’s waters, the largest of which is Masirah in the southeast which is accessed by sea. The climate differs from one area to another. It is hot and humid in the coastal areas in summer; while it is hot and dry in the interior with the exception of the higher mountains, which enjoy a moderate climate throughout the year. Rainfall is generally light and irregular; although heavy rains and thunderstorms can cause severe ﬂ ooding. In the south, the Dhofar region has a moderate climate and the pattern of rainfall is more predictable with heavy monsoon rains occurring regularly between May and September. Average temperatures for the north of Oman are 32 to 48°C. from May to September; 26 to 36°C from October to April. Due to the monsoon season, June to September, Dhofar in the south of the country maintains a fairly steady year-round temperature of around 30 to 35°C. The average rainfall in Muscat is 75mm. In the Jebel al Akhdar region, the average rainfall can be from 250mm to 400mm. The monsoon season in Dhofar can bring rainfall of between 100 and 400mm. From the descriptions of travel accounts by Europeans during the XIXth Century, the picturesque bay of Muscat was a semicircle, enclosed by the mountains and with rocks dropping down to the sea on

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which fortifi cations had been built to watch out for keeping a lookout for enemies. The town was surrounded by hills and rung round with walls and, with a green valley beyond the shore, it was a pleasant place. The hinterland of Muscat is so mountainous that, in the XIXth Century, it could only be reached on camel or donkey back. Just outside the town, the coast is mainly desert, hilly and desolate. African slaves were imported in great numbers annually from East Africa to Oman, travelling on Arab dhows (sanbuq). In the fi rst half of the XIXth Century there was an extensive commerce of slaves from Ras Assir “The Cape of Slaves” and Pemba, and many African people were bought with cloth and dates on Zanzibar and Pemba Islands, enslaved, and transported to the Arabian Peninsula where they were mainly engaged in pearl fi shing in the Gulf. They were forced to dive forty times a day or more and their mortality was high. Slaves also became lords of African “reigns”, as they were considered by their masters to be more loyal than anybody else within their clans and tribes. In this regard, Omani Arabs used to recruit mercenary troops also from the Baluch tribes, who developed a long-lived military tradition, representing one of the real elements of power within Omani areas of infl uence in East sub-Saharan Africa. This paper examines the role played by the Makrani-Baluch tribes during XIXth Century’s sub-Saharan East African apogee with the Arabs from Oman, and their infl uence on the social, political and economic level with special attention to slavery. It is important to emphasize that the Islamic Arab world’s perception of slavery as an economic and power policy was entirely different from that of the Christian West which had undersigned the Holy Alliance and strove for abolition. In Islamic society, unlike many others, slavery was not prohibited. It even fi nds precise dispositions in its support in the Koran: the equality of all men before God implies clear duties also in regard to slaves, but not the suppression of slavery itself, even though it is severely forbidden to reduce another Muslim to the state of slavery. In terms of rights, no political or religious function may be performed by a slave, but owners may delegate to slaves any responsibility or task related to the exercise of their authority. Thus, the slaves of important individuals enjoyed a privileged status and could often attain higher positions of power than free men, the cases of slaves themselves becoming princes not being entirely exceptional, either. In the context of Islam, slavery is a highly-structured concept, regulated down to the smaller detail by the civil and criminal codes. As a result,

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it is difﬁ cult to pass judgement on the moral or physical condition of slaves in the Islamic African world as compared to those in other societies. Conditions obviously varied, and there were certainly those who attempted to escape, but there is no doubt that this institution lay at the very foundation of the entire Islamic society of the cosmopolitan commercial empire ‘founded’ on the seas by an Omani Sultan: Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid (1806–1856). Moreover, as we have noted, it was inevitable that there would have to be a clash with the Christian West, as represented by Great Britain, over this question.3 From the Islamic religious point of view slaves are considered per- sons, but being subject to their masters they are not fully responsible, and they are at the same time a thing.4 Slavery can originate through birth or through captivity, if a non-Muslim who is protected neither by treaty nor by a safe conduct falls into the hands of the Muslims. Slaves can get married: the male slave may marry up to two female slaves; the female slave may also marry a free man who is not her owner, and the male slave a free woman who is not his owner. The marriage of the slave requires the permission of the owner; he can also give the slave in marriage against his or her will. The permission implies that the master becomes responsible with the person (rakaba) of the slave, for the pecuniary obligations that derive from the marriage, nuptial gifts and maintenance. Minor slaves are not to be separated from their near relatives, and in particular their parents, in sale. The children of a female slave follow the status of their mother, except that the children of the concubine, whom the owner has recognised as his own (umm walad ), and this was the case of the numerous sons of the Omani Sultans during the XIXth Century, is free with all the rights of children from a marriage with a free woman. And this rule has had the most profound inﬂ uence on the development of Islamic society. The Islamic law of slavery is patriarchal and belongs more to the law of

3 On the history of slavery in Islamic African societies, amongst the many, see Lovejoy, The African Diaspora: Revisionist Interpretations of Ethnicity, Culture and Religion under Slavery; Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa; Lovejoy, Africans in Bondage: Studies in slavery and the slave trade in honour of Philip D. Curtin; Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya; Pouwels & Levtzion (Eds.), The History of Islam in Africa; see the papers presented at the Confer- ence on Slavery, Islam, and Diaspora, H. Tubman Resource Centre on the African Diaspora, Department of History, York University, Toronto, Canada, 24–26 October, 2003 where it was considered that comprehensive study on slavery was needed. 4 Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, p. 127; Sheriff, “The Twilight of Slavery in the Persian Gulf ”. pp. 23–37.

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family than to the law of property. Apart from domestic slaves, Islamic law takes notice of trading slaves who possess a considerable liberty of action, but hardly of working slaves kept for exploiting agricultural and industrial enterprises. On Swahili coast slavery was mainly characterised as an open and very much absorptive system, although during the XIXth Century the majority of slaves from the interior such as Unyanyembe and the Great Lakes region were destined to cultivations, and consequently totally excluded from any chance of paternalistic generosity from their masters. The search for a better life on Zanzibar and on the Swahili coast was tempted by slaves in many ways: those who were outside the master’s household worked in the master’s mashamba—from the French champ, or ﬁ eld, that is the plantations5—and were expected to take care of their subsistence, cultivating a small plot of the mashamba; the more privileged cultivated by themselves a small piece of land, paying an annual or monthly tribute to their master.6 Vibaruna were hired slaves, mainly in urban centres; they were extremely poor, but in some cases joined Hadrami Arab’s caravans and succeeded in modifying their humiliating conditions of life. The trading slaves, mafundi, craftsmen, reached a decent level of dignity, but they remained under strict control of their master, and ‘illegal’ or personal initiatives were severely punished. In Africa slaves were thought of as less than human and, even when they embraced Islam—Sunni and never Ibadi as only the Arabs of Oman—were thought of as being less than Muslims. The burning question of slavery went hand in hand with another and no less relevant factor.7 In the sub-Saharan East African regions, and in the eastern Mediterranean, there was no local ‘peasant class’ that could be employed on the new cultivations which European demand had induced rich landowners to introduce and which were proving to be both extremely successful and proﬁ table (sugarcane, rice, copal, vanilla, pepper, cardamom, nutmeg and, especially on Zanzibar, cloves). Consequently, the use of slaves for tilling the land and other

5 Lodhi, Oriental Inﬂ uences in Swahili. A Study in Language and Culture Contacts, pp. 46–47. 6 Glassman, Feasts and Riot, Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856–1888, pp. 79–114. 7 On the lively debate on the question of slavery, amongst many, see Heuman, Slavery, The Slave Trade, and Abolition, in Winks (Ed.), Historiography, The Oxford History of the British Empire, pp. 315–326.

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heavy labour on the plantations had become a question of routine; in other words, when England undertook her crusade against slavery, it was precisely this most miserable section of society which constituted the economic foundations of the entire region. We also agree with Barendse that trade and tribe relationships between Swahili coast and Makran littoral during the second half of the XIXth Century were pre-existing to the power of the Al Bu Saxid of Oman, and highly inﬂ uenced by the role of Indian—both Hindu and Muslim—merchant communities all over the region of the western Indian Ocean, who became extremely rich and powerful.8 Therefore, within this framework, the Makran-Baluch presence along the Swahili coast, apparently was closely related to their military and mercenary role within the tribes of Oman, further on developing in trading in East Africa, but this is an interesting hypothesis which requires further research. From the end of the XVIIIth Century, and for all of the XIXth, it was precisely these tribes of pillaging warriors who protected, hid, supported and faithfully defended the Al Bu Saxid of Oman, thanks also to the tribal structure and clan family relationships of their society which, traditionally nomadic, could count on both ‘Makran’, on the today’s Iranian and Pakistani coasts, and ‘peninsular’ and ‘continen- tal’ solidarity. From the accounts of travellers, explorers and British ofﬁ cials of the time—as well as from Archive documents sources—we see emerge among other Baluch tribes in Africa the Hot, the Rind and the Nousherwani.9 The Baluch tribes from Makran, a very tough people, very skilled in the use of weaponry, adaptable to climate change and environmental conditions, were pushed from the extreme misery of their country towards Persia and towards the coasts of Arabia. Here, they offered themselves as soldiers, sailors and bodyguards for a salary that, though even modest, could represent the difference between life and death for themselves and their families. During the XIXth Century the condition of life of these people was so hard that the British explorer Sykes wrote: “they are adscripti glebae and in miserable conditions, nominally receiving a third of the crop . . . only enough to keep body and soul together”.10 During

8 Barendse, The Arabian Seas: The Indian Ocean World of the Seventeenth Century. 9 Miles, Notes on the Tribes of Oman by L.C.S.B. Miles, p. 94. 10 Sykes, Ten Thousands Miles in Persia, p. 108.

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the XVIIIth and XIXth Centuries the Baluch were known to Brit- ish agents as ‘ferocious freebooters’, and they protected and hid the ‘Arabs’ of Oman in their desolate lands; they were mainly employed on the dhows of the Muscat rulers, or sent on military expeditions in the Omani deserts.11 Zanzibar is an archipelago made up of Zanzibar and Pemba Islands, and several islets. It is located in the Indian Ocean, about 25 miles from the today’s Tanzanian coast, and 6° south of the equator. Zanzibar Island (known locally as Unguja, but as Zanzibar internationally) is 60 miles long and 20 miles wide, occupying a total area of approximately 650 square miles. At that time the island of Zanzibar was administered by governors representing Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid and exercised all power on his behalf. The military support which furnished these representatives with absolute authority over the island and its affairs, consisted of special troops of proven trustworthiness, that is to say, the Baluch corps closely tied to the Al Bu Saxid by fundamentally economic agreements. The local governors also had the support of the local, autochthonous Swahili aristocracy, mainly merchants. These came under the mwinyi mkuu, subdivided into diwan, jumbe, wazee; and were tied to the Omani elite by mutual interests in the exploitation of the resources offered by the island and the eastern shores of Africa.12 This mercantile empire, with Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid moved its economic and political centre of gravity to Zanzibar, making control of the neighbouring islands and the nearby African coast one of the cornerstones of its vast system of interests. Many years later, the English explorer Richard Burton, would claim that: “If you play the fl ute in Zanzibar it will sound as far as the Great Lakes”.13 Without a shadow of a doubt, European rivalry in the Gulf and the western waters of the Indian Ocean from the start of the XIXth Century on, combined with related upheavals in power and strategy, had a decisive impact also on the deviation of the maritime routes followed by this immense commercial traffi c mainly based on human fl esh.

11 Hourani, Arab Seafaring, p. 89. 12 Glassman, The Bondsman’s new clothes: the contradictory consciousness of slave resistance on the Swahili Coast, pp. 277–312. 13 A claim that has been interpreted in many conﬂ icting ways. Nicolini, Makran, Oman and Zanzibar: Three Terminal Cultural Corridor in the western Indian Ocean (1799–1856).

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Clearly, however, the ability and modernity of Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid in exploiting such political contingencies was also to carry a certain weight. Within this framework of trade, commerce, bargaining, confl ict and struggle for the control of trade in this or that valuable merchandise, the island of Zanzibar inserted itself with the dynamism of its offi cials, merchants, cunning adventurers and slaves. Turning once again to the question of slavery, we must remember how the very backbone of Zanzibar’s economy at this sensitive stage in its rise was formed precisely by slaves, the key element in both the local economy and the immense wealth of its merchants. These, therefore, were the foundations on which Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid and the Indian mercantile communities built their great commercial emporium in the face of inevitable confl ict with the English in the Gulf over the question of piracy. The contrast is self-evident between the two, profoundly different ways of perceiving objectives and strategies. On the one hand, we have an ‘Arab’ merchant prince and his traditional court of advisers, warriors, merchants and slaves and, on the other, we have Great Brit- ain which, greatly infl uenced by marked public pressure, decides to launch a crusade against the slave trade and traders. In other words, an undertaking which has the aim of tearing up from the roots the real economic foundations of the entire western Indian Ocean region and of revolutionising both the traditional mechanisms of local power and traditional culture itself. We thus have a confl ict between the force of superior technology and military power of the Europeans and the cunning and ambivalence of the merchant prince of Muscat and Zan- zibar, Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid, conscious though he was of his own military weakness. Since 1800, when Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid received the model of a 74-gun ship as a present from the visiting British envoy, Major-General John Malcolm (1769–1833), from the start he recognised the importance of cultivating British friendship. And this was a relationship valued too by Britain.14 In sub-Saharan East Africa during the XIXth Century, it was believed that slavery, if we go beyond the mere capture of human beings, was also caused by the tribes of the interior accumulating debts to the slaving

14 Davies, The Blood-Red Arab Flag. An Investigation into Qasimi Piracy 1797–1820, p. 55.

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merchants of the coast, as well as by the recurrent periods of drought suffered along the Mrima coast, sometimes along that part facing the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. In alternating phases, therefore, the populations ‘decided’ to travel to Zanzibar and there sell themselves into slavery.15 The slave trade practised along the East African shores had certain principal characteristics: the slaves did not come from areas of Swahili cultural infl uence, and were called mshenzi (pl. washenzi), that is to say, barbarians, uncivilised. They were not Muslims, as were all free Swahili within the domains of the Omani Arabs, and were the property of their owners, slavery being regulated by the principles of Koranic law. The slaves formed a separate caste. There were watumwa wajinga, not yet assimilated into the coastal populations, the wakulia, transported as children to Zanzibar, and, in this category, also the wazalia (pl. of mzalia), those generations born on the coast and fully acculturated into coastal Islamic culture. Those enjoying more privileged conditions were, naturally, the domestic slaves. Their relationship with their owners was more that of a member of the family than one of submission and they were called udugu yangu, my brother, and the women suria, concubines of their owners or nannies. As they were often entrusted with manual labour, household slaves thus became msimamizi, guardians, nokoa, kadamu, fi rst or second head slaves in the spice and coconut plantations on Zanzibar and along the coasts. Others had the task of leading caravans towards the interior. The slave of the mashamba hoed the fi elds, sieved copal and carried the merchandise to the ports. They could also be assigned a piece of land with which to support themselves, working there on Thursdays and Fridays, the two days of rest. They were also permitted, on payment of a tax, to get married.16 The demand for slaves came, primarily, from the various parts of the Arabian Peninsula, where the cultivation of date palms called for a continuous supply of labour, but also from western India, where they

15 Akinola, Slavery and Slave Revolts in the Sultanate of Zanzibar in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 215–228. 16 Clarence-Smith, The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Cen- tury: An Overview; Martin, Ryan, A Quantitative Assessment of the Arab Slave Trade of East Africa, 1770–1896; Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa; Alpers, The East African Slave Trade; Gray & Birmingham, Pre-Colonial African Trade: Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa before 1900; Manning, Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental and African Slave Traders.

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were employed in local oases and on sugarcane and tea plantations from Central Asia, where cotton was beginning to be grown, as well as from various regions of the Ottoman Empire and from the American continent. African slaves were also used as domestic help or in craftwork in rich families and at the Arab courts. The demand was especially high for young women and girls to serve in the home. Slaves destined for the courts were given special training in entertaining important guests with their singing and dancing. Another speciality was that of the eunuchs, held in particular esteem especially in the Ottoman Empire.17 These were mutilated without any regard being shown for hygiene, a fact refl ected in the survival rate for those transported from Africa of only one in ten. According to Islamic law, mutilation is forbidden inside the dar al-Islam, therefore, only slaves were mutilated, with some exemptions in Central Asia and in Persia. The eunuchs were highly priced, three times more than a slave, and reached high ranks within Islamic societies. The eunuchs were harim guardians, as well as guardians of everything sacred, like the Holy Places, such as Mecca. They retained great prestige and richness; black castrated slaves were powerful fi gures in the Ottoman Empire and eunuchs were highly respected within the whole of dar al-Islam being very close to Muslim sovereigns.18 Great Britain was the fi rst nation to undertake an international campaign with humanitarian goals. There remained, however, a weighty and complex knot to unravel. How could they combat slavery and, at the same time, ally themselves with the most famous and powerful protectors of the slave traders, such as Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid who, in their turn, obtained their greatest profi ts precisely from this trade in human fl esh? It was around this crucial question that relations during the XIXth Century between the Omani Arab Sultan, the East India Company and Britain revolved, a problem which animated lively political debate also within the various forces in play. The slave trade, therefore, represented a highly destabilising elements for British policy, not only on the political but also on a social and economic level. To this was added the imposing humanitarian

17 Clarence-Smith, Slavery and Islam, pp. 22 onwards; Toledano, Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. 18 Vercellin, Tra veli e turbanti. Rituali sociali e vita privata nei mondi dell’Islam, pp. 186–191.

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pressure brought to bear by public opinion in Britain which forced the Government to take decisive action with the speciﬁ c aim of putting an end to such trade.19

Connections between Seaboard Communities

During the XIXth Century, the growing effectiveness of British measures aimed at abolition caused a reduction in the availability of Afri- can slaves. This lack was, however, partly compensated for by Asiatic slaves, as shown by the commerce in Asian people from the coast of Baluchistan destined to be sold in the squares of Arabia during the fi rst decades of the XXth Century.20 And this was one of the alternative, and little studied, slave routes in the western Indian Ocean. At this point it is useful to indicate another, important factor which played a part in the impressive economic-commercial growth of Zan- zibar, as well as the labyrinth of suspicion, diffi dence, envy, misunder- standing and open confl ict between Britain and Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid of Oman. And here we come to that delicate and precious material which had been exported throughout the Orient since time immemorial: ivory.21 Since the II Century BC, ivory had been exported from East Africa to the Mediterranean. From the VIIth Century A.D., India and China emerged as the main markets for African ivory. Superior to Asian ivory in quality, consistency and colour, African ivory had followed the maritime routes of the Indian Ocean until the end of the XVIIIth Century, departing from Mozambique. New fi scal burdens and taxes, however, imposed by the Portuguese at the start of the XIXth Century and termed ‘suicidal’ by Sheriff,22 together with the mercantile ascendancy of France and Great Britain in the Indian Ocean, caused a shift in the

19 See the extensive archival documentation contained in Thomas Clarkson Papers e Liverpool Papers, The British Library, London. McCaskie, Cultural Encounters: Britain and Africa in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 665–689. 20 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Ofﬁ ce—Essential Records, Baluchistan Archives, Complaint about existence of Slavery in Baluchistan, from Capt. P. Cox, Consul and Political Agent, Maskat to Lieut. Col. C. A. Kemball, Agg. Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, 17th September, 1901, Political, 5–2/57. Nicolini & Redaelli, Quetta: history and Archives. Note of a Survey of the Archives of Quetta, pp. 401–414. 21 Ylvisaker, The Ivory Trade in the Lamu Area 1600–1870. 22 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Commercial Empire into the World Economy, 1770–1873, p. 81.

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ivory trade. The ports of Mozambique having been progressively aban- doned, the dealing and sale of this precious material would henceforth be conducted on the island of Zanzibar. Starting from the second decade of the XIXth Century, Europe entered the ivory market with its considerable demands. The splendid, shining African ivory, pure white and strong but at the same time easily worked, was increasingly sought after in the west for luxury items such as elegant elements of personal toilette, billiard balls, piano keys, elaborate jewels, fans, cutlery and clothing accessories. In that particular atmosphere of a fi n de siècle Europe increasingly fascinated by all things Chinese or exotic, ivory was a must. This is made crystal clear by the fact that British imports of ivory rose from 280 tons in 1840 to 800 in 1875. The economy of the East African interior thus witnessed an immense growth in the demand for pagazi, free men recruited from among the African tribes allied between each other (mainly Yao and Nyamwezi), and for slave porters.23 Women with small children were obliged by ‘Arab’ slave traders and Baluch soldiers and bodyguards to abandon their offspring in order to continue transporting elephant tusks. A complex exchange network soon developed between the interior and the coast, leading to the introduction of rice cultivation in the interior in those areas under Arab dominion such as Tabora, Nyangwe, in modern day northern Congo, and in nearby Kasongo. Later, thanks to the entrepreneurial ability of Tippu Tip, the greatest and most powerful slave trader of the XIXth Century,24 the borders of what had been identifi ed by the English as the Ottoman Empire, pushed further to the north-west into modern-day Rwanda and Burundi. At that time, “their movement was like a snowball”.25 Another wealthy protagonist in this chapter of Zanzibar’s history, Jairam Sewji, also profi ted greatly from this opening up to western markets. A member of the Topan family, who was the richest and most infl uential merchant in Zanzibar, personally fi nanced almost all of the

23 Rockel, “‘A Nation of Porters’: the Nyamwezy and the Labour Market in Nine- teenth-Century Tanzania”, pp. 173–195. 24 At the end of the XIXth Century, Hamed bin Muhammad Al Murjebi, nicknamed Tippu Tip, owned 7 mashamba and 10,000 slaves in Africa, a capital worth approximately 50,000 Maria Theresa thalers in total. Farrant, Tippu Tip and the East African Slave Trade. Tippu Tip’s family has not died out, the last descendant of this great XIXth Century slave and ivory trader was a doctor in Muscat, Oman in 1993. 25 Wilkinson, The Imamate Tradition of Oman, p. 60.

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caravan traffi c, accepting responsibility for all the risks and eventual losses this entailed. Throughout the fi rst half of the XIX Century, Jairam Topan represented the fi nancial and political kingpin of all activity occurring on Zanzibar (around the year 1840, for example, he had four hundred slaves in his personal service). As such, it was with him that Europeans and Arabs had to deal. A somewhat singular political-fi nancial phenomenon thus came into being, in the fi gure of Jairam Topan who concentrated Arab, Asian and European interests in his own hands, conducting as though with a baton the ancient, admirable and sophisticated system of commercial currents, connections and links of the western Indian Ocean.26 A further factor, and no less important than ivory, was the extraordi- nary and revolutionary expansion of clove cultivation on the island of Zanzibar. The creation of a new niche for agricultural exploitation on Zanzibar and Pemba was destined to transform the twin islands into a true commercial empire. According to English publications of the time, at the end of the eighteenth Century the introduction of cloves (Eugenya caryophyllata, of the Myrtacae, Myrtle family) altered completely the perceptions of the economic and commercial potential not, take note, in the eyes of the Europeans but in those of Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid and his Indian protégés. Since the II Century BC envoys from Java at the Han court of China had sucked cloves to sweeten their heavy garlic breath during audiences with the emperor. Clove plants, originating in the Moluccas, were fi rst exploited by the Dutch who grasped the commercial value of this precious, perfumed spice which also possessed medicinal properties. Around the year 1770, the French merchant, Pierre Poivre, succeeded in obtaining a few seeds with which to start a cultivation on the Mascarene Islands. It was, therefore, the French who, at the start of the XIXth Century, introduced cloves onto the island of Zanzibar. These initial attempts proved successful, the environment being perfectly suited to this cultivation which eventually led to Zanzibar being the primary producer of cloves in the world. From available English accounts, it appears that Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid decided to invest his wealth and energy in a project of this kind. Such

26 Nicolini, A Glimpse to Indian Merchant Communities in Zanzibar during 1800: the Topan Family through British Archival Sources, paper presented to the International Conference TADIA/UNESCO, The African Diaspora in Asia, Goa, January, 2006.

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a move required both courage and faith, as the plants take from seven to eight years to reach maturity and produce the fi rst blooms, and ten years for the fi rst crop. As budding does not occur at regular periods and the buds themselves must be removed before fl owering, harvesting occurs in three phases, between August and December. This requires numerous and skilled labour, especially as the plantations also need to be weeded in continuation.27 We must also bear in mind the fact that the cultivation of cloves was very similar to that of dates practised in Arabia and understood to perfection by the Arabs, who proceeded to acquire land on Zanzibar, mainly by expropriation to the coast of the Swahili. The management of land on Zanzibar was organised in three different categories: wanda, natural scrubland; kiambo, areas suitable for building upon; msitu, rural areas and lands surrounding villages. The legalised expropriation practised by the Arabs and a somewhat questionable interpretation of the juridical institution of usufruct often led to Swahili lands effectively being confi scated. The mashamba of the Sultan of Zanzibar, initially concentrated around Mntoni and Kizimbani, gradually grew to include Bumwini, Bububu and Chiwini. In 1835, Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid possessed as many as forty-fi ve mashamba on the island. Clove ‘fever’, with its high profi t on initial expenditure, produced a real ‘Arab’ landowning aristocracy, continually fi nanced by the Indian mercantile communities, that slowly replaced the old Swahili aristocracy. This did not, however, cause any kind of rupture, thanks to the dexterity of the Indian exponents who gradually involved the local African elite by delegating to them certain tasks and responsibilities, thus making them active participants in this major Indian Ocean business. On the coasts of the continent, on the contrary, society experienced signifi cant changes due to the massive infl ux of slaves from the interior and of Arabs and Asians from abroad (Tabora—a key site on the commercial route towards the heart of the continent—practically became an ‘Arab’ town with a considerable Baluch presence). Thus, profound differences developed between the cultural identities of the islands, on the one hand, and the continent on the other, where, from

27 The cultivation of cloves on Pemba was less successful than on Zanzibar due to a cyclone which destroyed most of the plants in the ﬁ rst decades of the XIXth Century. Bennett, A History of the Arab State of Zanzibar, pp. 28–29.

