DOCSLIB.ORG

How Did the Nordic-Baltic Countrieshandle the First

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

978-9934-564-32-1 HOW DID THE NORDIC-BALTIC COUNTRIES HANDLE THE FIRST WAVE OF COVID-19? A STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS ANALYSIS Published by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence ISBN: 978-9934-564-32-1 Principal Investigator & Editor: Prof.Neville Bolt Authors: Iselin Engebretsen, Elīna Lange-Ionatamishvili, Miranda Karin Michélsen Forsgren, Rakin Sayed Project manager: Elīna Lange-Ionatamišvili Design: Kārlis Ulmanis Riga, July 2021 NATO STRATCOM COE 11b Kalnciema Iela Riga LV1048, Latvia www.stratcomcoe.org Facebook/stratcomcoe Twitter: @stratcomcoe This publication does not represent the opinions or policies of NATO or NATO StratCom COE. © All rights reserved by the NATO StratCom COE. Reports may not be copied, reproduced, distributed or publicly displayed without reference to the NATO StratCom COE. The views expressed here do not represent the views of NATO. Table of contents: Introduction . 6 What is this Project? . 6 Why a Strategic Communications Lens? . 6 Methodology . 7 Which Key Areas are Explored? . 8 Which Strategic Communications Questions are Raised and Why? . 9 CHAPTER 1. The Nordic-Baltic Eight and Crisis Cooperation . 10 The Nordic-Baltic Format: Regional, EU, and NATO Cooperation . 10 Nordic-Baltic Cooperation in Times of Crisis . 12 CHAPTER 2. How the Nordic-Baltic Eight Responded to the First Wave of the Pandemic: Country Case Studies . 16 Sweden . 17 Estonia . 24 Finland . 34 Denmark . 42 Iceland . 50 Norway . 58 Latvia . 66 Lithuania . 74 Disinformation in the Baltics . 82 Conclusion . 85 Endnotes . 90 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 5 This publication captures key points of political debate which framed policy decisions during the first wave of the pandemic in the Nordic-Baltic region. INTRODUCTION What is this project? fall in national economic growth, and When the Covid-19 virus struck Europe in assumption of state debt so punitive to their 2020 with the full force of a pandemic, eight taxpayers. Any complete picture would also countries allied in the Nordic-Baltic region tell the story of how governments chose immediately faced a challenge to their to speak to their electorates, and how civil hard-won partnership. For three decades society would respond to unprecedented Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, measures imposed in peace time: curbing Lithuania, Norway, and Sweden had been individual freedoms, it may be assumed, building a common purpose. How would would elicit a consequent questioning of that friendship respond to the greatest trust between government and governed. health scare in a hundred years? This report aims to answer this question by looking All states communicate strategically. But at developments in the Nordic-Baltic Eight that is not to say they engage in Strategic (NB8) through a Strategic Communications Communications. Which is understood lens. as the shifting and shaping of significant discourses in societies. It aspires to change the way people think and behave; in Why a Strategic Communications lens? other words, to achieve a strategic effect. Inevitably, such an ambitious task requires To understand fully the pandemic that separating out diverse audiences and gripped these eight partner states is to paint honing particular approaches to appeal to a picture that goes beyond the number of those audiences’ attitudes and grievances. human lives lost or the rise in unemployment, In trying to achieve a strategic effect – in 6 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� short, change – the strategic dimension The Nordic governments started from of the term Strategic Communications a strong position. The Nordic countries sees strategy as focused on the long term; (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, more specifically, its proponents play the Sweden) make up the world’s eleventh long game. However, the NB8 members in largest economy1. Their populations show early 2020 would find themselves facing high levels of trust in government structures a national crisis on a scale they had not and law enforcement, and demonstrate a experienced since the Second World War. high degree of confidence in their partner Uneven levels of preparedness, despite states.2 The same cannot be said of the repeated warnings from global health Baltic countries. By comparison, trust in officials that dated back to the early years government is low3 and their economies of this century, would suddenly demand are less prosperous.4 Consequently, the governments act in ways for which their Nordic countries spend above the European populations had not yet been prepared. By average on healthcare, whereas the Baltic the time the scale of the pandemic had been countries allocate significantly less. This recognised by scientists and politicians, context would influence the decisions of governments could be excused for having governments and the subsequent debate. resorted to short term reactions expressed The Baltic countries would find themselves through crisis communications. The latter, trapped between trying to maintain their however necessary, live in constant tension under-funded health systems throughout with long term communications. The aim, stricter lock-downs, while at the same after all in Strategic Communications, is to time fearing for the consequences for their ensure consistency and coherence between economies. the demands of today and the ambitions of tomorrow. How did the NB8 fare? Methodology The answer is not simple, especially when faced with the conundrum brought about This publication is written under the aegis of by the Covid-19 pandemic. From the outset, the NATO Strategic Communications Centre it was clear that the pandemic was as of Excellence and its multi-year project much political, economic, and social in its researching the Nordic-Baltic region. For effect as it was bio-medical in its nature. NATO, the Nordic-Baltic region is of growing Governments across the world have since importance to Europe’s changing security faced hard choices in balancing these order. Not all Nordic countries are members threats against the well-being of their of the Alliance, but NATO enjoys close citizens while retaining friendly relations cooperation too with partner nations Finland and long-term objectives in international and Sweden who are also contributing politics. partners of the Centre of Excellence. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 This report examines the communications countries as their primary source, and strategies of all members of the NB8 consulted other mainstream media, freely during the first six months of 2020. During available policy documents, new and those months, the Covid-19 virus reached existing legislation, as well as country Europe. And soon the first cases were subject matter experts using questionnaires reported in France (January-February), a and interviews. The objective has been to global pandemic was declared by the World crystalise dominant conversations around Health Organisation (11th March), and the the Covid-19 pandemic in each country, and first wave of Covid-19 infections swept to bring out aspects that underlined regional through a locked-down Europe (March-May) cooperation or revealed a certain distancing before countries gradually re-opened as between them. We trust this publication the first wave seemed to abate (June). As will offer constructive comparative data the Covid-19 virus continues to spread, from the region, and encourage further further time must elapse before more reflection on how best to balance Strategic meaningful analysis of the consequences of Communications with crisis management. the pandemic can be drawn. Nevertheless, by separating out one particular period encompassing the first wave in Europe, Which key areas are explored ? it is possible to single out the various approaches adopted by the NB8 to tackle The report looks at the different strategies the pandemic. Nordic-Baltic countries applied to tackle the Covid-19 pandemic from national, regional, This publication captures key points and international perspectives. The key of political debate which framed policy areas the report explores are: decisions during the first wave of the pandemic in the Nordic-Baltic region. It The national approach in each of the further analyses those developments eight member countries; through the lenses of persuasion and coercion, lives and livelihoods, linguistic The balance between persuasion choices, and societal responses. In and coercion in steering societies to some cases, the researchers witnessed complying with government measures; crisis management focused on immediate concerns; in others, Strategic The debates surrounding increased Communications, pursued with long-term support for lives and livelihoods. objectives in mind. As the case studies reveal, governments Our researchers have drawn on information reacted differently, drawing on the historical from public broadcasters of the eight consciousness and experience from 8 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� previous crises, considering the shape of Was the region equipped to act the national economy and healthcare, as effectively and offer mutual support well as employing regional diplomacy. during a crisis? Did the member governments achieve a Which Strategic Communications desired behaviour change at home? questions are raised and why? Were they able to position their In the context of the Nordic-Baltic
Recommended publications
  • In the Baltic States