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the third decade of the XIXth Century onwards, the opening up of caravan routes wrought a true revolution in economic, military, social and cultural terms. This agricultural turning-point rapidly undermined the traditional order, and the plantations and slaves needed to cultivate them led to the phenomenon known as ‘clove fever’. Naturally, hand in hand with the growth of the plantations went an ever increasing demand for slaves. In 1811, of the 15,000 slaves that arrived on Zanzibar, 7,000 were destined for labour on the mashamba.28 By 1822 the plants had grown to a height of roughly four and a half metres. This ‘clove fever’, therefore, pushed the annual number of new slaves up from 6,000 at the start of the Century to 20,000 in the second half, and it was the clove plantations which would prove vital to Zanzibar’s economic growth. Profi ts, in fact, rose phenomenally from 4,600 Maria Theresa thalers in 1834 to 25,000 in 1840.29 For Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid, it was a triumph. Britain viewed the cultivation and exportation of tropical agricultural produce with an extremely favourable eye insofar as this could represent for oriental leaders a valid economic alternative to the slave trade. The increasing number of clove plantations on Zanzibar, however, also necessitated a notable increase in the labour force. High mortality rates on the mashamba meant that almost the entire workforce had to be replaced every four years which, as we have seen, created enormous problems and far reaching changes within East African society. The confi scation of the more fertile Swahili lands, the overwhelming infl ux of slaves and limited numbers of the Hadimu and Tumbatu tribes present on the island resulted in these latter being relegated to the very margins of society. In addition, the arrival of Arabs, Indians and Baluch drawn by this new and profi table market further exacerbated

28 Bhacker, Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar: Roots of British Domination, p. 128. 29 Clara Semple, The Society for Arabian Studies, London, afﬁ rmed that, since 1763, testimonies of German Crowns minted in Austria came from Yemen and, even earlier, from Jedda; many coins were sent on from Arabia to India during the XIXth Century. The silver content of the thalers was kept constant at 833.3/1000, therefore it was considered very reliable, unlike the Spanish dollar which was debased, although it had a higher silver content. Also the Maria Theresa thaler could not be ‘clipped’ because it had an elaborate edge inscription and this made it very popular—spreading throughout the western Indian Ocean even reaching Central Asian bazaars—and people soon began to trust it. Semple, Silver Legend, The Story of the Maria Theresa Thaler.

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the situation in the eyes of the English (in 1819 there were 214 Indians resident on the island). Maritime city state of the Swahili coast had always been sustained by intimate interaction with the non-Muslims of their rural hinterlands, and this contributed also to the consolidation of the coastal identity.30 During the fi rst half of the XIXth Century the demand for ivory came mostly from western India. The Omani Arabs exploited the old slave trade routes to the interior bringing new people to the coast of East Africa with Elephant tusks. The Mrima was the major source of ivory’s export for Zanzibar economy. The imports of cloths from India were given by the ‘Arabs’ as presents to main African chiefs of the interior and this represented a clear sign of prestige and superiority within their tribes, although agriculture remained for long periods the primary source of the Swahili coast, long before the booming introduction of commerce. Salted and smoked fi sh became an important item of trade: Zanzibar and Pemba islands soon developed the production of fi sh to provide the porters to the interior and for the very profi table exchange with ivory. Also copal resin’s demand grew during this period and was produced in Bagamoyo area and bought by the Indian traders, as well as mangrove poles for vessels to be taken to Arabia and to the Gulf. There were three major sets of slave and ivory trade routes to the interior often safeguarded by Baluch corps: 1) the ‘southern’ route from southern ports such as Kilwa to Lake Nyasa and the highlands of the south western interior where the Nyamwezi carried tusks and other goods; 2) the ‘central’ ivory route from Bagamoyo in west and northwest directions, where the caravan trade became progressively monopolised by the Omani Arabs and by the Indian merchants; 3) the ‘northern’ route, the Masai route from Mombasa and Malindi towards Kilimanjaro where the Mijikenda were ivory hunters together with the Kamba. The Saadani caravan route did not develop an Arab merchant community, while the Pangani route led to the foundation of Ujiji around 1840 and passed through the Bondei hills and along the foot of Usambara and Pare mountains, well watered and preferred by travellers from other towns of the northern Mrima; large quantities of ivory, pembe, of soft and high quality, came from Pare and the Rift valley, and this route became the second in importance after Bagamoyo. The Taveta trading station never became dominated by coastal Muslims, as it was too dangerous.

30 Glassman, Feasts and Riot, p. 33 on.

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The Nyamwezi caravan labour was cheaper than slave porters, and was seen as a way to proving manhood as initiation for young men. Caravans arrived usually in September and porters announced their approach by blowing horns and beating drums.

Mercenary Groups and Power Politics in the Western Indian Ocean

Another important item destined to change deeply the hinterland power balances was represented by fi rearms: during the fi rst half of the XIXth Century matchlocks began to appear in the hands of Omani mercenary troops, who, imported them from the Ottoman Empire and from Europe.31 The Shirazi, the Swahili important families, gradually ‘lost’ their power and were pulled apart by the Al Bu Saxid within the growing trade of Zanzibar, although they retained control of the northern caravan trade but the great wealth soon passed into ‘Arabs’ and ‘Indian’ hands. As the central route was the most controlled by Arabs, Tabora, near the heart of Unyamwezi, as we have seen above, became an ‘Arab’ town together with Ujiji. Here Baluch soldiers settled, intermarried, and soon became infl uencing fi gures. The impact of the Al Bu Saxid political power and of the Baluch military power in Zanzibar on the African hinterland was therefore destined to infl uencing the lives of East African men and women; considerable modifi cations underwent in traditional elite patterns of power relationships where client patronage perspectives never were to be the same, and where new actors were destined to emerging on the new western Indian Ocean scenario in its connections with the East African hinterland. In this regard, the ivory trade became a means of travel, adventure and wealth offering a way to modifying the status within the coastal communities. Everybody could share this ambition, but at the same time new tensions were introduced between Swahili rich families, struggling to preserve their precarious domination, and the demand of the ‘parvenus’ on whose support they relied.32

31 Nicolini, The Trafﬁ c of Arms and Ammunitions in the Gulf and in the Western Indian Ocean between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th Century, paper presented to the International Conference ‘The Global Gulf ’, Exeter University, Exeter, July 2006. 32 Glassman, Feasts and Riots, p. 78.

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Although Great Britain in 1815, represented by Lord Castlereagh (1769–1822) had convinced the European powers to sign the agree- ment for abolition of the slave trade, the Arabs felt themselves in no way bound to respect its terms, and least of all Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid. While Britain continued on its anti-slavery crusade, motivated by the more pragmatic purpose of weakening the growing mercantile fortune of the Omani Arabs and other oriental leaders—without foreseeing the enormous wealth that would result from the agricultural conversion introduced by Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid on Zanzibar —France, showing fewer scruples, took advantage of the situation to recapture some of its positions. To the English, Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid never allowed a chance to slip by to indulge in double-crossing. On the one hand he reassured the English, and on the other he courted the French with a view to them possibly supporting him against enemy Arab tribes on the islands of Mafi a and Kilwa and in Mombasa. The combination of these ideal conditions for the slave trade, furnished by the ‘Arabs’ in East Africa, was exploited to the full by French merchants. Under the Treaty of Paris in 1815, French had regained sovereignty over the island of Bourbon.33 The French explorer, Guil- lain, commented that: “rapports intimes qui continuaient d’exister entre l’Arabie et la côte orientale d’Afrique, où nous avons le commerce des esclaves avait lieu de temp immémorial”.34 A synergy thus developed between Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid and France of common interest in fi nding new ports and commercial bases. However, after taking the potential purchase of Zanzibar and Pemba into consideration, Paris instead turned its attention towards Madagascar.35 Given the by now unrivalled supremacy of the Royal Navy, backed also by the Bombay Marine in the western stretches of the Indian Ocean, and the defeats infl icted on the pirates of the Gulf, France did not really have any other choice.36

33 The Treaty of Paris, 20 November 1815, provided for the restitution of the island of Bourbon. Complete text in De Martens, Nouveau Recueil de Traités de l’Europe, Traité de Paix du 20 Nov. 1815 avec les Conventions Speciales, pp. 682 onwards. 34 Guillain, Documents sur l’Histoire, La Geographie et le Commerce de l’Afrique Orientale, p. 162. 35 Mosca, Il più bell’enigma del mondo: il popolamento dell’isola del Madagascar. Alcune riﬂ es- sioni in merito. 36 On 23 March 1819 the Government of Bourbon stipulated a secret Treaty with

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In 1817, Lord Hastings (1754–1826), the Governor General of Bengal from 1813 to 1823, proposed strengthening Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid and supporting his power policy in East Africa. The choice made by the Anglo-Indian Government was without doubt infl uenced by the diffi culties caused in that period by the continual raids of pirates in ‘oriental’ waters, by the commercial and political instability affl icting the entire region and, lastly, by the presence of the French who continued to represent a threat to Great Britain. From a study of English documents it can clearly be seen how the fi ckleness and political digressions of Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid were a constant cause for alarm among the British. They were perceived as constituting yet another element of insecurity in a region which was by this time the object of great interest and importance. Since a deter- mined line had to be adopted, Hastings’ decision represented a fi rm stance in favour of Al Bu Saxid Sultan as a political point of reference for Britain, also in relation to those regions of East Africa in which the Omani Arab dynasty exercised an indirect form of control. Throughout the XIXth Century the shame and humiliation of slavery in sub-Saharan East Africa had been imposed and exploited by numerous social groups for many lucrative purposes mainly originated from southern Arabia and western India. Amongst the many, the role played by the Baluch mercenaries coming from the southern coast of South-Central Asia, was identifi ed initially within the Omani Arab elite. The Makrani-Baluch came to East Africa as soldiers, warriors, and body guards of the Arab leading dynasties. Later on during the XIXth Century, we presume, the Baluch, called bulushi in Kiswahili, took gradually knowledge of lands and people, intermarried with African women, and became traders themselves. The presence of Asians in East Africa, often identifi ed by the available literature on the subject primarily with Indians, was therefore much more fragmented and diversifi ed, due to the exercise of power within Arab societies of the time, and to the richness of the western shores of the Indian Ocean.

the Sultan of Kilwa, under the terms of which French would provide military support to the Sultan in exchange for support in retaking Pemba, Zanzibar and the island of Maﬁ a from Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid for which the French would recognise the authority of the Sultan of Kilwa over the island of Pemba. This treaty was to remain only in French hands to prevent the Sultan from showing it to the English, but it never, in fact, came into effect. The Ministère de la Maison du Roi feared British naval superiority and, as a result of further political complications in Europe, the French decided not to place their relations with the increasingly important Saiyid Saxid bin Sultan Al Bu Saxid at stake.

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On the other side of the coasts of the western Indian Ocean, that is on South-Central Asian shores, slavery was practiced with similar patterns. During the second half of the XIXth Century, more precisely in 1874, a group belonging to the tribe of the Rind from eastern Baluch- istan bought domestic slaves at Gwadar;37 they came from the coasts of East Africa. This gave rise to a confl ict of interests between the Rind and the representative (Naxib) of the Khan of Kalat in Kej (today’s Tur- bat, capital of Makran); a confl ict which ended in bloodshed and saw the death of four members of the “blue-blooded tribe” of Baluchistan. Sir Robert G. Sandeman (1835–1892), the Deputy-Commissioner of Dera Ghazi Khan, affi rmed that the death of four members of the Rind tribe had nothing to do with the slave trade at Gwadar. Sande- man, as described by biographers of the time was very charismatic and ambitious, understood the psychology of intertribal relations much better than his Political Agents, his representatives, as, in his opinion, they were not able to identify the real causes of tribe confl icts between the members of the Baluchistan groups.38 In this regard he reminded: “domestic slavery is a time honoured institution in Baluchistan as in other eastern countries, and much of the land is cultivated by slave labour . . . at the same time it must be remembered that many of the ideas attaching to the word ‘slavery’, which are so repellent to civilized minds, are absent from the manners of the Baluch tribes”.39 This affi rmation by Sandeman could be interpreted in different ways: for example as eurocentrist and full of contempt for local populations. Nevertheless, the following elements suggested different interpretations of the “justifi cation” of slavery in Asia within a wider scenario: the strategic importance of Baluchistan within Anglo-Russian rivalry; the second Anglo-Afghan War (1878–80); the recent construction of the telegraph line which connected Calcutta to London (Indo-European Telegraph Line) after the political consequences of the Great Mutiny in India of 1857; the growing importance of the North West Frontier of British India; the need for defi nition of the borders between Persia and the Khanate of Kalat which begun with the Commission directed by

37 H.S.A.—B.A. A.G.G. OFFICE Records, File 292/1874 Misc., Slavery in Baluchistan. The Gazetteer of Baluchistan (Makran), Quetta, 1906 (repr. 1986), pp. 98–101. 38 Piacentini & Redaelli (Eds.), Baluchistan: Terra Incognita. A new methodological approach combining archaeological, historical, anthropological and architectural studies. 39 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Ofﬁ ce—Essential Records, From the A.G.G. to the Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department, Quetta, 25 March, 1884, Report n. 942; Selec- tions from the Records of the Government of India. Foreign Department, No. CCXI, First Administration Report of the Baluchistan Agency, Calcutta, 1886, p. 290.

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Sir Frederic Goldsmid in 1870 and ended with the sign of an Agree- ment in Teheran on 24 September in 1872.40 In 1877 Sandeman became the Agent to the Governor General and Chief Commissioner of Baluchistan. During the ﬁ rst years of the XXth Century, the British measures adopted against the slave trade contributed to diminishing the number of slaves from East Africa; to this reduction corresponded a new slave trade of Baluch origin, as testimonied by the trade in Asians coming from the coast of Baluchistan directed to Arabia to be sold in Arab markets during the ﬁ rst decades of the XXth Century.41 As clear proof, on 20 May 1903 the responsible Agent of Jask area sent a telegram to the Director of the Persian Gulf section in Karachi saying that: “a great number of them are brought to these places from the Kej district . . . not only Africans but low caste Baluchis are now being sold by petty headmen”.42 The poorest among the Baluch were sold as slaves, and the cause was the following: “the reason there is such a demand for slaves from these parts, is that the trade from the African Coast has been effectually stopped, and Baluchistan is the only place now open to them”.43 The Baluch were collected within the district of Kej and sent as slaves also in Persian territory.44 Baluch slave women had their heads totally razed, then covered with quicklime, so that their hair could not grow, rendering them perfectly unrecognizable to their own tribes, and forbidding them coming back to their places of origin.

Conclusion

To conclude, the role of Baluch mercenary groups within the slave trade in sub-Saharan East Africa was represented by a speciﬁ c ethnic group who was enslaved in South-Central Asia by other groups in a

40 Piacentini, Notes on the Defi nition of the Western Borders of British India in Sistan and Baluchistan in the 19th Century, pp. 189–203. 41 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce—Essential Records, Complaint about existence of Slavery in Baluchistan, from Capt. P. Cox, Consul and Political Agent, Maskat to Lieut. Col. C. A. Kemball, Agg. Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, 17th September, 1901, Political 5–2/57. 42 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, File 23, n. 1510, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from the Ass. Superintendent Jask Sub-Division to the Director, Persian Gulf Section, Karachi, Telegram dated 20th May, 1903. 43 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, File 23, n. 1510, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from the Ass. Superintendent Jask Sub-Division to the Director, Persian Gulf Section, Karachi, Extract of a Letter n. 11 dated 28th March, 1904. 44 H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from Russell, Under Secr. to the Gov. of India to the A.G.G. Quetta, 1903, File 23, n. 1510.

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much more powerful position; and this was a continuous process of shame and humiliation of weak and desperate people in this maritime part of the world, and a process of different perceptions held by various powers between the land and the seaboard areas.

Acknowledgement

I am grateful to Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya, King’s College, Univer- sity of London, for her comments on a previous draft of this article.

Abbreviations

A.G.G. : Agent to the Governor-General B.A. : Baluchistan Archives, Quetta, Pakistan C.O.Q.D.A. : Commissioner of Quetta Archives, Pakistan H.S.A. : Home Secretariat Archives, Quetta, Pakistan H.S.A.—B.A. A.G.G. OFFICE Records, File 292/1874 Misc., Slavery in Baluchistan. The Gazetteer of Baluchistan (Makran), Quetta, 1906 (repr. 1986), pp. 98–101. H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce—Essential Records, Baluchistan Archives, Com- plaint about existence of Slavery in Baluchistan, from Capt. P. Cox, Consul and Political Agent, Maskat to Lieut. Col. C. A. Kemball, Agg. Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, 17th September, 1901, Political, 5–2/57. H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce—Essential Records, From the A.G.G. to the Secre- tary to the Government of India, Foreign Department, Quetta, 25 March, 1884, Report n. 942; Selections from the Records of the Government of India. Foreign Department, No. CCXI, First Administration Report of the Baluchistan Agency, Calcutta, 1886, p. 290. H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, File 23, n. 1510, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from the Assistant Superintendent Jask Sub-Division to the Director, Persian Gulf Section, Karachi, Telegram dated 20th May, 1903. H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, File 23, n. 1510, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from the Assistant Superintendent Jask Sub-Division to the Director, Persian Gulf Section, Karachi, Extract of a Letter n. 11 dated 28th March, 1904. H.S.A.—A.G.G. Offi ce Confi dential, 1903–1905, Traffi c in Slaves from Kej to Persia, from Russell, Under Secretary to the Government of India to the A.G.G. Quetta, 1903, File 23, n. 1510.

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H ourani , G. F. 1995 Arab Seafaring, I ed. 1951, revised and expanded edition by J. Carswell, Princeton: Princeton University Press. L odhi , A. 2000 Oriental Infl uences in Swahili. A Study in Language and Culture Contacts, Göteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis. L ovejoy , P. 1983 Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa, “African Studies Series” 36. L ovejoy , P. 1986 Africans in Bondage: Studies in slavery and the slave trade in honour of Philip D. Curtin, Madison: African Studies Program. L ovejoy , P. 1997 “The African Diaspora: Revisionist Interpretations of Ethnicity, Culture and Religion under Slavery”, Studies in the World History of Slavery, Abolition and Emancipation. 2(1). M anning , P. 1990 “Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental and African Slave Traders”, African Studies Series. 5(2). M artin , E. B. & R yan , T. C. I. 1977 “A Quantitative Assessment of the Arab Slave Trade of East Africa, 1770–1896”, Kenya Historical Review. 5(1): 71–91. M c C askie , T. C. 1999 Cultural Encounters: Britain and Africa in the Nineteenth Century, in, Porter, A. (Ed.) The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 3, Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press. M iles , S. B. 1984 Notes on the Tribes of {Oman by L. C. S. B. Miles, 27 May 1881, in, Sirhan I. S. I. Sirhan (Ed.), Annals of Oman to 1728, Cambridge: The Oleander Press. M osca , L. 1994 Il più bell’enigma del mondo: il popolamento dell’isola del Madagascar. Alcune rifl es- sioni in merito, C.S.I.: Napoli. N icolini , B. & R edaelli , R. 1994 “Quetta: History and Archives. Note of a Survey of the Archives of Quetta”, Nuova Rivista Storica. 78(2): 401–414. N icolini , B. 2004 Makran, Oman and Zanzibar: Three Terminal Cultural Corridor in the western Indian Ocean (1799–1856), Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers. P iacentini , F. V. 1991 Notes on the Defi nition of the Western Borders of British India in Sistan and Balu- chistan in the 19th Century, in Scarcia Amoretti B.—Rostagno L. (Eds.), Yad Nama. In Memoria di Alessandro Bausani, 2 vols., Rome: 189–203. P iacentini , F. V. & R edaelli , R. ( Eds .) 2003 Baluchistan: Terra Incognita. A new methodological approach combining archaeological, historical, anthropological and architectural studies, Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. P ouwels , R. & L evtzion , N. ( Eds .) 2000 The History of Islam in Africa, Athens: Ohio University Press. R ockel , S. 2000 “‘A Nation of Porters’: the Nyamwezy and the Labour Market in Nine- teenth-Century Tanzania”, Journal of African History. 41: 173–195. S emple , C. A. 2005 Silver Legend, The Story of the Maria Theresa Thaler, Barzan Studies in Arabian Culture, 1, Manchester: Barzan Publishing.

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SOMALI MIGRATION TO ADEN FROM THE 19TH TO THE 21ST CENTURIES

L eila I ngrams* & R ichard P ankhurst **

A bstract

The links between the Somali Coast and Yemen are old, particularly the trade in goods, and the slave trade. The importance of trade between the Somalis and Aden under the British began because camel caravans were plundered from the hinterland to Aden and because of the annual fair at Berbera on the Somali coast. The result was a substantial Somali community building up in Aden. A Somali Autobiography is remarkable for its insight into the life of a Somali immigrant and gives a unique point of view of the lives of Somalis in Aden. Many reports, however, were written by British ofﬁ cials. Trade does still exist today, but much more signiﬁ cant is the arrival of Somali refugees landing on Yemen’s coasts. Many of these refugees contribute to the menial workforce in Yemen but the Yemen Government has a huge task in processing them through the “immigration system”.

Introduction

The main objective of this paper is to describe the Somali migration to Aden and to consider its effects. The period in question falls into several chronological phases: ﬁ rstly, the commercial migration in the course of trade especially to provide the garrison after the British occupation of Aden in 1839; secondly, the migration in search of employment in Aden and on ships sailing to and from that port; and thirdly, the migration in escaping from the breakdown of the Somali state and the subsequent eruption of civil war in the latter part of the 20th Century. The ﬁ rst part of the paper is based on travel literature and archival

* United Kingdom. Email: [email protected]. ** Institute of Ethiopian Studies, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Email: [email protected].

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sources. The second part uses oral histories including an autobiography of a Somali—a rare historical document—and interviews with Somalis and Yemenis in Aden. The Somali connection with the Yemeni port of Aden, is old, and owed much to trade, including the slave trade. Somalia is situated in the Horn of Africa. The British signed the ﬁ rst treaty with a Somali tribe in 1827. Further treaties, the main purpose of which was to provide facilities on the Somali coast for the East India Company’s ships, were concluded with the Sultan of Tajura and the Governor of Zeila in 1840. Aden, situated on the south-west corner of the Arabian Peninsula, was long regarded as the ‘Eye of the Yemen’, the organ through which the outside world was seen and through which foreign contacts were made. When the British seized control of Aden in 1839, from the Abdali Sultan of Lahej, their policy of encouraging trade with the Aden hinterland resulted in increasing the prosperity of Arab farmers, which in turn, fuelled Arab rebellion against the British occupation. Camel caravans laden with goods from the Aden hinterland and beyond came to the port under heavy guard for fear of being plundered. Roads to Aden remained closed for a time, but pressure on Aden was removed by the change in the monsoon, which opened trade with Mukalla and Shihr on the Hadhramaut coast. This coincided with the beginning of the important annual fair at Berbera on the Somali coast.

Aden and Berbera

Aden’s population in the 1840s was exceedingly mixed, and shifting, because of the port’s nature as a coaling station and garrison town. Somalis at that time constituted a large and growing fraction of the population. A few Somalis had regular employment at Aden, but many others came during the off-season at Berbera. The Somali population was then constantly changing, and nearly half left when the annual fair at Berbera began. In 1848, Lieutenant Cruttenden of the Indian Navy, who spent much of his time dealing with Somali affairs, described Berbera’s bustling commerce: The place from April to the early part of October was utterly deserted, not even a ﬁ sherman being found there, but no sooner did the season

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change than the inland tribes commenced moving down toward the coast and preparing huts for their expected visitors. Small crafts from the ports of Yemen anxious to have the opportunity of purchasing before the vessels from the Gulf could arrive, hastened across, followed about a fortnight later by their larger brethren from Muscat, Soor and Ras al Khyma and the valuably freighted bugals from Bahrein, Bussorah and Graen. Lastly the fat and wealthy Banian traders from Porebunder, Mandavise and Bombay rolled across in their clumsy kotias and with a formidable row of empty ghee jars slung over the quarters of their vessels, elbowed themselves up to the front tier of the craft in the harbour, and by their superior capital and infl uence soon distanced all competitors (Gavin 1975: 52). Another description of the Berbera Fair in the 1850s is in Burton’s First Footsteps in East Africa. Before vessels have cast anchor, or indeed have rounded the Spit, a crowd of Somali, eager, as hotel-touters, may be seen running along the strand. They swim off, and the fi rst who arrives onboard inquires the name of the Abban [protector]; if there be none he touches the captain or one of the crew and constitutes himself protector. For merchandize sent forward, the man who conveys it becomes answerable. The system of dues has become complicated . . . Dollars form the principal currency; rupees taken at a discount. The shopkeeper provides food for his Abban, and presents him at the close of the season with a Tobe, a pair of sandals, and half a dozen dollars. Wealthy Banyans and Mehmans give food and raiment, and before departure from 50 to 100 dollars. This class, however, derive large profi ts: they will give a few dollars to the Badawi at the end of the Fair, on condition of receiving cent per cent, at the opening of the next season . . . Of course Somalis take every advantage of Europeans . . . Mr. Angelo, a merchant from Zanzibar, resided two months at Bulhar; his broker of the Ayyal Gadid tribe, and an Arab who accompanied him, extracted, it is said 3000 dollars . . . Lieut. Herne calculates that the total money dues during the Fair- season amount to 2000 dollars, and that in the present reduced state of Berberah, not more that 10,000/—worth of merchandize is sold (Burton 1894: 79–80). Aden’s role in relation to this commerce was that of the depository for the surplus unsold goods that remained in the hands of Indian merchants when the Berbera fair was closed. Among the exports from Berbera and other fairs on the Somali coast was coffee which came from far inland at Harrar. By 1852, Aden merchants were buying up practically everything sold at the Berbera fair, and what was not sold there was carried across to

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Aden later by Berbera traders. In l855, Richard Burton, the noted Orientalist, remarked that Berbera, Tajura and Zeila were the only ports for the export of slaves from the Galla country. He attributed part of the decline of trade in the Berbera district to the increase in slave traffi c “which is easier and more profi table than raising cotton or coffee”. This slave trade in fact led largely to Yemen. In Aden, an outport grew up on the Ma’alla beach. Legend has it that Noah’s ark was built here. From Ma’alla, goods were shipped out to the vessels in Back Bay. Here also, the Somalis landed their livestock, and began to build a shanty town for themselves. Some Somalis worked as servants, and workers on coal vessels in the harbour, and several of them worked on ships sailing to England. A number of Somalis chose to stay in England, and constituted some of the fi rst Somali immigrants to the United Kingdom. Until l855, the annual Berbera fair was supervised by one or more British naval vessels, but thereafter the Aden Government no longer had a fl otilla of Indian Navy ships permanently at its disposal. It was therefore unable, as in the past, to exercise direct and continuous control over the politics of the Somali coast. In l868, the British authorities in Aden began to press the Indian Government to allow them to station a man of their own at Berbera to preserve the declining infl uence of Aden. The authorities nevertheless remained in touch with what was going on. Every offi cial with Mag- isterial or Police duties in the Aden settlement was in all too frequent contact with members of the Somali community down on the beach of Ma’alla. One of the subahdars (Indian Captains from the Urdu word Subah, a province in the Moghul empire) of Police, at Aden was a Somali who wielded great infl uence among his people on both sides of the Gulf, and through him the Aden Residency tried to act indirectly on Somali politics. There was also the Aden Commissariat which purchased a large quantity of Somali livestock. The population of Aden and its British garrison were decidedly more dependent on the Somali coast for food supplies than those that were on the Arabian hinterland. The Somali community also contributed enormously to the labour force in Aden and still do. They work as engineers, motor mechanics, taxi drivers as well as porters in the town and harbour, domestic workers, gardeners, nannies and prostitutes. In 1855, the Fair at Berbera closed on the 15th of April and the inhabitants of the town proceeded into the interior. Sir Richard Burton

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Figure A Somali from Berbera, where the annual fair was held. Source: Renzo Manzoni, El Yemeni tre anni nell’Arabie Felice, Roma 1884.

and his party, who had organised an expedition to the Somali country at Aden, delayed at Berbera in order to receive their letters from England. The party had decided not to have any overland protectors. They encamped outside the town of Berbera. In the dark early hours of the morning, well-armed Somalis, chieﬂ y from the Easa Moosa tribe, attacked them. Lieut. Stroyan was killed, Burton was wounded by spear—which passed through his cheeks—Lieut. Speke was taken prisoner and escaped, Lieut Herne remained unscathed. The cause of this attack, Lieut. Lambert Playfair writes: It was mainly the hope of plunder, but partly, doubtless, suspicion of the travellers’ motives in remaining at Berbera after it had been deserted by the tribes. In consequence of this unprovoked outrage, a demand was made on the elders of the Habr Owel tribe for the surrender of the principal instigators of the attack . . . This was enforced by a rigid blockade . . . which stopped the entire blockade of Berbera during the season 1855–56, thus inﬂ icting a severe punishment on the offending tribe, without materially affecting the trade of Aden . . .

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Figure B Somali from Bulhar. Source: Renzo Manzoni, El Yemeni tre anni nell’Arabie Felice, Roma 1884.

The elders of the tribe showed every disposition to comply with the demand made upon them, but they were really unable to do so, to the full extent: most of the offenders escaped to other tribes, and thus were beyond their reach; one man, who bore the mark of a gunshot wound on his back, was sent to Aden as a prisoner. At last Government, satisﬁ ed that all had been done which was within the power of the tribe, consented to the withdrawl of the blockade, upon certain conditions, which were embodied in a treaty, and in November 1856 the blockading vessel was recalled. (Playfair 1859: 177).

Later British Reports

Testimony to the Somali presence in Aden at the beginning of the 20th Century is provided by the British traveller Herbert Vivian. He declares: “Somalis come to Aden to acquire wealth and wives and experience”, after which they seek to “return to their own grey land”. He therefore likened them to “the Irish of Africa” (Vivian 1901: 59). Other Somalis, using Aden as a base, journeyed further aﬁ eld, causing Major M. Rayne a generation later to recall that he was acquainted

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Figure C Somali from Ayyal Ahmed tribe. Source: Renzo Manzoni, El Yemeni tre anni nell’Arabie Felice, Roma 1884.

with a Somali tobacconist in Cardiff, a Somali mechanic in New York, and a Somali trader in Bombay (Rayne 1921: 6). The presence of Somali immigrants, some of whom were obliged to earn their living by dubious means, was noticed by several British travellers to the East. One of them, the big-game hunter E.A. Pease, tells the story of a Somali at Aden, who was punished for house-breaking in the 1860s by Sir Lambert Playfair. The offender subsequently escaped from prison, and returned to his own country, but later came back to Aden, where he was again detected in robbery, and condemned to a sentence of several years’ penal servitude, but once more escaped. Several years later, Sir Lambert was sent on a mission to the interior of Somaliland where he was suddenly surrounded by armed men in full war array. He recognised their leader as his old Somali acquaintance, who, smiling, is said to have remarked, “Hah! Sahib Playfair, now I will give you two dozen, and two years hard labour”. Sir Lambert was, however, treated with every respect, the chief guarding his guest’s tent, and providing him with sheep and milk, all that he had power to bestow (Pease 1902: 232–4).

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The First Somali Autobiography

Such accounts of the Somali migration by external, and sometimes critical, observers may be supplemented by a remarkable Autobiog- raphy by a young Somali, which was published by the second author of this paper (Pankhurst 1977). This section is written in a form of storytelling style. He was Ibrahim Isma’il of the Rerrhaji clan of the Warsangeli tribe from British Somaliland, who fi rst left his native land as a child shortly prior to World War I. He relates that, while still an infant, he “heard of a place called Aden, a real Eldorado, from whence dates and all other good things came; there you could go into a market and help yourself to all these dainties as much as you liked; there were also many Somali children with whom you could play; and you could learn to speak Arabic and acquire all kinds of knowledge. “Before long young Ibrahim saw, on the beach, a man loading a dhow, or traditional boat, with two of the area’s principal exports: gum and incense. Realising that the man was “going to that city of dreams” Ibrahim “begged and prayed” to go with him. Describing his arrival, the wonders he saw in Aden, and how he, like so many other Somalis managed to survive there, Ibrahim continues: “After four or fi ve days we reached Aden. There indeed I found many Somali children of my own age; but I was disappointed to discover that food and other commodities were not free to all as I had expected. “I saw many things different from those to which I had been accustomed. People lived in stone and mortar houses placed in rows: most of these consisted of a single room covered with a fl at roof, and a back yard. I saw horses with curious things running after them, and I was a good bit puzzled to know what it all meant; it was some time before I discovered that the carts were not alive too. Caravans were constantly coming to town, bringing a great variety of things new to me. “After getting accustomed to all these novelties, I came to like the life in Aden. I soon discovered that almost the only way in which I could get food at all was by pilfering. “Necessity had taught us a variety of little tricks to get the few cop- pers indispensable for our existence. “Armed with a piece of broken bottle, we sometimes loafed about the quays, and ripped open a sack to take out a few onions, which we could sell for a penny or two just enough to ward off starvation.

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Or passing a coffee shop, we might spy a farthing, which a customer had laid on a table as payment for a pot of coffee. We had a special instrument to pick up such coins unnoticed, when the customer had gone, or was engaged in conversation: it consisted of a stick with a date at the end of it. “Knowing that the religion of a Hindu forbids him to touch any portion of a dead animal. One of us would throw a bone on the threshold of a Banyan’s shop and run away; his accomplice would fain great indignation at such an act. The Hindu was then sure to give a small coin to one of the boys for removing the offending object. “Having been asked by Hindu women to sell some dough-nuts which they were making, I often used to gamble with the proceeds in the hope of increasing it. In the event of a loss, I would stir the dust of the road, and shed tears, until a passer-by asked what I had lost and had given me the coin I was in need of. “Then, also, when ships came with European passengers on board, we children used to swim to them, and the passengers would throw pennies into the sea—sometimes even shillings and half-crowns. As soon as we saw the coin falling into the water, we dived to some depth and watched it sinking in wide zigzags above our heads. Sometimes there was a scramble. As soon as we got it, we came up to the surface, showed the coins to the delighted passenger and stored it in our cheek. Sometimes we would remain hours in the water. The game was not without danger as the sea was not free from sharks. Also the police would stop us, but this difﬁ culty could be settled quite quickly. “At one time we used to swim twice a day to a little island half a mile from the shore, where Arab soldiers would give us rice when they were having their meals. “When I had two farthings at the end of the day I was satisﬁ ed, for this meant a breakfast for the following morning. When I had a penny I considered myself rich. “One day I found a gold tenshilling piece at Macalla. I ran as fast as I could to Aden where I changed the coin at a Jew money changer, in the street. With the change, I bought two pieces of cotton to clothe myself, at eight pence each, and I sent four rupees to my mother through a man who had arrived from ’Ad’addo [his home county in Somaliland]”.

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Further describing his life, and activities, in Aden, Ibrahim continues: When night came, we used to lie down on the street wherever we might happen to be. We slept perhaps a dozen children together. None of us liked to be the last in the row, for there was a belief, in Aden, that certain men roamed about the town at night to steal human beings. We got up at the break of day to roam about looking for lost property or anything we could lay our hands on. (Pankhurst 1977: 170–1). Ibrahim proceeds to relate that he subsequently learnt that the Aden police were collecting all Somali children without identifi cation papers. He therefore left the port, and made his way to the Lahadz country, where he worked for a time as a goat-herdsman. Recalling the other occupations he adopted—and by implication those then available to young Somali immigrants, he relates: In Subur I helped a man to feed his camels for a few days, In Dzilaadzil, the owner of a fruit garden, which lay about one mile from the village, employed me to look after his melons and pumpkins. In order to keep watch I used to climb on high trees. For this service I was given the free run of the garden. When the fruit season was over, I went to Hodda where I found some Somali countrymen, but no work to do. So I had to leave after a few days, and travelled from place to place. In Oo’alab I stayed three weeks with a man helping him to look after his Weld and milk his camel. At Hamra I stayed about four months with a man whose camel it was my duty to feed on dhurra straw. During that time a child was born in the locality, and according to Arab custom, a barber was called to circumcise him. I was asked whether I would like to take advantage of the opportunity. I was very pleased to accept the offer . . . Having left Hamra, I went to Sufi an, where I stayed with a man who was married and had a sick child. The family possessed a few sheep and cows: it was my job to look after these animals and to prevent them from straying over cultivated fi elds. (Pankhurst 1977: 173–4). A year later, Ibrahim was apprehended by the Aden police, together with a number of other Somali boys, and taken by dhow to Berbera. There he met a relative serving as the bowswain of a small Arab dhow, which later sailed to Aden, carrying a cargo of goats and sheep-both typical exports of the region. Ibrahim sailed to Aden on this boat, but, feeling Aden unsafe, went back to the Lahadz country. There he at fi rst found work looking after a camel, and later a horse, but was subsequently employed to carry fruit and vegetables. He was, however, soon once again caught by the police, and deported back to Somaliland (Pankhurst 1977: 174–6). This did not however mean the end of his Yemeni experience, for some while later, by then a youth, he sailed back to Aden, by dhow.

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He took with him a goat, the sale of which enabled him to pay for his passage, as well as to buy two square yards of decorated cloth that he sent as a gift for his mother. He then supported himself “by performing various little jobs such as carrying stones and wood etc”. Later, when the dates were ripe, he followed many of his compa- triots to Dzool, in the valley of Hadzar, where the date palms grew abundantly. He reports that all the poor Somalis of the district went there to collect the fallen fruit, which they sold, or exchanged for other commodities, including coffee, fi sh, tea and rice. Affl icted by a bad attack of fever, Ibrahim was, however once again reduced to destitution. He was obliged for a time to pilfer from visiting dhows, but soon made a resolution never to steal again. Soon afterwards he met an Indian in the service of the Sultan of Mukalla, who recommended him to be employed at the chief ’s palace at Qalib Qa’aiti. Appointed a palace gardener, he was later responsible for cleaning the palace of the sultan’s brother, and subsequently worked as a road-builder. Soon after this, he met a fellow clansman, who advised him to become a sailor. Ibrahim, like so many other Somalis, thus left Yemen, and sailed to four of the world’s fi ve continents (Pankhurst 1977: 355–84).

Post-World War II Refugees

In more recent, post World War II years, many Somali refugees, escaping their war-torn country, have arrived on the shores of Yemen by small craft, similar to those used by the above-mentioned Ibrahim, and are often literally dumped on the beaches and left to fend for themselves. The Yemen Government has a momentous task in dealing with these refugees, by placing them in make-shift camps, and processing them through the “immigration system”. Some Somalis ﬁ nd household or engineering work or any other type of work available in Aden and throughout Yemen. Interestingly, when the richer families of Hadhramaut began to own cars, they often travelled by them on the plateaux and valleys of Hadhramaut, but descending the l,000ft cliffs between them made their way by camel. The car had therefore to be dismantled, and twelve camels were needed to carry the various parts of the car. At the bottom of the cliff, the car was then re-assembled to drive through the valley. This work, the ﬁ rst author of this paper recalls was “always done by a Somali”!

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Conclusion

Aden, linking east and west, north and south, was destined to become an important trading and market place with its natural harbour and at its strategic position. It has, therefore, attracted people from all over the world to its shores to conquer, explore, trade and settle. The Somalis, from their side, exported to Aden quantities of livestock (particularly after it turned into a fortress garrison town). hides and skins, wood and charcoal, meat and meat products. Many Somalis came to Aden for work and contributed substantially with their skills. In the last years, Somalis left their war-torn country and sought refuge in Aden—many wishing to continue their journey to Canada and the U.S.A. Many Somali refugees enter Yemen illegally and the U.N.H.C.R. has expressed concern over protests about living conditions, resettlement and other issues in Yemen. According to the U.N.H.C.R., they are automatically granted refugee status by the Yemen government and can live and work there indeﬁ nitely. What started as a voluntary migration has been transformed into a “forced” one resulting from the rise of warlords and outbreak of civil war.

References

B urton , R. F. (E d. ) I. B urton. 1894 First Footsteps in East Africa. London . G avin , R. J. 1975 Aden under British Rule, 1839–1967. London: C. Hurst & Company. G eographical H andbook S eries 1946 Western Arabia and the Red Sea. Oxford: Naval Intelligence Division. I ngrams , D. 1949 A Survey of Social and Economic Conditions in the Aden Protectorate. Asmara: Printed by British Administration Government Press. I ngrams , D. and I ngrams , L. (E ds .) 1993 Records of Yemen 1798–1960, 16 Volumes. Slough, U.K: Archive Edi- tions. I ngrams , L. 2006 Yemen Engraved. London: Stacey International. L ittle , T. 1968 South Arabia, Arena of Conﬂ ict. London: Pall Mall Press. M arston , T. E. Britain’s Imperial Role in the Red Sea Area 1800–1878. Hamden, Connecticut: Shoe String Press. P ankhurst , R. 1963 “The Ethiopian Slave Trade in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries: A Statistical Inquiry”, Journal of Semitic Studies IX (3).

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P ankhurst , R. 1977 “An Early Somali Autobiography”, Africa XXXII (2–3). P ease , E. A. 1902 Travel and Sport in Africa. London: Arthur L. Humphreys. P layfair , Captain R. L. 1859 A History of Arabia Felix or Yemen. Bombay: Printed for Government at the Education Society’s Press. R ayne , H. 1921 Sun, Sand and Somalia. London: H.F. & G. Witherby. V ivian , H. 1901 Abyssinia: through the lion-land to the court of the lion of Judah. London: C. Arthur Pearson.

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NINETEENTH CENTURY EUROPEAN REFERENCES TO THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA

Clifford Pereira*

Abstract

The geographic proximity of the Arabian Peninsula to Africa has resulted in movements of populations in both directions across the Red Sea for much of recorded history. An Abyssinian Dynasty ruled Yemen until around AD 570, around the time of the birth of the prophet. This paper examines evidence for people of African descent in the Arabian Penin- sula within the nineteenth century manuscript and journal collections of the Royal geographical Society (London), most of which are written by European travellers. The references primarily cover the routes of origin, dispersion and settlement of Africans, and their occupations, customs and traditions. The subject of African ethnicity within the world of Islam, and the process whereby Africans become Arabs, is discussed. This paper draws on geographical sources to provide historical evidence for the study of present day communities of African origin in the Arabian Peninsula, the wider Middle East and areas of the Indian sub-continent that came under the inﬂ uence of Islam.

Introduction

This study is based on the records of European travellers to the Arabian Peninsula in manuscripts, journals and books at the Royal Geographical Society. The collection and subject area had been largely ignored by British historians of the Middle East. Several Europeans travelled around the coasts and into the interior of the Arabian Peninsula in the Nineteenth Century. Many of them recorded their journeys and the people they encountered. These

* FRGS Royal Geographical Society, London England. E-mail: cliffjpereira@ hotmail.com

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accounts provide a valuable historical geography source on the existence of an African Diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula. They provide a strong historical background to recent studies on the African Dias- pora in Asia. In the absence of any agreed term in usage today by people of African descent in Asia, in this paper, the term Afro-Asian has been used as a generic term to cover people of African origin in Asia, as opposed to African-Asians. The latter is used as a term by which Asians in Africa describe themselves (i.e. South African Asian, East African Asian, etc.). The geographical proximity of the Arabian Peninsula to Africa has resulted in movements of populations in both directions for some considerable time. Thus, the African Diaspora that existed in the Arabian Peninsula, which dates back to antiquity, was not exclusively a Diaspora of slave origin. In fact, an Abyssinian Dynasty ruled Yemen until around AD 570. The growth of Islam into North Africa and along the coast of Eastern Africa increased the contacts between the Middle East and Africa, based on trade and the obligatory Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca. Additionally, Islam’s growth in Asia and Europe also served to diffuse the African Diaspora in those areas. The nineteenth century European travellers in the Arabian Peninsula have provided much in the way of references to the African Diaspora. This was a period of slavery and more importantly, its abolition. Afri- cans were not the only peoples to be enslaved in the Islamic World, although in this period, by far the largest numbers of slaves were of African origin. As a result many references to the African Diaspora refer to Africans as slaves; however it is certain that European travellers (and some Arabs) may have not considered Arabs of African origin in free and high social positions as part of the African Diaspora. None-the- less European travellers do provide references to the Afro-Arabs and Africans in many disciplines.

The Evidence

Perhaps the most important contribution of nineteenth century Euro- pean travellers is in the references that they provide for the geographical distribution of Africans and their routes of entry, and diffusion within the Arabian Peninsula. There are references to speciﬁ c African ethnic groups.

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Routes

Several trade routes can be clearly mapped, and some of these are part of a larger ‘Slave Route’ network and part of the Hajj pilgrimage routes. Perhaps the Northernmost route is the one that starts in Egypt and enters the Arabian Peninsula by way of Suez1 and the Gulf of Aqaba, making its way up the Jordan Valley.2 This route undoubtedly led northwards into Ottoman Turkey. Then there were the Red Sea routes. On the African side, this was from the Red Sea Hills of Egypt and the Nubian Desert, at ports such as Suakin. These routes extended southwards by way of the Nile and westwards through various Trans-Sahara routes to the land of the Nubi (Sudan), Bambasa (Mali), and Takruri (Senegal). Crossing the Red Sea, these routes entered the Arabian Peninsula along the Hejaz Coast of Arabia at Umm Laj,3 Yanbu and Jeddah. This region was nominally part of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. The Northernmost of these routes led inland across the An Nafud to Al Jawf 4 and Kaf and perhaps into modern day Syria and Iraq. Two other Hajj routes led inland, one from Yanbu to Medina5 and another from Jeddah to Mecca.6 The last Red Sea route was from Eritrea to the Yemen at Al-Mukha (Mocha) and Al-Hudaydah.7 The coast of the Yemen was a major receiving area for Africans. These Africans were mainly Habeshis from the Horn of Africa transported by dhow across the Gulf of Aden to Aden, Ahwar,8 Keshin and mostly to the port of Mukallah from the slaving ports of Zeilah and Berbera. The slave markets of Salalah9 and Muscat10 in present day Oman were fed by the annual ﬂ otilla of dhows from Eastern Africa (Mogadishu, Lamu, Mombasa, Zanzibar, Kilwa and Mozambique Island). The Habeshi and Zingibari Africans arriving on the coasts of

1 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah. Vol. II, 1855/56, pp. 2–13. 2 Molyneux, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 18. 1842, p. 120. 3 Wellstad, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 6. 1836, p. 67. 4 Wallin, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. 1854, pp. 140–143. 5 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah. Vol. II. 1855/56, pp. 2–13. 6 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah & Meccah. Vol. II. 1855/56, p. 232. 7 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah. Vol. II. 1855/56, pp. 2–13. 8 Miles, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 41. 1871, p. 226. 9 Saunders, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 16. 1846, p. 174. 10 Pelgrave, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 34. 1862/3, pp. 151–152.

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the Hadhramaut and Dhofar were probably destined for domestic slavery.11 Many of those arriving at Muscat were resold and passed on to the markets of Persia, such as Bushire, Baluchistan12 and Sind13 in Pakistan. Some of these Africans were also taken to the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf where they were resold and ended up inland, even in the inhospitable oasis of the Rub Al-Khali.14

Occupations

Free Moslem Africans had always served as crew on board vessels in the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. There were also bonded and enslaved African crewmen on these vessels. The Cox Col- lection at the Royal Geographical Society contains a number of journals relating to Somalia, Oman and the Persian Gulf. One of these contains the touching story of Mubarak, who “was captured in a raid by a large force and taken to Zanzibar”. Mubarak was aged twenty-four at the time of the interview when he was brought overland to Abu Dhabi. Having explained the death of enslaved members of his tribe en-route, Mubarak goes on to explain that Salama, one of the enslaved survivors of this passage was being coerced into diving by his master.15 Photographic evidence from the 1920’s and the existence of a visible African among the retired pearl divers of the United Arab Emirates supports the theory that pearl divers were usually slaves or their descendants. Thousands of people of African descent were domestic slaves throughout the towns of the Hejaz and the villages of the Tihamah (Yemen), Hadhramaut (Yemen) and Dhofar (Oman). Africans formed the agricultural labour force of the date groves of Hofuf and Tarut Island (Saudi Arabia) and possibly in present-day Iranian Baluchistan.16 Free Africans who had arrived as pilgrims from as far away as West Africa, often stayed on at Jeddah and at Mecca and they were noticed by Sir Richard Burton and Lt. J. R. Wellsted.17 The Takruri mentioned

11 Burton, Sindh and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus. 2006, p. 253. 12 Pelly, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. 1864, p. 252. 13 Baillie, Kurrachee: Past; Present; and Future. 1890, pp. 21–35. 14 Pelgrave, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 34. 1862/63, p. 122. 15 (Manuscript) The Cox Collection. Oman Coasts and Inland Routes (PZC 4). C. 1904, p. 14. 16 Goldsmith, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 37. 1867, p. 240. 17 Wellsted, Travels in Arabia. Vol. II. 1842, p. 270.