    In the Baltic States

    A comparative review of socio-economic implications of the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19) in the Baltic States 2020 Table of Contents 1. The uneven geography of the crisis: economic effects in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania .... 3 2. Key factors in overcoming the crisis and the potential long-term economic impact ......... 8 3. The bright side: opportunities arising from the crisis ...................................................... 14 4. Possible coordinated actions of the three Baltic States to build back better .................. 16 This review is a joint work of Foresight Centre of Parliament of Estonian, LV PEAK of the University of Latvia and Government Strategic Analysis Center (STRATA) of Lithuania. The review was finalized in October 2020. 2 Introduction and aims The COVID-19 crisis has been a true black swan – an unexpected event that is having enormous consequences on virtually every aspect of our daily life. Next to the 1918 flu pandemic that occurred in a very differenc socio-economic context, there are no historical parallels close to the current crisis, which makes forecasting and future prediction a tough task. Due to the global scale of the crisis, the collaboration and joint efforts are at the heart of solutions to the COVID-19 situation. Close cooperation is especially important in the Baltic region with highly interconnected economies and societies. This paper aims to provide a comparative picture of the effects of the crisis and describe the key factors and uncertainties affecting the recovery. Despite the sharp recession, there are also some opportunities arising from the situation, which are discussed in the third section of the paper.
  • Covid-19 and Social Work: a Collection of Country Reports