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by Burton could have been a Moslem African from the Islamicised state of Takrur (Tukolor) in Senegal or an enslaved non-Moslem from the region.18 There is evidence from Captain S. B. Miles for free African migration from Somalia to Mukallah and the Himyari Hills of Yemen, for the gathering of Frankincense19 and Myrrh.20 Miles also explains that the Somalis paid the Arabs for the privilege of collecting the incense and often settled down at Mukallah and Shirr where they were incense sellers. Africans could hold high positions, as Charles Beke noted, on encountering the Black attendant of Sheikh Diab Ibn Freikh in the Jordan Valley.21 It is possible that many free-Africans in the Arabian Peninsula had domestic slaves of their own. J. R. Wellsted mentions that the Somalis of Berbera had domestic slaves, and he also mentions that there were free Somalis in Arabia. Considering that these free Somalis were engaged in the incense trade, it is likely that at least some of the incense col- lectors were slaves.22

Customs and traditions

It is the geographer Richard Burton who provides the most interesting account of traditions among the African Diaspora in the Hejaz; “Late in the evening I saw a negro in a state called Malbus—a religious frenzy. To all appearance a Takruri,. . . . The Africans appear unusually subject to this nervous state which, seen by the ignorant and unimaginative, would at once suggest demonic possession”. It appears that Burton was describing a ceremony similar to the Zar ceremonies of the UAE, Kuwait Oman and the Makran coast of Pakistan.23 Burton does not make any mention of music, ritual slaughter or musical instruments

18 Bilkhair, Spirit Possession and its Practices in Dubai. Musike —International Journal of Ethnomusicological Studies. No. 2. Sounds of Identity. Ed. S. de Silva Jayasuriya 2006, pp. 56–57. 19 Miles, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 42. 1872, p. 65. 20 Miles, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 41. 1871, p. 226. 21 Beke, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 32. 1862, p. 97. 22 Wellsted, Travels in Arabia. Vol. II. 1842, p. 362. 23 Bilkhair, Spirit Possession and its Practices in Dubai. Musike —International Journal of Ethnomusicological Studies. No. 2. Sounds of Identity, Ed. S. de Silva Jayasuriya. 2006, pp. 43–64.

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such as the tanburah (lyre) and unusually for a person versed in the Arabic language, Islam and Arab culture, there is no mention here of jinn spirits. Burton commented that with regard to the Mandal or palm-divination “a Black-slave is considered the best subject”.

Ethnicity

Africans arriving as slaves were identiﬁ able by their places of origin. Writing in the early 1840’s, J. R. Wellsted describes “Suahili” (Swahili) slaves in Al-Mukallah.24 He also mentions slaves in Muscat from Don- gola and Darfur in the Sudan, and from Abyssinia and Zanzibar.25 The Nineteenth century European travellers also provide information on distinct communities, such as the Africans that composed the “Messalliel Arab tribe” by the River Jordan. This community was mentioned by Lt. Molyneaux in 1848, when he noted that two-thirds of the tribesmen he encountered were “Blacks”.26 Dr. Wallin mentioned the Mutawalladin at Al Jawf in Saudi Arabia in 1854.27 Sir Richard Burton mentions a Takruri in the Hejaz.28 While the Africans of the Hejaz, Tihamah, Hadhramaut, Al-Mahrah and Dhofar are mentioned by several travellers, no distinct name is used to describe these Africans. Burton mentions enslaved “Galla girls” at Medina and Lt. John Parker mentions “Another class of slaves were the Habshees or Abyssinians” when describing the Africans of Karachi.29 One assumes that since the Galla (or Oromo) were procured in Ethiopia and were generally of a paler colour than the Bantu from East Africa, they were considered Habshees. In his History of Sindh, Burton mentions the Sayyids among the “stranger tribes settled in Sind”. Burton explains that the Sayyids are of the family of Husain and Hassan. He also makes the statement that “Another peculiarity in Sindh is, that if either parents be a Sayyid, all the children must be called Sayyids. It is, therefore not uncommon to see African features among them, and thus their great number is eas-

24 Wellsted, Travels in Arabia. Vol. II. 1842, p. 434. 25 Wellsted, Travels to the City of the Caliphs. Vol. I. 1840, p. 58. 26 Molyneux, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 18. 1842, p. 120. 27 Wallin, Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. 1854, pp. 140–143. 28 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah & Meccah. Vol. II. 1855/6, p. 175. 29 Baillie, Kurrachee: Past; Present; and future. 1890, pp. 21–35.

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ily accounted for”.30 Burton mentions other Sayyid families such as the Kurayshi, Alawi and Abbasi and is clearly describing the descendants of the Arab tribes who arrived in Sindh following the Islamic invasion.

Discussion

The growing recognition of the existence of an African Diaspora in the Americas, as well as Europe has tended to attribute this Diaspora throughout the world as entirely being the product of the institutions of slavery. In the Islamic-infl uenced world of the Indian Ocean and its adjoining land-masses and particularly in the Arabian Peninsula, slavery had undoubtedly played a part in the development of an African Dias- pora as is evidenced by the accounts of nineteenth century European travellers in the region. However, this evidence clearly demonstrates that while slavery was certainly prominent, it was not the only mechanism for the existence of this Diaspora. Trade, religious pilgrimage and free labour migration, also played their parts. The existence of African elements among the Sayyids (or Sayyidi) suggest that an African-Arab synthesis had occurred prior to the arrival of these groups in Sindh. The evidence suggests that this could be the origin of the ethnonym of Sidi for people of African origin in Islamic India. Burton makes it known that Sidi was a name applied by the Sindhi majority (i.e. an exonym). The Africans who were non-Sayyidi (i.e. recent arrivals) had their tribal names (Makonde, Makua, Mrima, Nyamwezi, Nyasa, Zarama, etc.).31 This would also substantiate the proximity of Afro-Asian settlements and the close association between Afro-Asians in the Indian sub-continent with some Islamic shrines. The use of terms such as Habeshi, Zingibari, Bambasi and Takruri suggest that affi liation to a specifi c region, political domain or ethno-linguistic group, was more prevalent than the concept of belonging to a continent (i.e. Africa) among Africans in the Arabian Peninsula in the nineteenth century. The Arabs are a people and not a race, whereby identity is based primarily on language (Arabic), religion (Islam) and tribal affi liation. Settled and pastoral (i.e. Bedu) communities in the Arabian Peninsula appear to have held free and enslaved members of the African Diaspora who

30 Burton, Sindh and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus. 2006, p. 233. 31 Burton, Sindh and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus. 2006, pp. 253–254.

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were of diverse origin, and who took on the Arabic language as a necessity for communication, thereby taking the ﬁ rst step in the process of “Arabisation”. The Islamic concept of Ummah Wahida (the one community) was inclusive of Jews and pagans and enshrined in the Constitution of Medina (AD 622) by the Prophet. This would have appealed to enslaved non-Islamic Africans and led to conversions. The social mobility made accessible by Islamic slavery combined with the process of “Arabisation”, eroded the consciousness of a separate identity among the enslaved, and particularly among the free-born Afro-Asians of the Arabian Peninsula. A valid argument can be made that the notes made by European travellers in the Arabian Peninsula in the nineteenth century also describe a reverse trend—the gradual absorption of African racial and cultural aspects into mainstream Arab-Islamic cultures.

Conclusion

The most enduring of the cultural attributes are those shared in large areas of Africa, and thereby likely to be shared among a wider portion of the diaspora. The presence today of elements of African culture, especially in music32 dance and ritual, remain part of the historic consciousness of the Moslem Afro-Asians in the Arabian Peninsula, within which the experience of slavery is a major component.

Bibliography

Baillie, A. F. 1890 Kurrachee: Past; Present; and future. London. Beke, C. T. 1862 Royal Geographical Society. Journal No. 32. London. Bilkhair, A. 2006 Spirit Possession and its Practices in Dubai. Musike—International Journal of Ethnomusicological Studies. No. 2. Sounds of Identity. The Hague. Burton, R. F. 1855/56 Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah. Vol. II. London. 2006 Sindh and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services.

32 Ingrams, L. African Connections in Yemeni Music. Musike —International Journal of Ethnomusicological Studies. No. 2. Sounds of Identity, Ed. S. de Silva Jayasuriya. 2006, pp. 65–70.

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Cox Collection C. 1904 Oman Coasts and Inland Routes (PZC 4). London. Ingrams, L. 2006 African Connections in Yemeni Music. Musike—International Journal of Ethnomusicological Studies. No. 2. Sounds of Identity. The Hague. Goldsmith, F. J. 1867 Royal Geographical Society. Journal No. 37. London. Miles, S. B. 1871 Royal Geographical Society. Journal No. 41. London. Molyneux 1842 Royal Geographical Society. Journal No. 18. London. Pelgrave, W. G. 1862/3 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 34. London. Pelly, L. 1864 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. London. Saunders, J. P. 1846 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 16. London. Wallin, G. A. 1854 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. London. Wellsted, J. R. 1842 Travels in Arabia. Vol. II. London: John Murray. 1840 Travels to the City of the Caliphs. Vol. I. London.

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MIGRANTS AND THE MALDIVES: AFRICAN CONNECTIONS

Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya*

Abstract

Asian migrants have left an indelible imprint on Divēhi, the language of the Maldives. The Islamic wave that swept in with the rising Arab trade, washed over the Maldives. Forms of music and dance reveal cultural contact with other Indian Oceanic peoples. African migrants have introduced a form of music which has become popular in the Maldives. By considering historical accounts and oral traditions, this paper demonstrates how African culture spilt into the Maldives.

Introduction

The Maldives is a part of an Indian Ocean maritime economy and migration is an essential part of the overall activities that take place. This is the consequence of its geographic location, but it is also reﬂ ected in the economy. Diversity makes the Maldives a special case in the Indian Ocean, but it also complicates the analysis of Maldivian culture. Consisting of 1,190 islands in total, the Maldives are situated in the Indian Ocean, southwest of Sri Lanka. These islands are in an area 470 miles long and 70 miles wide. There are 300,000 Maldivians today who call their country Divēhi Rajje which means ‘Island Kingdom’ in their language Divēhi. These coral islands are geological formations and each has a distinct name. For administrative purposes, these are grouped into 20 Atolls. Today, the main income generator for the Maldives is tourism. The Maldivians have ensured that the tourists do not upset their way of

* Department of Portuguese & Brazilian Studies, King’s College London, University of London, London WC2R 2LS, England. E-mail: [email protected]

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life. Some islands have been designated “tourist islands”. Non-Maldiv- ians cannot go to the other islands unless they are accompanied by a Maldivian. Roland Silva (1983) made some recommendations on pre- serving the heritage of the Maldives whilst, at the same time, making them attractive to the tourists. The Maldives are believed to have been populated for about 2,000 years. Therefore an analysis of the migrant groups to these islands becomes complex. Each island could have been populated at a different time. This is complicated further by there being no recorded history of the Maldives until 1153, when conversion to Islam took place. Its recorded history begins with the Tarikh (State Chronicle). Today, all Maldivians are Muslims of the Sunni sect. According to oral history, a Sri Lankan Prince, “Koimala Kalo” and his princess sailed to Rasgetimu, in the North Malosmadulu Atoll, in the 12th century. They were invited to live there. Their son, Kalaminja was crowned as King of the Maldives. Kalaminja ruled for 12 years as a Buddhist King and for a further 13 years as a Muslim after conversion to Islam. It is undisputed that the Maldivians were Buddhists before conversion to Islam (Reynolds 1978: 155). H C P Bell’s expedition to the Maldives, in 1922, and his monograph (1940) conﬁ rms this. Ancient historical chronicles make references to the Maldives. For example, in 300 BC, a Buddhist inscription, and in 200 BC, the Mahavansa, the ancient chronicle of Sri Lanka, refer to these islands. As the Maldives has been a stopover point for explorers and sailors, several travellers have mentioned these islands. They are referred to by Greeks, Romans, Chinese, Persians, Arabs, Portuguese and French. I have listed the dates of some recordings and also the names of the travellers (see below).

Year of Record Traveller 150 AD Ptolemy, Greek Astronomer, Mathematician and Geographer 362 AD Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman 412 AD Fa-Hsien, Chinese Buddhist Monk 6th century Cosmas Indicopleustus, Greek 629–645 AD Hsuan Tsang, Chinese Buddhist Monk 851 AD Sulaiman the Persian Merchant of Siraf 916 AD Al-Masudi, Arab 11th century Al-Biruni, Arab 12th century Al-Idrisi, Arab 1349 AD Wang Ta-Yuan, Chinese writer

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1414 AD Ma Huan, a Chinese, who recorded the Cheng Ho voyage 1512–1515 Tomé Pires, Portuguese chronicler 1602–1607 François Pyrard, a shipwrecked Frenchman

In terms of natural resources and commodities, the Maldives has coir, cowry shells, ambergris and dry fi sh. The Maldives has had trading relationships with Persians, Arabs, Malays, Indonesians, Indians and Sri Lankans. Maldives was not the immediate focus of western traders and colonizers as it did not have much commercial potential in com- parison to some of its neighbours. The Portuguese got entangled in the Maldives because of their struggle with Mamale of Kannanur, South India (Robinson 1989: 165). The Portuguese had a brief presence (1558–1573) in the Maldives. The early 16th century Portuguese chronicler, Tomé Pires (1944: 170) noted that Bantam, in the kingdom of Sunda, traded with the Maldives. In addition, Parsees, Turks, Turkomans and Armenians sailed with trade goods from Gujarat to Malacca and on their return journey stopped at the Maldives (Pires 1944: 269). Coir rope made from coconut fi bre was sought after all over Asia. The early 16th century Portuguese chronicler, João de Barros (1638), wrote that “The commonest and most important merchandise at these islands, indeed, the cause of their being visited, is the coir; without it, those seas cannot be navigated”. The Maldives, however, became established as a place for repair- ing ships, as the coir in the Maldives was of good quality. The fi bres of the many coconut trees that abound in these islands are converted into coir rope. In the 14th century, Ibn Batuta, mentioned that ships from Yemen and India came to the Maldives due to its hemp. Maldivian cowrie shells were considered the best in the world due to their whiteness. Cowrie shells were taken from the Maldives to Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and ancient China. They were more than just a commodity. Cowrie shells were monetary units, and the Portuguese, for instance, exchanged cowrie shells for cabeças de pessoas (heads of people) (i.e. African slaves). Maloney (1980: 126) describes the cowries paid to the Dutch by the Maldivians. He remarks that 12,000 pounds of cowries bought 500 to 600 slaves for the Dutch from the Guinea Coast, through Arab mediation. Maloney (1976: 658) states that Maldivian cowries paid for several slaves who were bought from West Africa and sent to the Americas. The Arab middlemen had paid cowries to the African slave-raiders.

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After the change in ideology, the orientation of the Maldives turned towards Persians and Arabs. This was understandable given their trading links. Historically, the Muslim communities in the South Asian littoral—Gujarat, Konkan, Malabar, Coromandel coast, Sri Lanka, the Lakshadweep islands and the Republic of Maldives—served as important entrepôts in the ﬂ ow of goods, ideas, and religious personnel around the Indian Ocean (Didier & Simpson 2005). The Maldives was not colonized by the Dutch or the British. An annual embassy was sent to the Dutch Governor of Ceylon after 1645 and to the British Governor of Ceylon who succeeded him, until the European presence in the region ended.

African Connections

The Maldivians are ethnically heterogeneous and are the result of several historical and social processes. Yet, today there is only a single Maldivan identity. This has been no doubt helped by there being a single indigenous language—Divēhi—and all Maldivians being adherents of one faith—Islam. It is indeed admirable that Divēhi has remained the national language to-date despite inﬂ uences from its neighbours—India and Sri Lanka. Although migrants from India and Sri Lanka would have initially been speakers of other Indic and Dravidian languages, they have all learnt Divēhi on settling down in Divēhi Rajje. Moeover, even after conversion, Divēhi did not give way to Arabic. It is in music and dance that cultural and ethnic diversity is expressed. There are many forms of folk music and dance. For instance, Thaara is of Arab origin and Bandiya Jehun is of Indian origin. The rhythms of the bodu beru (big drum), initially limited to Africans, have spilt into the Maldives at large. Traditionally bodu beru was played in the islands where Africans lived. Today it has become a popular form of music. It is played to the tourists by bodu beru groups who earn a handsome sum for their performances. There seems to have been two mechanisms by which Africans came to the Maldives. Africans were brought as slaves on Arab dhows. In 1834, two British naval lieutenants who visited Male, reported that “From the information we were able to collect—it appears that Muscat vessels do not often visit this place: when they do, they generally bring a cargo of slaves. Five years ago, one came and sold about twenty-ﬁ ve lads, at an average price of about 80 rupees each” (Forbes & Ali 1980:19).

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Sultans returning from the Hajj brought back slaves who were freed on conversion. These freed slaves were absorbed into the Maldivian population which was historically accustomed to migrant settlers. Africans intermarried with the indigenous Maldivians. Most Africans worked as raveris or coconut plantation-keepers, which suggests that there may have been a shortage of labour supply. According to oral tradition, a Maldivian Sultan who went to Mecca for the Hajj (pilmgrimage to the Holy sites), brought back fi ve slaves: Sangoaru, Laalu, Marjan, Masud and Muizz. Today Sangoaru’s descendants are well integrated in the Maldivian socio-political structure. They are making a signifi cant contribution to the economy and welfare of the Maldives. Sangoaru worked in the Sultanate in Male but he had misbehaved. Therefore, he was banished to the island of Feridu where he lived for a while. Then he moved to another island—Felidhoo—in another Atoll. In both islands, he left offspring. His descendants are proud of him and he is a local hero. In the Maldives, Africans have been called Habshi and Baburu. They have not been called Kaffi r which is ethnonym used in Sri Lanka and India for Africans. The word Habshi, from the Arabic word al-Habash, at that time, referred to an Abyssinian (or Ethiopian). It may have been a generic term for all Africans who could have been perceived to have come from a single geographical entity. In the 14th century, Ibn Batuta, the Moroccan traveller, visited the Habshigefanu (shrine of an African apostle Shaikh Najib). This implies that Africans were key religious fi gures within Islam at that time. In 1922, four main saints were commemorated annually, in the Maldives, during hiti ceremonies at Ramzān. Habshigefanu was one of these saints, the others being Ali V (the martyr king who was killed by the Portuguese in 1558), Tabrizgefanu and Maulana al faqih Sulaiman of Medina (circa 1450). There is now some awareness of African Saints in the region through the shrines of Bava Gor in western India. An Abyssinian, Bava Habash, came to Gujarat around the 13th century, and developed the agate bead industry. He became known as Bava Gor and his shrines are frequented by Hindus, Christians and Zoroastrians in India. The music and dance played during their celebrations and spirit possession ceremonies is called goma (from ngoma meaning drum and dance in Swahili). A comparative study of goma and bodu beru needs to be undertaken. Janet Topp-Fargion (2007), Curator of the Sound Archives, Brit- ish Library, London, commented that the bodu beru recording which I played to her, was similar to Zanzibari and Omani music in rhythmic

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structure. This is signiﬁ cant, as Zanzibar and Oman were important ports of call for Indian Ocean trade. Further research should reveal the musical links between Zanzibar, Oman and the Maldives. They would, in turn, point us towards slave routes which would have traced commercial routes. By 1840, Zanzibar was the centre of Omani opera- tions and these political reinforcements would have helped to establish the musical connections. According to Naseema Mohammed (2006:40), freed African slaves introduced the sound of the African drums to the Maldives. Bodu Beru is believed to have originated from East Africa. The drums are two and a half feet long and made out of breadfruit or coconut wood with a goatskin membrane on each end. Traditional Bodu Beru is played by the descendants of Africans who mostly live in Feridu, an island in Ari Atoll. It is also played in other islands in the same Atoll and also in Felidhoo island, in Vaavu Atoll. Traditionally, this was an all male performance and the troupe included three drummers, a lead singer and a chorus of ten to ﬁ fteen men. Authentic Bodu Beru was accompanied by Baburu Lava (‘African Song’) and Baburu Nisun (‘African Dance’); Africa is called Baburu Kara. Most Maldivians do not understand the meaning of the authentic songs. The themes of Baburu Lava could be love, religion, enjoyment, courage or praise of the Sultan. Bodu Beru provides entertainment for all Maldivians—females and males, young and old. Understandably, Bodu Beru has become commercialised today and is a tourist attraction.

Discussion

Ethnic and cultural diversity of the Maldives is expressed through folk music and dance. It reveals the African connection of the Maldives. Considering that there has been inter-Indian Ocean trade between Africans and Asians for many centuries, it is not surprising that human capital has also moved from Africa to Asia. What is signiﬁ cant is that this movement has been hidden. Assimilation of migrants is a main contributor to obscuring the African presence in Asia. The Maldives, because of its many islands, has preserved micro subcultures which reveal some of this history. Bodu beru has been com- mercialized and has changed from its original form. The lyrics of the authentic bodu beru are not in Divēhi. The Maldivians cannot understand the meaning of these songs. The words could provide clues about

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the roots of the Africans who settled down in the Maldives, although being an oral tradition, the words may have lost their original form. A few words were identiﬁ ed as Swahili, and as it was a lingua franca in East Africa, it may have been a common language among African slaves who had various ethnic origins. The Etymological Vocabulary of Divēhi Language (Maniku 2000) does not give any African languages as possible etymon for Divēhi words, but an analysis of the lexicon is an area for future research. While language has been the most important element in national identity, having a common ideology has reinforced Maldivian identity. Two important cultural elements—language and religion—contribute to the homogeneity. Ethnic heterogeneity is obscured by these sociopolitical realities.

Conclusion

Movement of Africans eastwards has been concealed. It is through music and dance that their presence springs to life. Music and dance are the only things that could not be taken away from the involuntary African migrants. Maldivian folk music and dance tell us that there is an African presence.

Acknowledgements

I should like to thank Dr Hemal Jayasuriya, Schiller International University, for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

References

Bell, H. C. P. 1940 The Maldive Islands: Monograph on the History, Archaeology and Epigraphy. Colombo: Government of Ceylon. De Barros, J. 1638 Decadas da Asia. Lisboa. Didier, B.J. & Simpson, E. 2005 Islam along the South Asian Littoral. ISIM Review 16, Autumn. Forbes, A. & Ali, F. 1980 “The Maldive Islands and their Historical Links with the Coast of Eastern Africa” Kenya Past and Present 2.

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Gipperty, J. 2003 A Glimpse into the Buddhistic Past of the Maldives, I: An Early Prakrit Inscription (Unpublished essay). Maloney, C. 1980 People of the Maldives. Bombay: Orient Longman. Maloney, C. 1976 The Maldives: New Stresses in an Old Nation. Asian Survey 16 (7): 654–671. Maniku, H. A. 2000 A Concise Etymological Vocabulary of Dhivehi Language. Colombo: Royal Asiatic Society. Mohamed, N. 2006 Essays on Early Maldives. National Centre for Linguistic and Historical Research, Male. Pires, T. 1944 The Suma oriental of Tomé Pires: An account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515. The Book of Francisco Rodrigues, rutter of a voyage in the Red Sea, nautical rules, almanack and maps, written and drawn in the East before 1515. Translated from the Portuguese Manuscript in the Bibliothèque de la Chambre des Députés, Paris, and edited by Armando Cortesão. Reynolds, C. 1974 Buddhism and the Maldivian Language. In L. Cousins (ed.) Buddhist Studies in Honour of I. B. Horner. Reynolds, C. 1978 Linguistic Strands in the Maldives. Contributions to Asian Studies XI: 155–166. Robinson, F. (Ed.) 1989 The Cambridge encyclopedia of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and the Maldives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Silva, R. 1983 Conservation of the Maldivian Mosques and the Excavation of the Medieval Mounds. Paris: UNESCO. Topp-fargion, J. 2007 Personal Communication.

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THE AFRICAN NATIVE IN INDIASPORA

J eanette P into *

A bstract

Slavery as an institution was not new and it prevailed in Ancient India. This article however aims to highlight the existence of ‘Black slavery’ in India. It tells that the negro a native of Africa was uprooted from his homeland and transplanted in India, a sub-continent of Asia. The Portu- guese voyagers and Arab merchants were the chief shippers of Africans who they called slaves. The Diaspora of the African native took place and slaves were located in different parts of India. Goa even had a slave market in one of its streets called ‘Rua Direita’. The Siddis also were of African origin, but all of them were not slaves; they held various positions as per their masters’ liking and needs, and can be found in different places. As a result one notices the presence of the African native all over India.

Introduction

India is a large country, and a subcontinent in South Asia. It is a land with an ancient civilization, a country that was invaded in medieval times and a colony of foreign powers in modern times. The country freed itself from foreign domination in the mid 20th century and is today one of the largest democracies of the world. Ancient Indian slavery existed as an important social institution but in a milder form compared to the slavery of ‘Black Africa’. In India as elsewhere, the origin of slavery is to be traced to the early laws and tribal wars. The vanquished became the slaves of the victors. Also a large family of cultivators was of great value to the landlords. When the family faced difﬁ cult times by becoming insolvent debtors, members of the family were sold into slavery and, so they became ﬁ eld slaves.

* c/o The Heras Institute, St Xavier’s College Campus, Mahapalika Marg, Mumbai 400 001, India. E-mail: [email protected].

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Those who were unable to work outdoors due to age or ill-health became household slaves. Slavery is an age-old institution and existed as a constant factor in the social and economic life of the ancient world. Ancient India both the Epic and Vedic periods also had slaves, so did the Muslims and Buddhists of those times. Slaves in India were generally well cared for like domestic animals and served their masters well. But the caste hierarchy and the feudal structure of the Middle Ages gave rise to the ugliest forms of human exploitation and bondage. Also another evil feature of slavery in India was the use of female slaves as prostitutes and concubines. This paper, however, focuses on the presence of the African native in different parts of India. The Arab traders brought most Africans from Africa in the early centuries on their voyages of ‘discovery’ to the eastern lands. African slavery in India assumed a different picture when compared to slavery in ancient India. The Africans were called Negroes and were thus distinguished from the local or native slaves.

African Presence in India

Hindu and Mohammedan law from very early times recognized the institution of slavery in India. A great number of slaves in India consisted of the natives of the country itself. A large number were imported from the Eastern coast of Africa, the Persian Gulf and Madagascar. In certain coastal places, the number of imported foreign slaves was greater than that of Indian born slaves.1 Trading in slaves from East Africa to Egypt, Arabia and India is said to have been going on from the beginning of the Christian era. Dur- ing the time of Silhara kings of the Konkan (AD 810–1260), there are instances of slaves being sent from Sofala in East Africa to the Thana ports2 in western India. Before the arrival of Albuquerque and the Lusitanian adventurers, Islamized African communities called Habshi (people of Habash i.e. Abyssinia) existed in India. They were brought by the Arabs from the African Horn or Abyssinia. The Arabs were masters of the Indian Ocean from the 6th century till the advent of

1 Banaji, Slavery in British India, p. 36. 2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XI, p. 433.

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the Portuguese in the 16th century. During this period, they were the chief promoters of the African slave trade in India.3 The Arab ships continued to bring African slaves in succeeding periods to Bengal and the Western coast of India. The African slaves sold by the Arabs were usually from Abyssinia as their country was not far from India.4 These slaves were brought by others too. The Asiatic Journal of June 1831 records that a Mogul merchant supplied to the king of Oudh three Abyssinian women, seven Abyssinian men and two native girls for which he was paid Rs.20,000.5 There are many other references also of Abyssinian slaves sold to other parts of the country. Thus we see that the slave trade was responsible for the presence of the African native in various parts of India.

Portuguese India

Slave trading went hand in hand with the great Portuguese discoveries of the ﬁ fteenth century. Once the Portuguese realized that they could acquire slaves by a peaceful exchange of goods with the African chiefs, a regular trade began. They took the slaves to their newly discovered territories. The Portuguese in India began an active slave trade right from the beginning of the 16th century. They would kidnap men and women from African Coast lands and sell them both inside and outside the country for a huge proﬁ t. This explains the presence of the African native in the Portuguese occupied areas. Early travel records and foreign travellers’ accounts tell of the African slaves accompanying their Portuguese masters.

Malabar

The history of the Portuguese in India begins when Vasco Da Gama arrived at Kappat or Capucad a few miles north of Calicut. The Zamorin received the party in a special darbar, exchanged compliments and received presents sent by the king of Portugal. After a friendly

3 Banaji, Bombay and the Siddis, p. 20. 4 Ibid., p. 20. 5 Banaji, Slavery in British India, p. 73.

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intercourse trade relations were started. Malabar is that geographical unit that extends from 12. 2° North latitude to Cape Comorin.6 With trade, came in more European people, a variety of commodities, rivalries and unfavorable encounters. The Malabar Coast was made up of a number of petty principalities and this led the more internal rivalries. The Portuguese possessed Cochin for about 70 years but their ambition for political power did not materialize. They held a precarious foothold at Cannanore, Cochin, Craganore, Procaud and Quilon.7 The Portuguese impact in Malabar is seen in the stately buildings, churches, fortresses and structures. There is scarcely any mention of the African native presence—perhaps because the lower castes in Malabar provided all the service labour. But there are many references to ‘galley slaves’ indicating that as the Portuguese moved from port and also around Cape Comorin to the ﬁ shery Coast they had their Negro slaves to man the ships. The Negro slaves would also perhaps have accompanied their ofﬁ cers to do the menial tasks or heavy jobs, required by the Portuguese. Bocarro wrote in (1653) that the Portuguese city of Nagapatam had 500 homes, 140 of white Portuguese, the rest of mulattos (descendent of Negro and Portuguese) and native Christians with their own native Indian slaves.8 As the Portuguese sailed to the different ports, a little interior are the North Kanara ports of Bhatkal and Honovan, South Kanara harbours of Barcelor, Bacanor & Mangalore. This complete region would have had settlements consisting of houses and small trading posts. These small settlements may not have been possible were it not for the Negro slave labour. Surely they would have had to assist their Portuguese masters in setting up their trading establishments and settlements. It is not unlikely that some of them were either left behind or ran away to freedom from their Portuguese masters making their new homes here.

Goa

The foundations of the Portuguese Eastern empire was laid by Affonso de Albuquerque who wrested the land locked island of Goa from the

6 Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese, p. 1. 7 Ibid., p. 135. 8 Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, His Life, His Times Vol. II, p. 549.

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Muslim Sultan of Bijapur in 1510.9 Portugal’s historical presence in India is also marked by Diu being ceded to Portugal in 1535, Daman was acquired by them in 1559 and Nagar Aveli ceded to Portugal in 1789.10 Bassein, north of Bombay was the chief city of the North. The Portuguese thrived on their trade and it was not long before Portu- guese India became increasingly self-supporting from her monopolistic voyages. The Portuguese territory in India was ofﬁ cially known as the Estado Portugues da India or the Estado da India viz. the Portuguese State of India. It really consisted of three small enclosures on the Western coast of India, namely Goa, Daman, Nagar Aveli and Diu. Another small enclave 32 miles north of Bombay was Bassein, an important Portu- guese possession for a little over two hundred years. The total area of Portuguese India was 1460 square miles. However, they established the Estado da India at Goa to supervise their discoveries, conquests and markets from the Cape of Good Hope in Africa to Japan in the Far East. Careri in his description of Goa refers to the presence of Kafris. The synonymous usage of the term ‘Caﬁ r’ for slave indicates the widespread utilization of Africans as bondsmen in western India. A French observer tells of how “the Rua Direita is a perpetual market of all kinds of merchandise. . . . including slaves”.11 Antonio Bocarro estimated around 10 slaves per household owned by the Portuguese settlers in Goa in 1635.12 The Dutch traveller Linschoten observed that in the markets “were many sorts of captives and slaves, both men and women . . .”.13 The Italian doctor, Gemelli-Careri, who visited Goa in 1695, found the city of Goa teeming with mulattos (descendents of Negro and Portuguese). He also records that there were “an abundance of Cafres and Blacks”.14 Duarte Barbosa visited the city of Goa in the beginning of the 16th century. He remarked that the city was inhabited by many Moors, respectable and rich merchants. Pyrard de Laval in his descriptions of Goa noted about one of the central squares, “in this plaza are sold all sorts of merchandise and among other things, quantities of slaves.” It was also customary for convents and monasteries to have slaves perform

9 Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion 1415–1825, p. 14. 10 National Secretariat for Information (ed.), The invasion and occupation of Goa in World Press, p. 119. 11 Silva Correia, La Vielle Goa, p. 70. 12 Bragança-Pereira (ed.), Arquivo Portuguese Oriental, Tome IV, Vol. II. 13 Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten, Vol. I, pp. 70–71. 14 Sen, Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 188.

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varied jobs. Almost every household and institution had slaves to do the menial tasks. Negro slaves were freely available and sold in the market place like any commodity.15 The Estado da India’s military establishment also depended on Afri- can slaves as soldiers in all its territories. Boxer notes that the ﬁ rst terço (infantry) was organized in Goa, in 1671, and it was made up of “slaves and coloured soldiers who formed a proportion of rank and ﬁ le”.16

Daman and Diu

Both these port settlements lie wedged between Bombay and Gujarat. Although small in size they were important trading centres for the Portuguese. On a visit to Daman, in the late eighteenth century the Frenchman Thevenot commented that “the Portuguese have slaves there of both sexes . . .”.17 Another traveller, Careri, told the story of a son of a neighbouring king who came to visit and had two slaves to accompany him. At the place of the visit there were no chains available so that princeling “caus’d his two Slaves to squat down and sate upon them”.18 As late as 1828, we ﬁ nd that African slaves were imported to the port of Daman, as per the entry made on 27th September to the 4th of October. A number of records called Mapa dos Habitantes, (Maps or charts of Inhabitants) contain details of population viz. men, women and children in the Daman, Diu and the Nova Conquistas of Goa19 showing there were many slaves in this territory. In Daman, the monks of different monasteries, as well as the nobility had many of the Negro slaves in their service. It is presumed that there were no less than 600 Negroes in Daman Praça in 1660. The Captain Governor alone had, in addition to his servants who were paid by the Government 30 or 40 Negroes.20 Below is a table (Table 1) of the Port of Diu showing the number of slaves in each parish in 1792:

15 Pinto, Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510–1842, Ch. 2. 16 Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415–1825, p. 301. 17 Sen, op. cit., p. 116. 18 Ibid., p. 189. 19 Alfandego de Damão, p. 21. 20 Moniz, Noticias e Documentos para a Historia de Damao I, p. 156.

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Table 1 FORTALEZA DE DIO 22 de Março de 1792

FREGUEZIAS Prior de Beneﬁ ciados Dittos de Mulheres Ditto de anos Escravos Soma (PARISHES) Colegia 14 anos de 12 anos Para baixo De Se para Baixo Para sima R.R. Nigarios

Se Matrix 1 2 64 27 114 16 27 43 294 S. Thome 1 103 23 67 17 15 12 238 St. Andre Extramuros 1 15 12 25 6 3 4 66 Soma Geral 1 2 2 182 62 206 39 45 59 598

Source: Monções do Reino, Ms. 173 No. 262, p. 240, Historical Archives of Goa.

Bassein Of all the Portuguese settlements viz. Daman, Diu, Bassein, Chaul, Mangalore, Cochin, Cannanore, Cranganore and Quilon, the Por- tuguese selected Bassein as their Northern capital and port. It was a busy port of international trade in the 16th and 17th centuries.21 The indigenous name of Bassein was Vasai; the Portuguese changed it to Baçaim. The jurisdiction of Bassein included Baçaim, Tana, Salcete, Caranja, Sambayo, Manora, Asserim and Bombaim.22 Duarte Barbosa, Pyrard de Laval, Careri, della Valle, Linschoten and other travellers have recorded the presence of innumerable Afri- can slaves not only in Goa, Daman & Diu but also in Bassein and its associated territories. The ﬁ dalgos (Portuguese noblemen) were numerous in the city of Bassein.23 They led a life of opulence and pleasure. Linschoten has recorded that the Dons of Bassein dressed in silks and along with their ladies were transported in palanquins or litters by African slaves. The African slaves also helped in the construction of the imposing ediﬁ ces of Bassein, the palatial residence of the Governador and the Capitão, as well as other buildings and residences.24 A number of churches too were built in those days. The ruins of those monumental structures are seen even today among the ruins of the precincts of the Bassein fort. The fort of Bassein, in 1634, was visited by Antonio Bocarro. He has recorded that there were 400 Europeans, 200 Native

21 David, History of Bombay 1661–1708, pp. 3–4. 22 David, “Historic Bassein”, Indica, p. 91. 23 Da Cunha, History and Antiquities of Chaul and Bassein. 24 Ibid., p. 245.

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Christians, every one of whom was supposed to have under him 3 slaves.25 This number would amount to a total of 1800 slaves.26 Thus it is very clear from the many accounts and records that the multitude of African slaves formed an integral segment of the Portuguese population in Bassein.

Bengal

The history of the Portuguese was not one of expeditions but of their trade and settlements in Bengal. The Portuguese had their earliest settlement in the gulf of Bengal at a place called Pipli in Orissa in 1514. Pipli proved to be an important harbour on the coast of Orissa and grew into a great centre of Portuguese trade. Here their ﬂ eets commanded the whole sea board from Chittagong to Orissa. It was also a great slave market where the Portuguese brought their slaves for sale. Pipli survived for long as a trading centre of the Portuguese. They also had a small settlement in Balasor in Orissa, of which no trace remains now.27

Hoogly

It is believed that the Portuguese were founders of the town of Hoogly as they ﬁ rst got Bandel in 1538 and built a fort there in 1599.28 They developed slowly the settlement in Hoogly which rose to be “the richest the most ﬂ ourishing and the most populous” of all the Bandels (small settlements) that the Portuguese possessed. From earliest times Chittagong in East Bengal was the greatest harbour of Bengal. It came into the possession of the Portuguese in 1602.29 Minor settlements were in Dacca, Sripur, Chandecan, Bakla, Catrabo, Loricul and Hijili. Bhulua was an independent principality; it was a colony of the Portuguese. The Princes guard consisted of Christians in name being Negroes born.30

25 Edwardes (ed.) The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, p. 256. 26 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, XIII, Vol. 2, p. 258. 27 Campos, History of the Portuguese in Bengal, Ch. XXXVI. 28 Ibid., p. 45. 29 Ibid., p. 67. 30 Ibid., p. 3.

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There are various Portuguese churches in Bengal. As works of archi- tecture they compare unfavourably with the majestic structures existing in Goa. The vast number of Roman Catholics who existed in Bengal bears witness to the missionary zeal of the Portuguese. All over Bengal, in Calcutta, Dacca, Hoogly, Chittagong, Noakhi and other places the communities have Portuguese names and also speak a Luso-Indian language with Feringhi words.

British India

Bombay Presidency The British like the Portuguese were enterprising Europeans who came with the intentions to trade with India, but who succeeded in acquiring political control and colonizing the land. In time they controlled the entire sub-continent of India. The British Government for the purpose of administration had divided India into 3 Presidencies, Bombay, Cal- cutta and Madras. The British observed that slaves formed a marketable article both in the home trade and in foreign trade. It may be said that the whole of the Western coast of India, owing to its proximity to Africa, Arabia and the Red Sea Littoral afforded ample facility for the importation of African slaves. Arab vessels brought a large number of these slaves into the native states of Cutch, Kathiawar, Porbandar and Sind and to a large extent into Bombay. JP Willoughby was the Political Agent at Kathiawar and in his Memorandum dated 23 December 1835, recorded that African boys attended on Native chiefs who visited Rajkot.31 A study of the Custom House Books at the Port of Porbandar revealed long lists of slaves which are unquestionable proof of slave trading taking place. The entry point was at Porbandar the chief seaport of Kathiawar, and the slaves were sent to other parts of the Ranas of Porbandar territory, and many found their way into Bombay.32 Banaji in reporting on slave trade in India between 1772 and 1843 states that “the ofﬁ cial documents of the Presidency of Bombay show that slaves were imported in Arab vessels into the native states of Cutch, Kathiawar, Porbandar, Sind, even into Bombay and into the Portuguese

31 Banaji, Slavery in British India, p. 3. 32 Ibid., pp. 147–148.

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ports of Goa, Daman and Diu, where they were distributed all over the Bombay Presidency”.33 James Forbes records that child slaves were cheap at the end of the rainy season. He purchased a boy and girl about 8 or 9 years of age as a present for a lady at Bombay.34 Mention is made of places like Bhuj, Surat and Dwarka so we learn of the presence of the African native in all of Cutch and Kathiawar. From narratives and records one learns that the British in India carried on an active trafﬁ c of slaves e.g. from Bantam, Malabar, Mohilla, Masulipatam. Bombay, Surat etc. In the year 1780, there were 431 slaves in Bombay according to a census carried out; 189 of these were resident in Bombay and 242 in Mahim.35 The British, like the Portu- guese, considered the slave an economic item, a commodity that could afford them an easy and comfortable life.

Calcutta Presidency The slave trade was also extensively practised. In fact, it fl ourished in Calcutta, chiefl y carried on by Arab dealers. Hickey’s Gazette of 1780 contained a number of interesting advertisements that constitute an irrefutable proof of the widespread existence of slavery. These slaves were of African origin as the advertisements referred to “Coffrees” or “African ladies”.36 Some of the advertisements were so fl agrantly indecent in parts that only a portion of it can be quoted. A correspondent of the Ben- gal Chronicle of 1831 also vouched for the prevalence of slavery in Calcutta indicating that it was too notorious to be denied.37 The traffi c was not only by the Catholics but also by a few who even professed the Protestant faith.38 Slaves of both sexes were purchased.

Madras Presidency Madras is known for its praedial slavery i.e. native/bonded slaves attached to the soil. Indigenous slavery was of a different nature and it

33 Edwardes (ed.), op. cit., p. 257. 34 Kaul (ed.), Traveller’s India, An Anthology, p. 18. 35 Public Diary 77, pp. 30–31. 36 Stark, Calcutta in Slavery Days, p. 3. 37 The Bengal Chronicle, Feb. 15, 1831. 38 Stark, Ibid., p. 8.

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had its own characteristics linked with the caste system. Besides it was rampant as well as an accepted form of slavery in the social structure. This was perhaps the reason which prevented the inﬂ ow of the Afri- can natives as slaves. However, there would have been a sprinkling of Negro slaves brought by the Portuguese to the Fishery coast. It could be a very insigniﬁ cant number.

The Siddis

There are several legends about the origins of the Siddi settlements and few written records or references. It appears that a large number of Siddis came or were brought to India from the different parts of Africa as soldiers to serve in the Muslim armies of the Nawabs and Sultanates. According to some recent studies published in India and USA there are about 36,000 identiﬁ able Afro-Indians i.e. Indians of African origin in India, settled in the state of Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Kerala and Karnataka, as also in many other districts. These Afro-Indians are generally known as Sidi/Siddi/Sidhi or Habshi/ Habsi. These ethnonyms partly tell us that they were in the employ of Sayyads, the Muslim rulers of India and partly that they came from Ethiopia. The diaspora of the Siddis has been wide as they appear in so many small districts and settlements in various parts of the country.

The Siddis of Karnataka The Siddis in Karnataka are found in North Kanara, Dharwad and Belgaum districts. Their main concentration is in the Uttara Kannada district, where they are found in Ankola, Mundgod, Sirsi, Supa Haliyal and Yellaur talukas. They are also present in the district of Dharwad at Kalghatgi and district of Belgaum in Khanapur. Geographically all these talukas (small political units of administration) are on the Western Ghats. Most of the Siddis in Karnataka live in the forests and clearings in settlements. As a rule, the Siddis are well built and robust in appearance. They belong to the Negroid stock of East Africa.39 Their skin colour varies from various shades of black to wheat brown. Records of the hair type

39 Boxer, Salvador de Sa and the struggle for Brazil and Angola, 1602–1686, pp. 230–231.

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are woolly, ﬁ zzy, pepper corn, curly and wavy. Strangely these Siddis as a people have not retained any trace of their original culture and so language too has suffered. The original mother tongue Swahili is not found among any Siddi group in India—this was spoken in the eastern coast of Africa.40 Now the Siddis speak the local dialects. Most of the Muslim Siddis have picked up Urdu all over the Western Coast. The mother tongue of the Siddis of Karnataka excluding the Muslim Siddis is Konk- ani, though the Muslim Siddis are also conversant with Konkani. It was a practice of the Portuguese to baptize the slaves brought by them from Africa to their colonies in the east.41 The language of the people of Goa is Konkani. The African slaves in Goa must have picked up the Konkani language from their local masters. As domestic servants the Negro slaves had to live in the houses of their masters and thus had to speak Konkani over a period of generations. After they were emancipated many of them ﬂ ed to the backwoods of the forests of Goa which border Karnataka, so they spoke the language they learnt.42 The Muslim Siddis must have picked up Urdu as they perhaps originally practiced Islam. Besides Konkani, the Siddis were very familiar with Kannada the regional language. The ancestry of the Siddis may be traced to the fugitives or the liberated slaves of Goa, who took refuge in the jungles, backwoods and forests, out of fear or to keep out of public attention. They are a friendly and hardworking people, most sought after for strenuous work. They know nothing about their roots or genealogy. There are Christians, Hindu and Muslim Siddis, bearing Portuguese names.43 The Siddis of Karnataka live in about 80 pocket settlements in northern Karnataka as this study indicates44 and records “they are just around 6000”. A report making out a case that the Siddis in Karnataka be included in the list of scheduled Tribes made by Cyprian Henry Lobo SJ presents other aspects of these Siddis viz. their occupation political organization, family and kinship, religion, rituals, ceremonies, festivals and recreation. It may require a deeper study through oral history and interaction with these people to learn more about them.

40 Ibid., p. 10. 41 Ibid., pp. 230–231. 42 Pinto, op. cit., pp. 130–131. 43 Ibid., p. 143. 44 Lobo, Siddis in Karnataka.

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Siddis of Janjira The Siddis of Janjira originally came from Abyssinia. They were people of north-east Africa known as Habshis or more often as Siddis which was originally a term of respect, a corrupt form of Sayyad. Though most of the Habshis came as slaves, their faithfulness, courage and energy often raised them to a position of high trust in the Bahamani court. They intermingled with the natives in India, married and soon they formed themselves into an aristocratic republic. Many of them were most skillful and daring sailors and soldiers in Western India. Towards the end of the 15th century Siddi Yakut is mentioned as admiral of Bahadur Gilani, the son of the Bahamani governor of Goa. According to the history of Ahmadnagar Malik Ambar (1490–1508) the founder of the Ahmadnagar dynasty established Abyssinians as the captains of the island fort of Janjira. There was much power struggle in the years to follow. However, it is recorded that in 1600 Ahmadnagar was taken by the Moghals but in 1618 an Abyssinian by the name of Siddi Surul Khan was appointed governor. The Siddis of Janjira however remained in power to contend with struggling for power in sea ﬁ ghts with the Marathas and the Moghals. They even attacked Bombay several times crossing in boats for supplies to the Kolaba fort. They were a constant source of trouble along the Kolaba coast especially for the English. Their attack on Bombay in 1689 made them masters of nearly the whole island but according to a charter certain conditions were fulﬁ lled by the English and the Siddis were ordered to leave Bombay—in 1690.45

Siddis in Other Parts of India Besides Karnataka, the Siddis are also found in the Saurashtra region of Gujarat and in Hyderabad. In 1881, out of a total population of 76,300 in the Janjira state, 13912 were Muslims and 258 were Siddis.46 They seemed to be a watered down generation of African descent. As recorded and described in the Bombay Gazetteer their complexion was wheat coloured with straight noses and thin lips. The beard is scanty. They are generally large boned and more robust than the Konkani Musalmans. Most of the Siddis of Janjira were relations of the Nawab

45 Gazetteer of India, pp. 79–94. 46 Ibid., p. 3.

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or Head of the State of Janjira and inherited state grants and allow- ances. Except for a few who were poor all of them were land owners or state servants. These Siddis were perhaps originally brought to Janjira as slaves in the 15th century by the Arab traders47 or themselves were traders who landed in Janjira to better their prospects by the end of the 15th century. They sprang forth as a political power on the west coast of India, under the Nizamshah dynasty of Admadnagar. Despite various attempts made by rulers, especially the Marathas, the Siddis clung to the seacoast with tenacity until Sardar Vallabhai Patel engulfed them into oblivion. In the Rajkot division of Gujarat, Siddis are called and referred to by other names as Siddi Badshah, to indicate their carefree disposition. In some areas they seem to be called by the name of Bilal which is the name of a Negro disciple of the prophet Mohammad, Hazrat Bilai.48

Conclusion

The African slave trade began like a small, dark cloud on the horizon, but soon the large continent became an inexhaustible reservoir of slaves. Whole tribes of Negroes were stolen or shipped to various lands to form the labour force there. There is a substantial body of literature found on slavery in the West, but relatively little on slavery in the Ori- ent. This paper throws light on how African slavery came to India, the land of spices in the Orient, and also helps one understand the African diaspora in India. Again the slave trade in the Atlantic has received more emphasis than slavery in the Indian Ocean. Bonded labour and domestic slavery existed in India from very early times, but this paper points out that the African slave in Indian society was different. For example in Portuguese India, on the one hand the Negro slave had no choice of a master, yet on the other hand he enjoyed an unusual position as he was highly valued as an item of trade. Also there was a time when the Negro slave was looked upon as a prestige servant, or even suited for amorous pursuits in the case of females. The Portuguese in India would proudly ﬂ aunt the number of slaves they had in their household. Among the Siddis of Janjira, the African

47 Bombay Gazetteer, op. cit., pp. 432–433. 48 Kolaba Gazetteer, p. 128.

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native held varying positions of power, in a sense, as captains of the island fort of Janjira. In fact, the African slave was in the position of sailor, soldier, servant et al. It is of particular interest that the Portuguese took the African slave wherever they went. Their territory in India or rightly known as the ‘Estado da India’ though at its zenith stretched from South East Africa to South East Asia really consisted of three small enclosures on the west coast of India. The British who also came to India as traders imported African slaves and thus we see the African native dispersed in the three presidencies that they controlled. The Siddis were people of African origin who reached the shores of India, being either brought by the Arab traders or other seafarers. In the case of the Siddis of Karnataka, they were perhaps the lost generations of liberated slaves of the Portuguese. They had sought refuge in the backwoods of Karnataka on the outskirts of Goa. The Siddis also lived in pocket settlements in the Indian states of Karnataka, Gujarat and Maharashtra. So we notice a wider diaspora of the African native throughout India. As the above study indicates we could conclude that the African native reached different parts of India in different ways resulting in an Indiaspora.

References

Alfandego de Damão No. 6. 1838 Historical Archives of Goa: Goa. B anaji , D. R. 1932 Bombay and the Siddis. Bombay: Government Central Press. 1933 Slavery in British India. Bombay: B. G. Taraporewala Sons & Company. Bombay Gazetteer 1883. Bombay: Campbell James. B oxer , C. R. 1960 Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion 1415–1825. Johannesburg: Witwa- tersrand University Press. 1952 Salvador de Sa and the struggle for Brazil and Angola, 1602–1686. London: Athlone. 1969 The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415–1825. London: Hutchinson & Company Ltd. B ragança -P ereira ( ed .) 1938 Arquivo Portuguese Oriental. Bastora: Tipographia Rangel India Portugesa. C ampos , J. J. A. 1979 History of the Portuguese in Bengal. Patna: Janaki Prakashan DA. C unha , J. G. 1876 History and Antiquities of Chaul and Bassein. Bombay: Education Society Press.