    Covid-19 and Social Work: a Collection of Country Reports

    COVID-19 AND SOCIAL WORK: A COLLECTION OF COUNTRY REPORTS Edited by Lena Dominelli, Timo Harrikari, Joseph Mooney, Vesna Leskošek and Erin Kennedy Tsunoda Contributors are members of the COVID-19 Social Work Research Forum July 2020 ii Disclaimer This compilation of Country Reports of the COVID-19 pandemic provides a snapshot of the situation in particular countries at a moment in time. It has not been peer reviewed, although it was edited several times to clarify the usage of the English language which is not the first language of a number of the authors, and to ensure uniformity of style and referencing. The authors of each Country Report are wholly responsible for the content and accuracy of the data and views expressed therein. Thus, neither IASSW nor the editors, individually or collectively are accountable for their work. The editors and IASSW are simply facilitating access to people’s country narratives. Sharing Information This document should be easy to use and provide comparable information which we trust will be useful for research purposes in social work around the world. The contributors to this first edition of the collection are members of the COVID-19 Social Work Research Forum. However, not all members of the Forum have contributed to it in the short timeframe we had available. We would urge those who would like to contribute their country report to contact Lena Dominelli at [email protected] and she will facilitate access to the contributions already on the IASSW website. Future intention There is an intention to turn this collection into a book at some point in the near future, but we felt it was important to record the positions of various countries now, briefly and quickly.
  • The Commercial Deals Connected with Gazprom's Nord Stream 2

    The Commercial Deals Connected with Gazprom's Nord Stream 2

    The commercial deals connected with Gazprom's Nord Stream 2 A review of strings and benefits attached to the controversial Russian pipelines Anke Schmidt-Felzmann, PhD Senior Researcher at the Research Centre of the General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania Abstract This paper reviews the multiple strings and benefits attached to the single most controversial gas pipeline project in Europe - the second Russian twin subsea pipeline that is currently under construction in the Baltic Sea. While much attention has been paid to the question of why and how the Russian state- controlled energy giant seeks to circumvent Ukraine as a transit country for its delivery of gas to Western Europe, hardly any attention has been paid to the benefits gained by the companies and political entities directly involved in the preparation and construction of Nord Stream 2. The paper seeks to fill this gap in the debate by taking a closer look at the business deals and commercial actors involved in the implementation of this second Russian natural gas pipeline project in the Baltic Sea. It highlights how local and national economic interests and European energy companies' motivations for participating in the project go beyond the volumes of Russian natural gas that Gazprom expects to deliver to European customers through its Baltic Sea pipelines from 2020. Keywords: Baltic Sea, Nord Stream, Gazprom, Russia, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Latvia. This analysis was produced within the Think Visegrad Non-V4 Fellowship programme. Think Visegrad – V4 Think Tank Platform is a network for structured dialog on issues of strategic regional importance. The network analyses key issues for the Visegrad Group, and provides recommendations to the governments of V4 countries, the annual presidencies of the group, and the International Visegrad Fund.
  • 5G Development in the Baltic States