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D avid , M. D. 1973 History of Bombay 1661–1708. Bombay: University of Bombay. 2004 “Historic Bassein”, Indica 24(2). E dwardes ( ed .) 1977 The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island. Pune: The Government Phitozinco Press. Gazetteer of India, Maharashtra State, Kolaba district. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency XIII (2). K aul , H. K. ( ed .) 1979 Traveller’s India, An Anthology. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kolaba Gazetteer. Maharashtra: Bombay Directorate of Printing and Stationary. L inschoten , V an 1885 The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten London: Hakluyt Society. L obo , C. H. SJ 1984 Siddis in Karnataka. Bangalore: Jesuits of Bangalore. M oniz , A. F. J n 1923 Noticias e Documentos para a Historia de Damão I, Bastora. National Secretariat for Information (ed.) “The invasion and occupation of Goa in world Press”. P anikkar , K. M. 1929 Malabar and the Portuguese. Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala Sons. P into , J. 1992 Slavery in Portuguese India (1510–1842). Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House. Public Diary 77 of 178. Maharashtra archives: Bombay. S churhammer , G. 1977 Francis Xavier, His Life, His Times. Rome: The Jesuit Historical Institute. S en , S. 1949 Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri. New Delhi: The National Archives of India. S ilva Correia , G., A. C. DA 1931 La Vielle Goa. Bastora Rangel: Goa. S tark , H. 1916 Calcutta in Slavery Days. Calcutta.

de silva_f10_139-154.indd 154 3/26/2008 9:39:29 PM CHAPTER TEN

MIGRANTS AND MERCENARIES: SRI LANKA’S HIDDEN AFRICANS

Shihan de Silva Jaysuriya*

Abstract

This case history explores the raison d’être for African migration across the Indian Ocean highlighting the military contributions of Africans in Sri Lanka, who served both the European colonial powers and the Sri Lankan kings. Historically, the spatial distribution of Afro-Sri Lankans has not been concentrated in a single Province. Being part of the British army, they were moved to guard fortresses. Their concentration in the North-Western Province today stems from their participation in British military activities.

Introduction

There is no adequate history of the African presence in Sri Lanka. Whilst the picture of the past is fragmented, nonetheless, there are a number of questions that can be raised. This paper combines historical accounts and interviews together with population census statistics in order to reveal the African presence in Sri Lanka. It draws attention to the role played by African mercenary soldiers during the colonial era, explaining the concentration of Afro-Sri Lankans in the North- Western Province today. Although we may never be able to construct a complete picture of African migration to Sri Lanka, we are nevertheless aware that it is longstanding and has deep roots. Abyssinians were trading in Mannar, on the north-west coast of Sri Lanka, in the 5th century, when Sri Lanka was an important emporium in the Indian Ocean. In the 14th century,

* Department of Portuguese & Brazilian Studies, King’s College London, University of London, London WC2R 2LS, England. Email:[email protected]

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the Moroccan traveller, Ibn Batuta, noted that 500 Abyssinians served in the garrison of the ruler of Colombo, Jalasti (Gibb 1929). In Portugal, Africans were called negros and pretos (blacks). When the Portuguese came across non-Muslim East Africans during their expansion in the Indian Ocean, they borrowed the Arabic term cafre to refer to them. Non-Muslims were called qafr by the Arabs, regardless of race or ethnicity. It simply means ‘non-believer’. This term did not have any negative connotations attached to it. The Dutch and the British borrowed the Portuguese word, adapting it to their phonological systems and recording it with their own orthographies—Kaffers and Kafﬁ rs respectively. This term was, in turn, borrowed by the two indigenous languages of Sri Lanka, Sinhala and Tamil as Kāpiri and Kāpili. The Census of Ceylon 1911 (Denham 1912: 243) states that the Sinhalese and Tamils use the terms Kāpiri and Kāpili for all “Negroes” or East Africans. Today they have become ethnonyms for all people of Afri- can descent in the Island. It also states that Kafﬁ rs were recruited from the neighbourhood of Mozambique in the East Coast of Africa and were employed by the three colonisers of Sri Lanka. The terms and ethnonyms used for Africans in Sri Lanka and in other parts of Asia, varied across time and space (de Silva Jayasuriya 2006).

Africans and Europeans

Eastwards African migration is an old phenomenon but it has received little scholarly attention. Portuguese foray into the waters of the Indian Ocean, charting a maritime trade route to India, led to the establishment of trading posts and fortresses. Their base in India enabled them to break into trading opportunities in South Asia and Southeast Asia. The Portuguese transported Africans from Mozambique on the Car- reira da India (the ships that sailed between Lisbon and India) to Goa, and even further aﬁ eld to Sri Lanka, Macau, Hirado and even Mexico. This emphasizes the role of Mozambique as a central location for collecting slaves from different parts of the southern and eastern coast of Africa. The voyage to India around the Cape of Good Hope had resulted in many casualties, losing the Portuguese valuable manpower, even before they reached Africa’s east coast. In the case of Sri Lanka, we know there was no shortage of local manpower on the Island itself. This implies that Africans occupied a special niche in the labour market. Portuguese contact with Sri Lanka began when a commercial expedition from Goa to the neighbour-

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ing Maldive Islands was blown off course and anchored at Galle, in the Southern Province of the Island, in 1505. The Portuguese era (1505–1658) was characterised by fi ghting, and African soldiers were a valuable addition to the Portuguese militia. The eye-witness account of Captain João Ribeiro, in 1586, states that the army of the king of the kingdom of Sitawaka, Rajasinghe I (1581–93), who fought to get rid of the Portuguese, included many Kaffi rs, most of whom had defected from the Portuguese army across the border from the kingdom of Kōtte (Pieris 1909). The Portuguese fought off defeat in Sri Lanka, in 1630, with the help of African soldiers shipped over from Goa. By 1634, there were 284 Kaffi rs in the Portuguese army. They imported large numbers of African slaves and distributed them in the areas under Portuguese control (Wijesekera 1974: 18). Sinhala literary works of the Portuguese era, namely the Hatana (War) poems—Parangi Hatana (War of the Portuguese) and Rājasiha Hatana (War of Rajasinghe) refer to Kāpiri (Africans) in the Portuguese army. The annual accounts of Kōtte during the period 1617 to 1638, confi rm that the Portuguese employed Kaffi r soldiers (de Silva 1972). The Portuguese considered that men of mixed descent (called mestiços or topazes), Indians or East African Kaffi rs from the tropics, as satisfactory substitutes for Sinhalese soldiers who were called lascarins (from the Persian word lashkari as lashkar meaning ‘an army’ in Persian). Although at least 5,000 lascarins served the Portuguese during their inroads into the Kandyan kingdom, the loyalty of the Sinhalese lascarins was always a problem for the Portuguese (Abeyasinghe 1986: 22). Foreign soldiers, on the other hand, could be trusted. Recruits from all three groups, numbering about 300 in each, supplemented the Portuguese troops. During the Portuguese attack on the Kandyan kingdom, on 27th March 1638, 300 Kaffi rs served in the army. In 1640, when the Portuguese fought off the Dutch, 100 Kaffi r archers fought alongside them. While some Africans opted to work for the Dutch, others went to the central Kandyan kingdom which was under the control of the Sinhalese King, Rajasinghe II (1635–87). Three events coincide at this point. Firstly, the Portuguese were expelled from the Island over two decades, as the Sinhalese King invited the Dutch in, to get rid of the Portuguese. Secondly, the Dutch control never extended beyond the coastal areas. Finally, throughout these events, Sri Lankan control of the Kandyan kingdom remained intact. The Dutch Governor Van Goens Junior (1675–80) remarked that 4,000 Kaffi rs were working for the Dutch in Sri Lanka. During the early 18th century, the Dutch began to purchase slaves from Madagascar

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(Pieters 1911: 21). Slaves were required to work in the maritime fortresses that the Dutch took over from the Portuguese. An important feature of Dutch Indian Ocean slavery was to integrate the Indian Ocean Basin drawing slaves from Africa (East Africa, Madagascar, Mascarene Islands), South Asia (Malabar, Coromandel and the Bengal/ Arakan Coasts) and Southeast Asia (Malaysia, Indonesia, New Guinea and the Philippines). Another important source of manpower during the Dutch era was Malay and Indonesian forced migrants. In this multiethnic labour pool of forced migrants, Africans had specialised functions. African men were put to hard labour and physically demanding jobs, while African women worked as nannies, housemaids and seamstresses. A Dutch Bur- gher, reminiscing on the Dutch era in Sri Lanka, when delivering a public lecture in the early part of the 20th century, remarks that “a swarthing, woolly-haired, and thick-lipped race of men and women were engaged in several household duties” (Anthonisz 1935: 64). According to this account, some of them wore pantaloons and jackets while others wore waist-cloths. The women wore skirts and short coloured tunics. These ‘slaves’ were not, according to his account, all of ‘pure African’ descent. Some would have been the descendants of Kaffi r outmarriages which would have diluted their phenotype. In the late eighteenth century, the Dutch who lived in Colombo attended mass at Wolvendaal Church on Sundays. The Dutch uppercrust were taken to and from the church in trikkel (three-wheeled) carriages or on palanquins pushed or drawn by Kaffi r men or women (Roberts et al. 1989). The employees of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) considered Africans more suited for hard physical labour than their other slaves, labouring in the fi elds, growing rice, nacheri (fi ne grain), cotton, tobacco, potatoes and other crops. In contrast to the Portuguese, the Dutch segregated the Kaffi rs in an area which they called Kaffi rs’ Veldt (Field) in Colombo. In the British era (1796–1948) the area became known as Slave Island and even today it is associated with slaves. Anto- nio Bertolacci (1817), who worked in Sri Lanka for Frederick North, the fi rst British Governor in Ceylon, remarked that the descendants of the 9,000 Kaffi rs who were recruited by the Dutch, were not distinguishable from the Island’s other inhabitants. Outmarriage must have diluted the African phenotype. The British gained control of the Dutch possessions in the coastal areas in 1796. British Governors in Sri Lanka continued to participate

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in the Indian Ocean slave trade despite legislation outlawing the Atlantic slave trade and the heightened awareness in Britain surrounding the campaign for Abolition. According to Powell (1973), the British bought the fi rst batch of Africans—176 men—from Goa and transported them to neighbouring Sri Lanka. These slaves had been captured by the Brit- ish while being transported from Mozambique to the French Indian Ocean islands. These African slaves had cost 37 pounds sterling each. Another batch of Africans (young men and women aged between 15 and 25) were bought direct from Mozambique. Although the British took over the maritime provinces previously held by the Dutch, they were not content until they gained the Kandyan kingdom also. They had already made an attempt at gaining the central areas of the country—the Kandyan kingdom, which had remained independent and under Sri Lankan rule throughout both the Portu- guese and Dutch eras. Able soldiers were in demand and Africans fi tted into this slot. Governor, Sir Thomas Maitland (1805–1811) had little confi dence in the other Asian regiments who were in Sri Lanka—the Malays and the Sepoys (Indian soldiers trained by the British). He therefore raised another battalion of Kaffi rs. In 1805, the new Caffre Corps was renamed the Third Ceylon Regiment by the British. There were altogether 874 Africans in the Third and Fourth Ceylon Regiments in the early 19th century. Cordiner (1807: 65) mentioned a regiment of 700 Kaffi rs in Colombo. He remarked that many of them were slaves at the Portuguese settlement of Goa on the Coast of Malabar, where they were purchased by the British Government. The freed slaves had rejoiced at the change in their status and had promised to become brave and hardy soldiers. They were nominally Roman Catholics, and had not known any other religions. The military capabilities of Sri Lanka’s Africans is epitomised in the case of Joseph Fernando, who repulsed one of two unsuccessful inva- sions of the Island by the British. Fernando who had been brought to Sri Lanka from Mauritius by a French seaman/trader was interviewed on 8th April 1848 when he was in his 80s. At this time, Fernando was a pensioner. The interview moves between Indo-Portuguese of Ceylon (Sri Lanka Portuguese Creole) and Sinhala, with Fernando slipping back into Sinhala when confronting the ruthless massacre of Major Davie, leader of the British troops. This event took place in 1803, and the Sri Lankans were able to retain control of the Kandyan kingdom which remained independent throughout both Portuguese and Dutch rule. In

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a possible attempt to legitimise this event, Joseph Fernando implies that it was carried out under orders of the Kandyan king.1 At this war, 80 Kaffi rs serving the Sri Lankan king, defended the Kandyan kingdom and arrested its takeover until 1815 (Powell 1973). Spencer Hardy (1864) mentioned 6,000 Kaffi r soldiers. Given the number of African soldiers who served in Sri Lanka, it is not surprising that they should have introduced an African weapon—Hasagaey (de Silva 1972: 188). Oral histories combine elements of myth and truth. Given that recorded histories of African migration to Sri Lanka are scarce and the importance of oral traditions in African cultures, it is necessary to combine the two sources. Today’s Afro-Sri Lankans confi rm their association with the colonial regime. A few speak of the colonial era with nostalgia. There are several versions of oral histories about their arrival in Sri Lanka and a few are given in what follows. According to B. M. Raphael who is now dead, his ancestors were brought to Sri Lanka during the Boer War, from Madagascar. He had served as a soldier during World War II in Kandy (Central Province) and had come across another ‘black’ community who had accused him of pretending to be of their stock. Raphael was much lighter in skin colour. According to Daniel Bruno, another Afro-Sri Lankan who was knowledgeable about their family history, his ancestors had been part of a regiment in Madagascar during the Boer War (Hettiarachchi 1969). The Boer War features in their oral history. They believe that their ancestors had come to Sri Lanka as a Portuguese-speaking battalion of East African soldiers who served in Queen Victoria’s regiment and thereafter sailed to Sri Lanka following their victory in the Boer War. My enquiries at the National Army Museum, London, revealed that Queen Victoria’s Rifl es did not serve in South Africa during the Boer War. The only other British Unit with Victoria in the title was The Royal Irish Fusiliers (Princess Victoria). There were two Indian Units with Victoria in their title and they were the Guides Cavalry, Queen Victoria’s Own Frontier Force, the Poona Horse and Queen Victoria’s Own Cavalry but none of them served in South Africa. In addition, several Units from the State of Victoria in Australia had permutations of Victoria in their title—the Royal Victorian Regiment, the Victorian Mounted Rifl es and Victorian Scottish Regiment and only some of

1 Greeving’s Diary. O.O. 54/12 III. 11th May 1894. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon) XXVI, p. 166.

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the latter served during the South African War. The National Army Museum could fi nd no evidence of negroid South Africans serving in these wars, but remarked that they may have been auxiliaries. An eye witness account by a British education consultant, Elsie Cook, in the early 20th century, however, implies that the Kaffi rs in the Puttalama district were from South Africa (Cook 1953). Martin Marcus, a vice-president on the village council, had held several jobs in the government service. He worked in the Kaccheriya (district secretariat) from 1929–1937, where he had performed several jobs. Initially he was a binder in the record room. Then he worked in the Land Department, for fi ve years. After that, he worked in the Fiscal section and delivered summons, and during World War II, he worked in the control division. He resigned, in 1944, from government service and was given an acre of land in Puttalama. He believes that the British brought his ancestors to Sri Lanka in 1815, when they were at war with the Kandyan kingdom. He believes that more soldiers were brought from Africa in 1817. Once the entire Island was under British control, he believes that some Africans had returned to Africa. Those who wanted to stay in Sri Lanka had been given land to settle down and according to Marcus, had subsequently imported whatever they wanted, including their women. They had settled down in the villages of Sirambiyadiya, Sena Kudirippuwa and Ambalama, which are all in the Puttalama district. He had been in the village council from 1946 to 1957 and was proud of his achievements during his term of offi ce. He had initiated the building of bridges, culverts, roads and wells in his village (Gamage & Fernando 1980). Marcus’s wife, P. M. Ana Miseliya, worked in the Puttalama Hospital as a nurse. During a Sri Lankan television broadcast by Rupavahini Corporation, in the 1970s, she discussed her ancestry. She told the nation that her ancestors had been brought to Sri Lanka to help the Europeans in a war. She recalls that the Africans had won the war for the Europeans in Trincomalee on 24th December (no year was given). After the War ended, they had travelled along the Anuradhapura Road to Puttalama from where they were to set sail. At Puttalama, the Afri- cans had decided to stay on in Sri Lanka and they had been given jobs and land. According to M. J. Elias, Miseliya’s son, who studied at St Anthony’s College in Puttalama, and then worked in a gas station until he was appointed as the Gam Vidana (Village Headman), in 1963, their ancestors were brought to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese. He does not think

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that his ancestors were brought from Goa. As far as he knows the Portuguese brought them direct to Sri Lanka. I interviewed, Mr Charles Emanuel Henry Ameresekere, who was a former Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Local Government. He was a Civil Service cadet attached to the Kachcheriya (district secretariat) in Puttalama during the late 1940s. He recalls the two Kaffi r peons (offi ce helpers) in the Puttalama Kachcheriya—Anthony and Charles (Amere- sekere 2006: personal communication). Charles was Mr Ameresekere’s personal peon and Anthony was the Chief Peon of the Kachcheriya. Africans performed a variety of tasks in Sri Lanka. They were soldiers, musicians, constructions workers in fortresses, roads and railway, and water carriers, for example. Today several Afro-Sri Lankans work as small cultivators, government offi ce workers, hospital nurses and attendants. A few work in the Middle East but return to Sri Lanka after their fi xed-term contracts are over. This is not a pattern that is unique to them; it is the same for all ethnic groups who are able to market their skills internationally and enhance their economic status on return to Sri Lanka.

Spatial Distribution of Africans in Sri Lanka

The concentration of Kaffi rs in the Puttalama District, should not blind us to their presence elsewhere. An examination of the population census statistics, however, indicates that Kaffi rs lived in several provinces. While there are a large number of Kaffi rs in the Puttalama district, employment and marriage have dispersed some to other towns such as Kalpitiya, Mannar, Anuradhapura and Colombo. They are also aware that they have relatives in Trincomalee and Batticaloa which are both in the Eastern Province. There are no adequate population records for the Portuguese and Dutch eras, and the early British administration. From 1871, the records demonstrate that the Kaffi rs (as they were called in the census) lived in various parts of Sri Lanka. The fi rst census of Sri Lanka, based on modern ideas was taken in 1871. Previously, in 1814, Sir Robert Brownrigg, the British Governor, attempted to prepare a population census. Then in 1824, Sir Edward Barnes initiated a population record which was published in 1827. There are no laws prohibiting inter-ethnic marriages in Sri Lanka. Exogamy has made the descendants of Afro-Sri Lankans less con-

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Table 1 Distribution of Kafﬁ rs in the Puttalama District from 1871 to 1921 (excluding military & shipping personnel).

Date of Census Number of Kaffi rs Number of Kaffi rs Percentage in Sri Lanka in Puttalama of Kaffi rs District in Puttalama 1871 245 70 28% 1881 408 101 24% 1891 405 115 28% 1901 318 93 28% 1911 253 105 41% 1921 255 135 50%

spicuous. Children assume the father’s ethnicity for offi cial purposes in Sri Lanka, regardless of their physiognomy. For offi cial purposes their ethnicity is not signifi cant as their numbers have dwindled due to out-marriage. The presence of a community of Kaffi rs in the Puttalama District today, might give the impression that Kaffi rs have lived in this area only. An examination of the population census statistics, however, indicates that Kaffi rs did live in several provinces. I have summarised above, the number of Kaffi rs in the Puttalam district and the percentage of Kaffi rs living there over the period that the census data are available. Limitations on the fi gures are as follows. Firstly, they excluded military and shipping personnel. Secondly, there may have been irregularities in the collection of fi gures during the period. Nonetheless, the fi gures confi rm that by 1871, the largest number of Kaffi rs were in Puttalama. The population statistics of Sri Lanka from 1871 to 1921 are interesting because some gender fi gures are also available. However, the fi gures do not include people in the military and shipping. Therefore, the fi gures do not reveal the real total of Kaffi rs in Sri Lanka at that time.

1871 Census Number of Kafﬁ rs in Sri Lanka (excluding military and shipping)

In the 1871 Population Census report, on Table IX—“Nationality of the Inhabitants of Ceylon (exclusive of military and shipping)” recorded 245 Kafﬁ rs—132 males and 113 females—in total (Williams 1873: 100). On Table XI—“Proportion per cent of the Principal Races to the Total

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Population”, under the column titled ‘race’, a miscellany of nationalities and ethnonyms such as Kafﬁ r are recorded. For administrative convenience, the British divided Sri Lanka into provinces. Each province was further sub-divided into districts. There were Kafﬁ rs in several provinces as shown below.

Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Western Colombo 40 Kegalle 1 Sabaragamuwa 0 North-Western Kurunegala 20 Puttalama 70 Central Kandy 43 Matale 0 Badulla 17 Nuwera Eliya 6 Southern Hambantota 6 Galle 7 Matara 0 Northern Jaffna 0 Mannar 0 Vanni 0 Nuwarakalawiya 5 Eastern Batticaloa 0 Trincomalee 30

1881 Census Number of Kafﬁ rs in Sri Lanka (excluding military and shipping)

The 1881 census reports 408 Kafﬁ rs; there were an equal number of males and females (204 males and 204 females) (Lee 1882).

Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Western Colombo Municipality 73 (35 males 38 females) Colombo (excluding 16 (11 males 5 females) Municipality) Negombo 18 (11 males 7 females) Ratnapura 1 (1 male 0 females) Kalutara 10 (9 males 1 female) North-Western Kurunegala 11 (7 males 4 females)

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Table (cont.) Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Puttalama 101 (42 males 59 females) Central Kandy 55 (27 males 28 females) Badulla 19 (8 males 11 females) Nuwera Eliya 46 (21 males 25 females) North-Central Nuwarakelawiya including 12 (7 males 5 females) Tamakkaduwa Northern Jaffna 4 (3 males 1 females) Eastern Batticaloa 1 (1 male 0 female) Trincomalee 31 (14 males 17 females) Southern Galle 10 (7 males 3 females)

1891 Census Number of Kafﬁ rs in Sri Lanka (excluding military and shipping)

At the 1891 census, 405 Kafﬁ rs (214 males and 191 females) were recorded (Lee 1892: 42–43). Table V which is a “Statement of the Relative Proportion of the Principal Nationalities of the Population (exclusive of the Military and the Shipping)” gives a breakdown by district.

Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Western Colombo Municipality 71 (37 males 34 females) Colombo exclusive of 4 (3 males 1 female) Municipality Negombo 6 (5 males 1 female) Kalutara 3 (2 males 1 female) Sabaragamuwa Ratnapura 1 (1 male 0 female) Kegalla 0 (0 male 0 female) North-Western Kurunegala 20 (9 males 11 females) Puttalama 115 (55 males 60 females) Chilaw 8 (3 males 5 females) Central Kandy 63 (38 males 25 females) Matale 1 (0 male 1 female) Nuwera Eliya 24 (7 males 17 females) Uva Badulla 22 (14 males 8 females) North-Central Nuwarakelawiya 20 (12 males 8 females) Northern Jaffna 0 (0 male 0 female) Mannar 0 (0 male 0 female) Mulativu 0 (0 male 0 female)

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Table (cont.) Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Vavuniya 1 (1 male 0 female) Eastern Batticaloa 3 (3 males 0 female) Trincomalee 39 (20 males 19 females) Southern Galle 1 (1 male 0 female) Matara 0 (0 male 0 female) Hambantota 3 (3 males 0 female)

1901 Census Number of Kafﬁ rs in Sri Lanka (excluding military and shipping)

At the 1901 census, there were 318 Kafﬁ rs (166 males and 152 females) (Arunachalam 1902: 84). Table X entitled “Population—All Races (exclusive of Military, the Shipping and Prisoners of War)” gives a breakdown of the Kafﬁ rs who lived in the various districts (Arunachalam 1902: 158–160).

Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Western Colombo Municipality 60 (33 males 27 females) Colombo District 13 (10 males 3 females) excluding Municipality Negombo 0 (0 male 0 female) Kalutara 0 (0 male 0 female) Central Kandy 49 (30 males 19 females) Matale 6 (4 males 2 females) Nuwara Eliya 8 (3 males 5 females) Northern Jaffna 1 (0 male 1 female) Mannar 0 (0 male 0 female) Mullaitivu 0 (0 male 0 female) Southern Galle 14 (8 males 6 females) Matara 0 (0 male 0 female) Hambantota 2 (1 male 1 female) Eastern Batticaloa 2 (1 male 1 female) Trincomalee 4 (2 males 2 females) North-Western Kurunegala 21 (12 males 9 females) Puttalama 93 (34 males 59 females) Chilaw 13 (6 males 7 females) North Central Anuradhapura 25 (19 males 6 females) Uva Badulla 5 (2 males 3 females) Sabaragamuwa Ratnapura 2 (1 male 1 female) Kegalla 0 (0 male 0 female)

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In 1911, there were 253 Kaffi rs (132 males and 121 females) in Sri Lanka (Denham 1912: 243). Denham (1912) adds that 105 Kaffi rs were in the Puttalama district. The breakdown of ethnic groups by district and province are unavailable at this census. According to the 1921 census, there were 255 Kaffi rs altogether, in Sri Lanka (Turner 1923), but the number in Puttalama was 135. A breakdown of Kaffi rs in each district is given below as listed in Table VII “Population of Ceylon, 1921, by Individual Races (exclusive of Military and Shipping”).

Province District Number of Kafﬁ rs Western Colombo Municipality 25 (15 males 10 females) Colombo 0 Kalutara 11 (6 males 5 females) Central Kandy Municipality 0 Kandy 37 (21 males 16 females) Matale 1 (1 male) Nuwara Eliya 0 Southern Galle Municipality 0 Galle 0 Matara 0 Hambantota 0 Northern Jaffna 0 Mannar 0 Mullaittivu 0 Eastern Batticaloa 1 (1 female) Trincomalee 36 (18 males 18 females) North-Western Kurunegala 3 (1 male 2 females) Puttalama 135 (73 males 62 females) Chilaw 0 North Central Anuradhapura 0 Uva Badulla 1 (1 female) Sabaragamuwa Ratnapura 0 Kegalla 5 (3 males 2 females)

Discussion

We do not know if Sri Lanka’s 6th century Abyssinians settled down and intermarried with the other ethnic groups. Similarly, we do not know if the Abyssinian mercenaries serving in 14th century Sri Lanka, left any offspring. Africans performed a variety of tasks for the Portuguese, Dutch and British in Sri Lanka, excelling as mercenaries. Even if these

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Africans were mainly involuntary migrants, their military capabilities were valued not only by the Europeans but also by the Sri Lankans. There have been several waves of African migrations to Sri Lanka. The Portuguese breakthrough into previously established intra-Asian commercial networks, set the stage for a maritime trading empire in the Indian Ocean. This enterprise was not manned by Europeans alone. Saving the Portuguese from military defeat, Africans earned a reputa- tion for being good soldiers. The Portuguese who came as traders in 1505, were dragged into local politics and dominated parts of the country. The Dutch, who defeated the Portuguese, occupied a much smaller area of the Island, than had the Portuguese previously. The British took over these areas from the Dutch, in 1796. The second attempt by the British to gain control of the Kandyan kingdom was prevented by the military might of an African who massacred the British Major. At the third attempt, in 1815, the British succeeded in gaining control of the central areas of Sri Lanka which had been under Sinhalese rule, throughout both Portuguese and Dutch presence. Having gained the Kandyan kingdom, the British dominated the entire Island until independence in 1948. Africans also carried out other tasks, many of which required physical strength—building fortresses, roads and railways, carrying people on palanquins, water carriers, milemen, working in the fi elds and plantations, and as cross-country runners delivering the post. There were also African musicians, nannies and domestic servants. The population statistics in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that give the numbers of Kaffi rs, exclude soldiers and sailors. Therefore, the thousands of African mercenaries mentioned during the colonial era in the historical accounts, are not included in the statistics. A Dutch Governor in Sri Lanka, speaks of 4,000 Kaffi rs within his jurisdiction. A later British Administrator, mentions a fi gure of 9,000, but was unable to identify that many, as their African physiognomy had been diluted by that time. Another British observer, in the 19th century, mentions 6,000 Kaffi r soldiers. This emphasizes the importance of eye witness accounts. Africans were dispersed in several provinces. The population census statistics show that the percentage of Kaffi rs in the Puttalama district was 28% in 1871, but reached 50% in 1921. These fi gures, however, exclude those in military and shipping, and are not the total number of Kaffi rs that lived in Sri Lanka during the census period examined. However, the move by the British, of a Kaffi r regiment to the North Western Province—Puttalama fortress—from where the regiment was

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disbanded and the soldiers retired, has concentrated them in the Putta- lama district. The rural lifestyle has contributed to the largest community of Kafﬁ rs being in Puttalama today. While there are a small number of Kafﬁ rs scattered in other parts of the country, most of them now live in the Puttalama district. It was uneconomical for the British to maintain several regiments on the Island, once they had secured the Kandyan kingdom, and were not threatened by other European powers.

Conclusion

Africans were brought to Sri Lanka due to commercial and military activities in the Indian Ocean. European traders and colonisers sought African militia and manpower. African mercenaries also served Sri Lankan kings and defended the Sinhalese kingdoms. Africans delayed the British conquering the Kandyan kingdom, which had remained independent under Portuguese and Dutch rule. The demand for African soldiers diminished during the British era but their descendants continue to live in post-independent Sri Lanka as a small ethnic minority. Africans were dispersed originally in several provinces but now they are concentrated in the Putalama district of the North-Western Province.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the Fundação Oriente for supporting my ﬁ eld trip to Puttalama. Thanks are also extended to Dr Hemal Jayasuriya, Schiller International University, London for comments on an earlier version of this paper.

References

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Bertolacci, A. 1817 A View of the Agricultural, Commercial and Financial Interests of Ceylon. London: Black, Parbury & Allen. Cook, E. 1953 Ceylon: Its Geography, Its Resources and Its People. London: MacMillan & Company Ltd. Cordiner, J. 1807 Description of Ceylon, Containing an Account of the Country, Inhabitants and Natural Productions. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees & Orme. De Silva, C. R. 1972 The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617–1638. Colombo: H. W. Cave & Company. De Silva Jayasuriya, S. 2006 Trading on a Thalassic Network: African Migrations Across the Indian Ocean. International Social Science Journal 188: 215–225. De Silva Jayasuriya, S. 2006 Identifying Africans in Asia: What’s in a Name? African & Asian Studies 5: 275–303. Denham, E. B. 1912 Ceylon at the Census of 1911, Being the Review of the Results of the Census 1911. Colombo: H. C. Cottle Government Printers. Gamage, G. and Fernando, C. B. 1980 Visit to a Caffre Village. Rivirasa [Sinhala text]. Colombo: Lake House Publishings Ltd. Gibb, H. A. R. 1929 Ibn Batuta: travels in Africa and Asia, 1325–1354. London: Routeledge. Hardy, S. 1864 Jubilee Memorials of the Wesleyan Mission, South Ceylon 1814–1864. Colombo: Wesleyan Mission Press. Hettiarachchi, D. E. 1969 Linguistics in Ceylon, I. Linguistics in South Asia 5: 736–751. Lee, L. 1882 Census of Ceylon 1881. General Report and Statements. Colombo: Luker. 1892 Census of Ceylon 1891: A General Report. Colombo: G. J. A. Skeen Govern- ment Printer. Pieris, P. E. 1909 Ribeiro’s History of Ceilão. Colombo: Apothecaries & Co. Ltd. Pieters, S. (Ed & Trans) 1911 Memoir of Hendrik Zwaardecroon: Commander of Jaffnapatam Afterwards Governor- General of Nederlands India. Colombo: H. C. Cottle. Powell, G. 1973 The Kandyan Wars: the British Army in Ceylon 1803–1818. London: Lee Cooper. Ransinha, A. G. 1950 Census of Ceylon 1946. Colombo: Ceylon Government Press. Roberts, M., Raheem, I. & Colin-thome, P. 1989 People in-between. Ratmalana: Sarvodaya Book Publishing Services. Turner, L. B. J. 1923 Census of Ceylon 1921. Colombo: Government Press. Wijesekera, N. 1974 Slavery in Sri Lanka. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Sri Lanka), XIII (New Series): 1–22. Williams, G. S. 1873 Census of the Island of Ceylon 1871: General Report. Colombo: Government Printers.

de silva_f11_155-170.indd 170 3/26/2008 9:39:46 PM EXTENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE AFRO-ASIAN DIASPORA

Jean-Pierre Angenot * & Geralda de Lima Angenot *

Allen, James de Vere (1984). “Habash, Habshi, Sidi, Sayyid”, CAASWA, 3. Alpers, Edward A. (1976). “Gujarat and the trade of East Africa c. 1500–1800”, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 9.1: 22–45. —— (1997). “The African Diaspora in the Northwestern Indian Ocean: Reconsidera- tion of an old problem, new directions for research”, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 17.2: 62–81. —— (1998). “Recollecting Africa: Diasporic memory in the Indian Ocean World”, Conference: African Diaspora Studies on the Eve of the 21st Century. University of California at Berkeley. —— (1998). “The African diaspora in the Indian Ocean: a comparative perspective from the other hemisphere”, Conference on Black Diaspora in the Western Hemisphere. Australian National University. —— (1999). “Trade, Politics, and Identity in the Colonial Indian Ocean: Introduction”, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 19.2. —— (2000). “Recollecting Africa: Diasporic memory in the Indian Ocean World”, African Studies Review, 43.1: 83–99. —— (2000). “Between slavery and freedom: Fugitives and maroons in the Indian Ocean World, c. 1750–1900”, Workshop on Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean: Their Structure and Change in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Université d’Avignon, France (18–20 May 2000). —— (2000). “Sailing into the past: The African experience in India”. www.samarma- gazine.org/archive/article. Online. 4 pp. —— (2001). “Deﬁ ning the African diaspora”, Center for Comparative Social Analysis Workshop. —— (2003). “Flight to freedom: Escape from slavery among bonded Africans in the Indian Ocean world, c. 1750–1970”, Slavery and Abolition, 24.2: 51–68. —— (2003). “The African diaspora in the Indian Ocean: A comparative perspective” in Shihan de S. Jayasuriya & Richard Pankhurst, eds. The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc. —— (2004). “Africans in India and the wider context of the Indian Ocean”, in A. Catlin & E. A. Alpers, eds. 27–41. —— (2004). “Family and Identity in the African Diaspora of the Indian Ocean World,” forthcoming in Olga Barrios & Frances Smith Foster, Eds. (2004). La Familia en África y la Diáspora Africana: Estudio Multidisciplinar/Family in Africa and the African Diaspora: A Multidisciplinary Approach. Salamanca: Ediciones Almar/Ambos Mundos. Alpers, Edward A., Gwyn Campbell & Michael Salman, eds. (2005). Slavery and Resistance in Africa and Asia: Bonds of Resistance Abingdon, Oxon & New York: Routledge. Aminaka, Akiyo (2006). “La place des Noirs dans les Nanban Byoubu Le potentiel des Nanban Byoubu comme documentation historique visuelle au Japon”, Les Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, 9: De l’Afrique à l’Extrème Orient. Nantes, France.

* Federal University of Rondônia, Brazil & The TADIA Society, Bangalore, India

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Angenot, Geralda de Lima (2006). “A constituição do Siddi-Konkani, uma língua híbrida falada na Índia por descendentes de escravos moçambicanos”, Goiânia: Universidade Federal de Goias, Brazil. —— (2006). “A formação do Siddi-Konkani, uma língua falada na Índia pelos descendentes de Moçambicanos aquilombados nas fl orestas do Karnataka”, Encontro Internacional de Pesquisadores em Comunidades Afrodiaspóricas na Bahia. Salvador: Universidade do Estado da Bahia. Angenot, Geralda de Lima & Oziel Marques da Silva (2007). “The African, Portuguese, Kannada, Marathi, Malvani, Hindi and English infl uences on the hybridized Siddi- Konkani dialect”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds., 2007. Angenot, Jean-Pierre (2007). “The TADIA/UNESCO programme and the Afro-Asian communities”, in Shubha Chauduri, ed. Proceedings of the Remembered Rhythms Seminar: A festival on diaspora and the music of India. January 2005. Research Centre for Ethno- musicology. American Institute for Indian Studies. New Delhi. Angenot, Jean-Pierre & Geralda de Lima Angenot (2005). “The African Diaspora in Asia: An overview”. The Conference “Legacies of Slavery: Comparative Perspectives”. Centre for Cross-Cultural Research, The Australian National University—ANU. Angenot, Jean-Pierre & Selmo Azevedo Apontes (2004). “The Siddhi-Konkani ret- rofl exes torn between Indo-Aryan Apical postalveolar and Dravidian sub-apical palatal articulations”, Konkani Research Bulletin —Sôd, 7. Alto Porvorm, Goa: TSKK Publications. Angenot, Jean-Pierre, Geralda de Lima Angenot & Barbara Kempf (2004). “O siddi- konkani, um anti-crioulo do Uttar Kannad, Índia: Um projeto de resgate”, PAPIA: Revista de Crioulos de Base Ibérica, no 12. Brasília: UNB. Angenot, Jean-Pierre & Geralda de Lima Angenot (2007). “An extensive bibliography on the Afro-Asian diaspora”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds., 2007. Appiah, Kwame Anthony & Henry Louis Gates Jr., Eds. (1999). “Africans in South Asia,” Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books. Arasaratnam, Sinnappah (1979). “Trade and traffi c: Asian trade and European impact 1500–1700”, Hem., 23.3: 172–177. Austen, Ralph (1989). “The 19th Century Islamic Slave Trade from East Africa (Swahili and Red Sea Coasts): A Tentative Census,” in Gervase Clarence-Smith, ed. The Economics, 22. Babalola, Ayodeji (1984). “The Siddis: African descendants in India”, Massife (reprinted from Network Africa Magazine), 1/1: one page unpaginated. Bacharach, Jere L. (1981). “African Military Slaves in the Medieval Middle East: the Cases of Iraq (869–955) and Egypt (828–1171)”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 13:4. Badalkhan, Sabir (2002). “Coastal Makran and the Indian Ocean world”, Proceedings of the International Conference on Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (April 5–6). Los Angeles: UCLA. —— (2002). “Coastal Makran as corridor to the Indian Ocean World”, Eurasian Stud- ies, 1/2: 237–262. —— (2002). “On the presence of African musical culture in Coastal Makran”, Pro- ceedings of the International Conference on Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (April 5–6). Los Angeles: UCLA. —— (2002). “Portuguese encounters with coastal Makran Baloch during the sixteenth century: Some references from a Balochi heroic epic”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 10.2. Balamatti, A. M. (1991). A study on paddy cultivation of Siddhi farmers and their socio-economic characteristics, Yellapur, Karnataka. M.A. Thesis, Department of Agricultural Extension. University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad, Karnataka.

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Banaji, Dady Rustomji (1932). Bombay and the Siddis. Bombay: Published by Macmillan for the University of Bombay. —— (1933). Slavery in British India. 2nd edition. Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala. Baptiste, Fitzroy Andre (1998). “African presence in India: I”, Africa Quarterly, 38.1: 75–90. —— (1998). “African presence in India: II”, Africa Quarterly, 38.2: 91–126. —— (1998). “The African presence in the Indian Subcontinent”, Conference: New Perspec- tives on Vedic and Ancient Indian History. California State University at Northridge. —— (2006). “Habshis au début du 19ème siècle. L’Afghanistan: une note de recherche”, Les Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, 9: De l’Afrique à l’Extrème Orient. Nantes, France. —— (2007). “From ‘invisibility’ to ‘visibility’: Africans in India: Through the lens of some select sources from the Late Classical Period to the Late 18th CE”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds. Barendse, R. J. (2002). The Arabian Seas: The Indian Ocean World of the Seventh Century. London: M. E. Sharpe. Basu, Helene (1992). “Sidi”, in Paul Hockings, ed. Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. III, South Asia. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. 260–261. —— (1993). “The Sidi and the cult of Bava Gor in Gujarat”, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society, 28: 289–300. —— (1995). Habshi-Sklaven, Sidi Fakire. Muslimische Heiligenverehrung in westlichen Indien. Berlin: Das Arabische Buch. —— (1996). “Muslimische Lachkultur in Guajarat / Indien”, in Georg Elwert, Jürgen Jensen & Ivan R. Kortt, eds. Kulturen und Innovationen. Festschrift für Wolfgang Rudolph. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot. 161–171. —— (1997). “Habshi-Sklaven, Sidi-Fakire, Islamische Heilingenverehrung in urbanen Kontext am Beispiel von Alepps”, Collection: Welt des Islams. Monde de l’Islam. 37.2: 226–228. —— (1998). “Hierarchy and emotion: Love, joy, and sorrow in a cult of Black Saints in Gujarat, India”, in Pnina Werbner & Helene Basu, eds. Embodying Charisma. Modernity, Locality and the Performance of Emotion in Sufi Cults. London: Routledge. 117–139. —— (1999). «Going for Visits with a Woman-Fakir: the African Diaspora in Gujarat», ISIM Newsletter, Leiden 3/99: 39. —— (2000). “Localising memories of kingship: paliyo, chatri and samadhi in Kacch”, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society, 35: 1–8. —— (2000). “Theatre of memory: Performances of ritual kinship of the African Diaspora in Sind/Pakistan”, in Monika Böck & Aparna Rao, eds. Culture, Creation and Procreation in South Asia. Oxford: Berghahn. 243–270. —— (2000). “Time and the crisis at the dargah of Bava Gor”, paper presented at the Sidi/Goma Conference, Gujarat, March 2000. —— (2001). “Africans in India: Past and present”, Internationales Asienforum/International Quarterly for Asian Studies, 32: 253–274. —— (2002). “Afro-indische Besessenheitskulte im interkulturellen Vergleich (Sidi-Goma in Indien, candomble in Brasilien), Zeitschrift für Ethnologie der deutschen Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschlichte, 127.1: 41–56. —— (2003). “Slave, soldier, trader, fakir: Fragments of African histories in Gujarat”, in Shihan de S. Jayasuriya & Richard Pankhurst, eds. The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc. 223–250. —— (2004). “Redefi ning boundaries: Twenty years at the shrine of Gori Pir”, in A. Catlin & E. A. Alpers, eds. 62–85. —— (2004). “Ritual Communication: The case of the Sidi in Gujarat.”, in Imtiaz Ahmad & Helmut Reifeld, (ds.) Lived Islam: Adaptation, Liminality, Confl ict. p. 233. —— (2005). “Politics of travelling in the postcolonial Indian Ocean world: Sidi Abdula bin Mubarak’s “My Journey to East Africa”, in Abdul Sheriff. —— (2005). “Review of “Ulrike Krasberg, Die Ekstasetaenzerinnen von Sidi Mustafa. Eine theater-ethnologische Untersuchung”, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 126.

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—— (2005). “Indian Sidi: African Diaspora: A Query”, in Edward Alpers & Al Roberts, eds Proceedings of the International Conference on Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (April 5–6). Los Angeles: UCLA. —— (2005). “Drumming and Praying: Sidi at the junction of Spirit Possession and Islam.” in Kai Kresse & Edward Simpson, eds. Struggling with History in the Indian Ocean Region. —— (2005). “Africans in India”, Frontline, 22.18. ——, ed. (2006). Journeys and Dwellings: Indian Ocean Themes in South Asia. Hyderabad: Orient Longman. —— (2006). “A Gendered Indian Ocean Site—Mai Mishra, African Spirit Possession and Sidi Women in Gujarat.”, in Helene Basu, ed. —— (forthcoming). “Ritualisation of domesticity: Worshipping a female Suﬁ saint”, in Ahmad Imtiaz, ed., Ideology and Gender. Delhi. —— (forthcoming). “ ‘Africans’ or ‘Scheduled tribes’? Representations and Experiences of Ex-Africans in India”, in: Paul Greenough & Jim Giblin, eds., Iowa. Basu, Helene, Kerrin G. von Schwerin & Ababu Minda Yimene (2006). “Daff Music of Yemeni-Habshi in Hyderabad (Deccan)”, in Helene Basu, ed. Basu, Helene & Hugh Van Skyhawk (1997). “Habshi-Sklaven, Sidi-Fakire”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländdischen Gesellschaft, 147.2: 525–526. Basu, Helene & Jurgen W. Frembogen (1996). “Habshi-Sklaven, Sidi-Fakire”, Anthropos, 91:1. Beckerleg, Susan (2002). “Hidden history, secret present: the origin and status of African Palestinian”, paper on-line: http://members.tripod.com/~yajaffar/african.html Bhandary, M. J., K. R. Chandrashekar & K. M. Kaveriappa (1995). «Medical eth- nobotany of the Siddis of Uttara Kannada District, Karnataka, India», Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 47: 149–158. Bhattacharjee, Anuradha (2007). “The Wargharkar family in Siddi Janjira”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds. Bhattacharya, D. K. (1968). “Siddis of Rajkot”, Hindustan Times Weekly (16 June 1968). p. 7, 1A. —— (1969). “Anthropometry of a negro tribe in India: The Siddis of Gujarat”, Zinruigaku Zassi: The Journal of the Anthropological Society of Nippon, 77.5/6: 30–43. —— (1970). “Indians of African origin”, Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, 10.40: 579–582. Bodomo, Adams B. (2001). “Africa-Asia relations: Some historical, cultural, and linguistic connections”, paper presented at Ansted University, Penang, Malaysia. —— (2007). “An emerging African-Chinese community in Hong Kong: The case of Tsim Sha Tsui’s Chungking mansions”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds. Bouketo, Sonia (2006). “Les Habshis-Siddhis: une Histoire en pointillés”, Les Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, 9: De l’Afrique à l’Extrème Orient. Nantes, France. Boxer, Charles (1989). “Africans in Asia in the Sixteenth Century”, Camões Center Quarterly Sept./Dec. 4 pp. Brunson, James E. & Runoko Rashidi (1985). Black Trade: The African Presence in the Ancient East and Other Essays. DeKalb, IL: Kara Publishing. 144 pp. Brunson, James E. (1985). Black Jade: The African Presence in the Ancient East and Other Essays. DeKalb: Kara. —— (1989). The Image of the Black in Eastern Art. Pt. 1, Black Roots in Most Ancient China (1766 BC–950 BC). DeKalb: Kara. Burton, Richard F. (1850). Sindh, and the Races that inhabit the Valley of the Indus. London. [with a short Siddhi language study]. Burton-Page, Richard F. (1971). “Habshi”, in Encyclopedia of Islam. Leiden: Brill. 14–16. Cachioli, Niambi (2007). “The hidden narrative: Representations of African slavery in Persian memoir literature”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot (eds).

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Camara, Charles (2004). “The Siddis of Uttara Kannada: History, identity and change among African descendants in contemporary Karnataka”, in A. Catlin & E. A. Alpers, eds. 100–114. —— (in progress). The Siddis of Uttara Kannada history, Identity and Change among African descendants in contemporary southwestern India. PhD dissertation, Stockholm Anthropo- logical Research on India (SARI), Department of Social Anthropology, Stocholm University, Sweden. Campbell, Gwyn (2004). Africa at the Indian Ocean from Early Times to 1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ——, ed. (2004). The Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia. London: Frank Cass. —— (2005). “Abolition and its Aftermath in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia”, in Gwyn Campbell ed. ——, ed. (2005). Abolition and Its Aftermath in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia. Studies in Slave and Post Post-Slave Societies and Cultures series. London: Routledge. —— (2005). “African Diaspora in Asia”, in Melvin Ember, Carol R. Ember & Ian Skoggard, eds. Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Overviews and Topics. New York, Vol. 1. Boston, Dordrecht, London & Moscow: Kluwer & Plenum. I: 3. —— (2006). “Le commerce d’esclave et la question d’une diaspora africaine dans le monde de l’océan indien”, Les Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, 9: De l’Afrique à lÉxtrème Orient. Nantes, France. —— (2007). “Slavery and the trans-Indian Ocean world slave trade: a historical outline”, in Himanshu Prabha Ray & Edward A. Alpers, eds. Campbell, Gwyn & Edward A. Alpers (2005). “Slavery, forced labour and resistance in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia”, in Edward A. Alpers, Gwyn Campbell & Michael Salman, eds. 1–19. Catlin, Amy (2002). “A Sidi CD Media, tourism, globalization, and development in the 20th Century”, in Proceedings of the First International Conference on “Siddis at the Millenium: Culture, History, and Development”. Rajpila (16–18 Feb. 2000). —— (2002). “To tour or to be toured: Sidi African-Indians at home and abroad”, Proceedings of the International Conference on Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (April 5–6). Los Angeles: UCLA. —— (2002). Sidi Sufi Mystics: Music of African Indians of Gujarat. Van Nuys: Apsara Media for Intercultural Education. 79-minute CD. Catlin-Jairazbhoy, Amy (?) “Sidi Goma: mystic musicians and dancers to the Black Sufi Saint, Bava Gor”, 2 pp. —— (2004). “A Sidi CD? Globalisation of music and the sacred”, in A. Catlin & E. A. Alpers, eds. 178–211. Catlin, Amy & Edward A. Alpers, eds. (2004). Sidis and Scholars: Essays on African Indians. Delhi: Rainbow Publishers. 226 pp. Catlin, Amy & N. Jairazbhoy (2002). CD Sidi Sufi s: African Indian Mystics of Gujarat. Chakraborty, Jyotirmoy (1997). “Marriage and kinship among the Siddis of Saurashtra”, in Georg Pfeffer & Deepak Kumar Behera, eds. Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies. Vol. II: Development Issues: Transition and Change. 404 pp. Chakraborty, Jyotirmoy & S. B. Nandi (1984). “The Siddis of Junagarh: Some aspects of their religious life”, Human Science: Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, 33.2: 130–137. Chanana, Dev Raj (1960). Slavery in Ancient India. New Delhi. Chatterjee, Indrani (1999/2002). Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India. Oxford Uni- versity Press. 398 pp. —— (2005). “Abolition by Denial? Slavery in South Asia after 1843”, in Gwyn Campbell (ed.). Chattopadhyay, Amal Kumar (1960). Slavery in India. Calcutta.

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Chaudhuri, Dibyendu Roy (1957). “Anthropometry of the Siddis: The negroid population of North Karnataka”, Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology, Government of India. 1: 53–66. Chaudhuri, K. N. (1978). The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company. London. Chauhan, R. R. S. (1995). Africans in India: From Slavery to Royalty. New Delhi: Asian Publication Services. 264 pp. Chittick, H. N. (1974/1980). “East Africa and the Orient: Ports and trade before the arrival of the Portuguese”, in UNESCO: Historical Relations Across the Indian Ocean. Paris. 13–22. —— (1979). “Indian relations with East Africa before the arrival of the Portuguese”, I ICIOS Aug III and (1980) Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 2: 117–127. —— (1979). “The Arabic sources relating to the Muslim expansion in the Western Indian Ocean”, in: C. Mehaud, ed. Mouvements des Populations dans l’Ocean Indien. Paris. 27–31. —— (1970). “East African Trade with the Orient”, in: D. S. Richards, ed. Islam and the Trade of Asia. Oxford. 97–104. Clarence-Smith, William Gervase (2005). “Islam and the abolition of the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean’’, in Gwyn Campbell, ed. 137–49. —— (2006). Islam and the Abolition of Slavery, Hurst: London. Colaco, A. da Piedade (1938). “Abolição da escravatura”, Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama, Goa, 38: 1–28. Cooper, Kenneth J. (1999). “Within South Asia, a little touch of Africa”, Washington Post Foreign Service, April 12, 1999. Crowder, Michael & Roland Oliver, eds. (1981). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 469–484. Davies, Carole Boyce (2007). “Encyclopedia of the African diaspora: An introduction”, in Kiran Kamal Prasad & Jean-Pierre Angenot, eds., 2007. De Silva Jayasuriya, Shihan (2001). Les Cafres de Ceylan: le chaînon portugais. Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire No. 3, pp. 229–253. University of Nantes, France. —— (2002). “The Ceylon Kafﬁ rs: A creole community in an Indian Ocean island”, Proceedings of the International Conference on Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (April 5–6). Los Angeles: UCLA. —— (2003). “Les femmes et l’esclavage au Sri Lanka”, Les Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, 5, University of Nantes, France. —— (2003). “The African diaspora in Sri Lanka”, in Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya & R. Pankhurst, eds. The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. Trenton/Lawrencville, NJ: Africa World Press. 251–288. —— (2004). La Musique Créole Portugaise du Sri Lanka. In: Métissages Culturels et Créativité. De Villanova, R. & Vermès, G. (eds). L’Harmattan, Paris, France —— (2004). “Trading on a Thalassic Network”, in: Issues of Memory: Coming to Terms with the Slave Trade and Slavery, Paris, UNESCO. —— (2005). “Indian Ocean Island Cultures: African Migration and Identity”, Conference on Monsoons and Migration, unleashing Dhow Synergies, organised in association with the Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF ), Tanzania. July 5–7. —— (2005). “The Portuguese Identity of the Ceylon Kafﬁ rs”, Lusotopie, 12. Paris & Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers. —— (2006). “Trading on a Thalassic Network: African migrations across the Indian Ocean”, International Social Sciences Journal, 188: 215–226, Paris: UNESCO. —— (2006). “Identifying Africans in Asia: What’s in a Name?”, Journal of African & Asian Studies. Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden, The Netherlands. —— (2006). “An Afro-Asian Community in an Indian Ocean Island: Cultural Retentions. Conference of the African Studies Association of the United Kingdom, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, 11–13 September.

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Jean-Pierre Angenot, Belgian naturalized Brazilian, born in 1941. Full Professor of Ethnolinguistics, Federal University of Rondônia, Brazil. PhD in African Linguistics (Leiden, 1971) and in Romance Philology (Brussels, 1975). Post-doctor in Acoustic Phonetics (Mons, 1982) and in Physiological Phonetics (Aix-en-Provence, 1998). In 2003, co-founder, with Dr Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya, of TADIA (The African Diaspora in Asia), an international academic programme associated with the UNESCO Slave Route Project. From 2007 Coordinator of an international programme sponsored by the “Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional” named Rehabilitación of the Intangible Afro-Iberoamerican Heritage: Bantuisms in American Spanish and Portuguese. Author of 154 publications.

Gwyn Campbell, Canada Research Chair in Indian Ocean World History and Direc- tor of the Indian Ocean World Centre at McGill University, initiated the ‘Avignon’ series of slavery conferences. He has published widely on aspects of the economic history of the Indian Ocean World. Recent publications include An Economic History of Imperial Madagascar, 1750–1895 (Cambridge, 2005), (editor) Abolition and its Aftermath in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia (Routledge, 2005), and (editor), The Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia (Cass, 2004).

Robert O. Collins is Professor of History, Emeritus, at the University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB). Educated at Dartmouth College, Balliol College, Oxford, and Yale University, he has taught at Williams College, Columbia University, and UCSB for forty-two years where he served as Dean of the Graduate School (1970–1980) and Director of the UCSB Center in Washington D.C. (1992–1994). In 1980 he was awarded The Order of Science, Arts, and Art: Gold Class by President Numayri for his contributions to Sudanese studies. His most recent books are Requiem for the Sudan: War (with Millard Burr), Drought, and Disaster Relief, 1983–1993 (1994); Africa’s Thirty Years War: Chad, Libya, and the Sudan, 1963–1993 (1999); The Nile (2002); Revolutionary Sudan: Hasan al-Turabi and the Islamist State, 1989–2000 (2003); Civil Wars and Revolution in the Sudan: Essays on the Sudan, Southern Sudan, and Darfur, 1962–2004 (Tsehai Publishers, 2005), Africa: A Short History (Markus Wiener, 2005), Darfur: The Long Road to Disaster (Markus Wiener, 2006), A History of Sub-Saharan Africa (Cambridge, 2007), and A History of the Modern Sudan (Cambridge University Press, 2007).

Geralda de Lima de Angenot, Brazilian, born in 1969. Associate Professor of Eth- nolinguistics, Federal University of Rondônia, Brazil. PhD in Indigenous Linguistics (Leiden, 2002) and Post-doctor in Afro-Diasporic Ethnolinguistics (Thomas Stephens Konkani Kendr, Goa, 2006). Researcher of CNPq (“Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento do Cientíﬁ co e Tecnológico”). Author of 72 publications.

Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya is a Senior Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Stud- ies (University of London). She was elected a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society (Great Britain & Ireland) and she is also associated with King’s College (University of Lon- don). She has a PhD in Linguistics (University of Westminster), and two degrees from the University of London: a MSc in Finance and a BSc Honours in Economics. Having lived in both Africa and Asia, she has ﬁ rst-hand experience of African and Asian societies. She has published widely on Indian Ocean migration. Together with

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Richard Pankhurst, she co-edited The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean (Africa World Press, New Jersey, 2003). She serves on the Advisory Board of African Diasporas & Transnationalism (a journal produced by Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden). She was invited to read a paper on the African diaspora in Asia at the International Conference on “Issues of Memory: Coming to Terms with the Slave Trade and Slavery” (UNESCO, Paris, December 2004). Her paper “Trading on a Thalassic Network: Afri- can Migration across the Indian Ocean” was published in the International Social Sciences Journal (UNESCO Paris 2006). She was also invited to present a paper at the UNESCO International Symposium on “The Cultural Interactions resulting from the Slave Trade and Slavery in the Arab-Islamic World” (Rabat & Marrakech, Morocco, 2007). Her paper “African Migrants as Cultural Brokers in South Asia” is in press (UNESCO, Paris 2008). She has published over eighty articles in peer-reviewed journals worldwide. She is also the author of four books: Tagus to Taprobane (Tisara Prakasakayo, Colombo, 2001), An Anthology of Indo-Portuguese Verse (Edwin Mellen Press, Wales, 2001), Indo-Portuguese of Ceylon (Athena Publications, London, 2001) and Portuguese in the East: Cultural History of a Maritime Trading Empire (I B Tauris, London, 2008).

Leila Ingrams is the author of Focus on Yemen, a touring exhibition of universi- ties in the UK. Leila established the important link between Zanzibar and Yemen through Yemeni musicians performing at the annual Zanzibar Festival of the Dhow Countries. She has written for a number of Middle East periodicals, and contributed to Musiké, an international journal of ethnomusicology (The Hague), an article entitled African Connections in Yemeni Music. She is co-editor of the 16-volume work, Records of Yemen 1798–1960 and author of Yemen Engraved, a companion volume to Ethiopia Engraved, which she co-authored with Richard Pankhurst.

Beatrice Nicolini, PhD, Chair of History and Institutions of Afroasian Countries, Facoltà di Scienze Politiche, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan, Italy, has focused her research on the history of the Western Indian Ocean, Sub-Saharan East Africa and the Gulf. Among her publications are: Makran, Oman and Zanzibar: Three- Terminal Cultural Corridor in the Western Indian Ocean (1799–1856), in monograph series: “Islam in Africa” edited by J. Hunwick & K. Vikor, Vol. 3, Brill Academic Publish- ers, Leiden (2004), winner of the Grant of the Society for Arabian Studies; Studies in Witchcraft, Magic, War and Peace in Africa: 19th and 20th centuries, Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston (2006).

Richard Pankhurst undertook his undergraduate and postgraduate studies at the London School of Economics (University of London). He obtained a BSc (Econ) in Economic History and a PhD in Political Science. He was the founder and ﬁ rst Director of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University, and co- edited two Ethiopian journals (The Journal of Ethiopian Studies and Ethiopia Observer). He is currently Professor of Ethiopian Studies at the Institute. He received the Haile Sellassie I Prize for Ethiopian Studies (1973), an Honorary Doctorate from the Addis Ababa University (2005), and an OBE for Ethiopian Studies (2005). He is a founder committee member of the Society of Friends at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, the Return the Aksum Obelisk Committee, and the Association for the Return of Magdala Ethiopian Treasures. He has written numerous books and articles on Ethiopian history. His monographs include An Introduction to the Economic History of Ethiopia (1961), Travellers in Ethiopia (1965), The Ethiopian Royal Chronicles (1967), An Introduction to the History of the Ethiopian Army (1967), Economic History of Ethiopia 1800–1935 (1968), State and Land in Ethiopian History (1969), Tax Records of Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia (1855–1868) (with Germa Selassie

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Asfaw, 1878), The History of Famine and Epidemics in Ethiopia prior to the Twentieth Century (1985), An Introduction to the Medical History of Ethiopia (1990), A History of Ethiopian Towns (2 volumes, 1985, 1987), A Social History of Ethiopia (1990), The Ethiopian Borderlands (1997) and The Ethiopians (2007). He has also co-authored Ethiopia Engraved (with Leila Ingrams, 1988) and Ethiopia Photographed (with Denis Gerard, 1996). He also co-edited with Dr Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya, The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean (2003).

Clifford Pereira is a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. He is a consultant to, and has researched ethnic communities in London and Kent for, the National Maritime Museum, the Chatham Historic Dockyard Trust, Bexley Heritage and Bexley Local Studies. His Biography of Thomas Stephens, the ﬁ rst recorded Englishman in India, was published by the Thomas Stephens Konkani Academy, Goa (2003). His work on the Bombay Africans was published in the Cahiers des Anneaux de la Mémoire, Nantes, France (2007). He was a participant at the UNESCO International Symposium on The Cultural Interactions Resulting from the Slave Trade and Slavery in the Arab-Islamic World, Rabat and Marrakech, Morocco (2007), where he delivered a paper on the “Employment of Moslems and Africans by the Royal Navy in the nineteenth century” which is to be published by UNESCO (2008). His exhibition on the Bombay Africans in the European exploration of East-Central Africa was launched, in October 2007, by the Royal Geographical Society and the National Museums of Kenya.

Jeanette Pinto obtained a PhD in History (Bombay University, India). She has been a faculty member and Head of the Department of History at St. Xavier College Bombay. She was also Vice-Principal of the College, and retired as Principal of Sophia College for Women. She has attended several International Indo-Portuguese Conferences, and All India Conferences in History. She has been the recipient of several grants: a scholarship from the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, a Kilachand Fellowship, and a Heras Fellowship. She has published three books: Slavery in Portuguese India 1510–1842 (Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House, 1992), The Indian Widow —From Victim to Victor (Bombay: Better Yourself Books, 2003), For Youth on Life, Love and Sex (Bombay: Better Yourself Books, 2007) and also written several research articles in History and on other subjects. Presently Dr Pinto is the Director of the Diocesan Human Life Committee of the Archdiocese of Bombay. She is on the Managing Committee of the Heras Institute of Indian His- tory and Culture, Bombay.

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A commodity 133, 148 Bava Habash 47, 135 Abī Rabāh, Atā ibn 42 Berbera 69, 107–111, 116, 123, 125 Abolition 3, 31, 40, 75, 84, 92, 99, Berbera Fair 109–110 122, 159 Bodu Beru 13, 134–136 Aden 3, 9–10, 23, 107–118, 123 Bombay 4, 20, 20 n. 4, 23–24, 48, 99, Africa 1, 3, 8–11, 13, 15, 21–24, 26, 109, 113, 119, 140 n. 2, 143–144, 29, 32, 37 n. 1, 38–39, 42–43, 47, 147–148, 151, 152 n. 47, 191 49, 57–63, 67–68, 71, 73, 75, 77–79, British 12, 14–26, 28–31, 40, 48, 67, 81, 84, 86–88, 91, 93 n. 24, 108, 71, 87–89, 91–93, 100, 100 n. 36, 118–119, 121–124, 127–128, 133, 101–102, 107–108, 110, 112–114, 136, 139–140, 143, 147, 149–151, 118, 121, 134, 147–148, 153, 156, 158, 161, 189, 191 155–156, 158–162, 164, 167–169 Afro-Arabians 122 Burton, Richard Sir 88, 109–111, Afro-Sri Lankans 4, 22, 45, 47, 49, 118, 123 nn. 1, 5–7, 124, 124 n. 11, 155, 160–162 125–126, 126 n. 28, 127, 127 nn. Al bu Said 85, 87–89, 91–92, 95–96, 30–31 98–100, 100 n. 36 Al-Dj āhiz, Abū 42 Caste 11, 26, 43, 49, 90, 102, 140, - An economic entity 84, 148 142, 149 Ancestor 12, 21–22, 46, 160–162 Caucasus 41, 82 Arab 4, 9–14, 21, 23–24, 27, 29, 32, Central Asia 41, 82, 91, 96 n. 29 40, 43, 45, 46–48, 58, 60, 69–70, China 1–2, 27, 38, 40–41, 44–45, 69, 72–73, 75–78, 81, 81 n. 2, 82, 84, 92, 94, 133 86, 88–89, 91, 93–95, 97–100, 102, Christianity 10, 27–28, 46, 60 108–109, 115–116, 122, 125–127, Church 16, 20, 35, 46, 48, 68, 142, 131–134, 139–141, 147–148, 145, 147, 158 152–153, 156 Christian Missionary Service Arabisation 128 (CMS) 39 Asia 1–3, 5, 7–8, 11, 14, 19, 21, 25, Concubine 29, 46–48, 59–60, 62, 65, 32–39, 41–43, 49–50, 57–59, 62, 70, 85, 90, 140 69–70, 72, 75–77, 81, 101, 122, 133, Corvee 44–45 136, 139, 156, 158, 189–190 Creole 40, 42, 45, 53, 56 Assimilation 33, 44, 47, 49–51, 60, Cruttenden, Charles Lt 108 136 Culture 4, 38, 45, 85 n. 3, 89–90, 126, Atlantic Ocean 62 128, 131, 150

Baburu 13, 135–136 Dance 2, 13, 47, 128, 131, 134–137 Bahrein 48, 109 Date Groves 124 Baluch 81, 84, 87–88, 93, 95–98, Debt 29 100–102 De Silva Jayasuriya, Shihan 1–2, 4, 8, Baluchistan 21, 47, 92, 92 n. 20, 15, 29, 32, 103, 125 nn. 18, 23, 128 101–103, 124 n. 32, 189, 191 Banaji, D. R. 140 n. 1, 141 nn. 3, 5, Dhofar 13, 83, 124, 126 147, 147 n. 31 Dutch 15–17, 19–20, 26, 29–32, 34, Bambasi 127 36, 40, 48, 94, 133–134, 143, Batuta, Ibn 9, 12, 14, 133, 135, 156 156–159, 162, 167–169 Bava Gor 43, 46–47, 135 Dutch Reformed Church 48

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East Africa 3, 9–11, 13, 32, 39, 57, Kafﬁ r 14–19, 21–22, 24–25, 28–29, 69–70, 72–73, 75, 81–82, 84, 87, 89, 49, 135, 156–169 92, 97, 99–102, 109, 126, 136–137, Kafris 143 140, 149, 151, 153, 158, 190 Kanem-Bornu 64 Empire of Mali 63 Karnataka 25, 39, 49, 149–151, 153 Estado da India 11, 32, 143–144, 153 Korea 2, 44 Ethiopia 3, 8–12, 22, 27, 68–69, 126, K’unlun/Kunlun 27, 38 149 Ethnicity 4, 16, 28–29, 42, 49–50, Lahadz country (see Lahej) 116 121, 126, 156, 163 Language 11, 22, 27, 34, 36, 45–46, 126–128, 131, 134, 137, 147, 150, French 19–20, 24–26, 70, 86, 94, 156 99–100, 100 n. 36, 132, 143, 159 Leadership 38, 41–42, 72 Fugitive slaves 42 Lost generation 153 Funj Kingdom 66, 68 Maalla 110 Ghana 10, 63 Madagascar 17, 26, 40–43, 45–46, Ghat, Western 40 48–49, 99, 140, 157–158, 160 Gujarat 24–25, 40, 49, 133–135, 144, Mai Goma 47 149, 151–153 Mai Mishra 47 Makhuwa 45 Habeshi/Habshees/Habshi 11–12, Makran 23, 25, 49, 87, 101, 125 24–25, 34, 36, 38, 123, 126–127, Makua 42, 127 135, 140, 149, 151 Maldive Islands 12, 35, 157 Hadhramaut 72, 108, 117, 124, 126 Mascarenes 39, 44, 59 Hajj 122–123, 135 Mauritius 38, 40–41, 159 Harris, Joseph 37, 50 Mecca 10, 13–14, 42, 66, 91, Healing 47, 51 122–124, 135 Hejaz 123–126 Melanesia 32, 38 Hindu 87, 115, 140, 150 Mercenary(ies) 10, 29, 66, 100, 102, Homeland 22, 37–39, 139 155, 167–168 Hyderabad 26, 39–40, 48, 151 Mercenary troops 81, 84, 98 Merina 48 Ibrahim Ismail 114 Middle East 1, 8, 13–14, 21, 36, 41, Identity 25, 35, 43, 47, 49, 51, 97, 43, 46–47, 58–60, 121–122, 133, 127–128, 134, 137 162 Ideology 46, 59, 134, 137 Migrant(s) 3–5, 22, 25–26, 33, 35, Incense 114, 125 131–137, 158, 168 India Sports Authority 50 Migration 2–3, 5, 7, 33, 107, 114, 118, Indian Ocean 1–3, 9, 11, 15, 19, 32, 125, 127, 131, 155–156, 160, 168 34–35, 37, 44, 47, 50–62, 69, 71–72, Missionaries 22, 39 75–78, 81–82, 87–89, 92, 94–95, 96 Mombasa 39, 72, 97, 99, 123 n. 29, 98–101, 124, 127, 131, 134, 136, Mosque 46 140, 152, 155–156, 158–159, 168–169 Mozambique 11, 14, 17–21, 23, 26, Indian Ocean World (IOW) 38–39, 44, 36, 38, 47, 49, 70, 76, 92–93, 123, 51 156, 159 Indiaspora 153 Mukalla/Mukallah 108, 117, 123, Indonesia 26, 32, 36, 41, 82, 133, 158 125 Iran 11, 23, 43 n. 42, 47 Music 2, 4, 43, 47, 125, 128, 131, Iraq 9–10, 13, 36, 42, 123 134–137 Islam 8–9, 11–12, 14, 22, 46, 59–60, Muslim 9–14, 22, 24–25, 41–43, 62, 65–66, 69, 77, 81 n. 1, 82, 46–47, 47 n. 79, 48–49, 59–60, 62, 84, 85 n. 3, 86, 90–91, 121–122, 65–69, 79, 84–87, 90–91, 97, 132, 126–127, 132, 134–135, 150 134, 140, 143, 149–151 Ismaili Tyabji 49 Mutawalladin 126

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Nilotic Slave Trade 64, 66 fugitives 150 Nobân 47 market 1, 10, 21, 40–41, 58, 60, 63, Nubi 123 72, 123–124, 139, 143, 146 Nubia 9, 58, 64, 67 marriage 85 medium 46 Oman 13, 23, 72, 81, 83–84, 86–88, mode of production 43 92, 93 n. 24, 123–124, 124 n. 15, mortality 39, 84 125, 136 revolt 9–10, 42, 44 soldiers 11–12, 48, 60, 62, 65–66, Pakistan 21–23, 25, 41, 47, 103, 82 124–125 trade and the Islamic World 1–3, Pankhurst, Richard 3, 11, 22, 35–36, 11, 19, 21, 33, 51, 57–59, 62–64, 114, 116–117 66–70, 72–73, 75, 82, 89–91, 110, Papua New Guinea 38 122, 152 Pearl divers 48, 124 women (female) 29–30, 47–48, 60, Pemba 38, 41, 59, 72, 81, 84, 88, 90, 62, 102, 140 94, 95 n. 27, 97, 99, 100 n. 36 Slavery 3, 4, 9, 11, 21, 29–31, 34–36, Plantation(s) 10, 12, 23, 41, 43–44, 38–44, 48–49, 59–62, 68, 73, 75, 59–60, 62, 70–72, 86–87, 90–91, 81–82, 84–85, 85 n. 3, 86, 86 n. 7, 95–96, 135, 168 87, 89–91, 100–101, 122, 124, Playfair, Lambert Lt (later Sir) 111–113 127–128, 139–140, 148–149, 152, Portuguese 1, 4, 7, 11, 14–17, 19–21, 158 24, 28–29, 31–36, 45, 59, 68, 72, Soldier(s) 11–12, 15, 17–20, 25–26, 92, 132, 133, 135, 139, 141–150, 32, 48–49, 59–50, 62, 65–66, 87, 93, 152–153, 156–162, 167–169 98, 100, 115, 144, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159–162, 168–169 Qatar 13, 43 Somalia 67, 108, 124–125 Somali/Somalis 3–4, 8, 10, 68–69, Red Sea 8–10, 57–58, 60–64, 67–71, 107–114, 116–118, 125 75, 77–78, 81, 121, 123–124, 147 Song 13, 47, 136 Red Sea Slave Trade 67 Songhai Empire 63 Refugees 4, 107, 117–118 South Africa 19, 21, 24, 50, 122, Religion 10, 45–46, 59–60, 62, 115, 160–161 127, 136–137, 150, 159 Southeast Asia 1, 49, 133, 156, 158 Reproduction 30, 44 Speke, John Hanning Lt 111 Réunion 41 Spirit possession 47, 125 nn. 18, 23, 135 Sri Lanka 4, 11, 14–18, 21, 24, 29–32, Sailor 32, 87, 132, 117, 151, 153, 168 34–36, 40, 43, 45–46, 48–49, Sakalava 48 131–132, 134–135, 155–165, Saudi Arabia 40, 42, 124, 126 167–169 Sayyids 126–127 State 4, 8, 10, 12, 18, 21, 31, 44, Seaboard Communities 92 62–63, 65–67, 76, 78, 82, 84, 97, Shaddâd, Antara ibn 47 107, 109, 125, 132, 143, 149, Sharia 47 151–152, 160 Shihr 108 Status 4, 28, 30, 40, 42, 44–47, 50, Sidi 22–25, 38–39, 40, 43, 46–47, 59, 62, 84–85, 98, 118, 159, 162 49–50, 127, 135, 149 Stigma 44 Sidi Mubarak Nobi 47 Suicide 39, 44 Sindh 126–127 Swahili 9–10, 21, 23, 38, 46, 72–73, 82, Sîrîk 40 86–88, 90, 95–98, 126, 135, 137, 150 Slave children 31, 45–48, 60, 62, 85, 93, Takruri 123–127 114 Tanburah 126 diaspora 3, 10, 37–39, 41, 127, 139, Tanzania 25 152 Tattoo 42

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Tihamah 124, 126 Violence 16, 44 Trade 1–11, 19, 21, 23, 30, 33–38, 51, Vivian, Herbert Sir 112 57–59, 62–73, 75–76, 79, 82, 87, 89–93, 96–102, 107–108, 110–111, Yemen 3, 4, 10, 23, 68, 83, 96 n. 29, 118, 122–123, 125, 127, 131, 133, 107–110, 117–119, 121–125, 133 136, 141–143, 145–148, 152, 156, 159 Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade 57, 72, 75 Zanj 9–10, 38, 42, 69 Trans-Saharan Slave Trade 62 Zanzibar 3, 9, 13, 21, 23–25, 36, 41, Tribe 1, 3, 8, 11, 21–22, 26, 43, 81, 59, 71–72, 76–78, 81, 84, 86, 88–90, 84, 87, 89, 93, 96–97, 99, 101–102, 92–99, 100 n. 36, 109, 123–124, 126, 108–114, 124, 126–127, 150, 152 136 Zâr 47, 51, 125 U.N.H.C.R. (United Nations High Commission for Refugees) 118 Uprooted and transplanted 139

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