    5G Development in the Baltic States

    NATO cyber experts have called 5G the ‘digital four frequencies but has endured criticism from nervous system of the contemporary societies.’1 Elisa Eesti, Tele2 Eesti, and Telia Eesti, the three But with the increased connectivity offered by largest operators in Estonia who claim the 5G, however, comes an exponential rise in the reduced frequency bands are too small to number of potential targets for espionage. The support a stable 5G network.4 Baltic states have begun to heed the warnings of Latvia is one of the first countries to push out a their principal ally, the United States, who is 5G network, and ranks third in Europe for 5G calling to end cooperation with the Chinese readiness.5 Its largest operator Latvijas Mobilais telecom giant Huawei. The governments of the Telefons (LMT) established the first working 5G Baltic states are discovering that road to 5G base in Riga and, alongside Tele2 Latvija, has built development is becoming increasingly complex 5G base stations that offer mobile users access to and fraught with geopolitical and national the 5G network. Bite Latvija, Latvia’s third largest security considerations. operator, is still testing. Latvia hosted their first 5G frequency auction in December of 2017, at which the 3.4-3.8GHz frequencies were auctioned off to LMT. Both Tele2 and Bite have since also acquired spectrum frequencies and in The Baltic region has been dubbed a ‘poster child’ June of 2019, agreed to merge networks in Latvia for early cases of 5G use due to the region’s and Lithuania.6 recent history of technological innovation.
  • The UN Security Council, the Dilemma for Estonia, and the Evolving International Disorder E-MAP Foundation MTÜ

    The UN Security Council, the Dilemma for Estonia, and the Evolving International Disorder E-MAP Foundation MTÜ

    ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 35, No. 4 (EE) December 2020 Estonia external relations briefing: Estonian External Relations in 2020: The UN Security Council, the dilemma for Estonia, and the evolving international disorder E-MAP Foundation MTÜ 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Estonian External Relations in 2020: The UN Security Council, the dilemma for Estonia, and the evolving international disorder Remarkably, during the pandemic-raged 2020, the United Nations (UN) was one of the least ‘visible’ international organisations in Estonian media, when it would come to the context of global fight against the COVID-19. Certainly, one may argue that, during the pandemic, the role of the UN is ‘substituted’ by one of its agencies, the World Health Organization (WHO), which is assigned to be specialised on different issues related to international public health. At the same time, since the WHO-associated positive publicity deserves plenty of improvements for a number of obvious reasons, the UN’s image is suffering because of that as well. It was the year, however, when Estonia started its high-level international ‘journey’ having become a non- permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) for a two-year term and for the first time in the country’s history. Back in June 2019, Estonia was awarded this position, having won the vote of the UN General Assembly, and, on 1 January 2020, the country’s President Kersti Kaljulaid decided to hoist the UN flag in front of her Office in recognition of Estonia’s new status in the international stage.
  • Migration and the New Austeriat: the Baltic Model and the Socioeconomic Costs of Neoliberal Austerity

    Migration and the New Austeriat: the Baltic Model and the Socioeconomic Costs of Neoliberal Austerity

    Migration and the new austeriat: the Baltic model and the socioeconomic costs of neoliberal austerity Charles Woolfson (Linköping University, Sweden) Jeffrey Sommers (University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee) Arunas Juska (East Carolina University) W.I.R.E. Workshop on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at the Harvard Kennedy School 24 February 2015 Abstract The Great Economic Recession was experienced with particular severity in the peripheral newer European Union member states. Baltic governments in particular introduced programmes of harsh austerity known as ‘internal devaluation’. The paper argues that austerity measures have accelerated the fragmentation of the labour market into a differentially advantaged primary (largely public) sector, and an increasingly ‘informalized’ secondary (largely low-skill manufacturing and services) sector. It is suggested that the production of a segmented labour market has acted as a major stimulus towards creating, in both Latvia and Lithuania, among the highest levels of emigration in the European Union, especially during the years of the crisis from 2008 onwards. In the absence of effective state policy to address a gathering socio-demographic crisis in which this migration is a key component, so-called ‘free movement’ of labour raises troubling questions for wider societal sustainability in the European Union’s neoliberal semi- periphery in an era of protracted austerity. Keywords: Austerity, crisis, migration, Lithuania, labour market segmentation, neoliberalism, informalisation, European periphery Introduction The onset of the global economic crisis has led to a dramatic increase of emigration from a number of East European countries that have become members of the European Union (EU) (Galgóczi, Leschke, and Watt 2012).
  • Sinteză Ştiri Presă Internaţională 1 August

    Sinteză Ştiri Presă Internaţională 1 August

    Serviciul Comunicare și Relații Publice SINTEZĂ ŞTIRI PRESĂ INTERNAŢIONALĂ realizată cu sprijinul consilierilor economici din rețeaua externă 1 AUGUST 2019 COREEA 1. Yonhap News Agency (online): Titlu: Japan likely to pass bill striking S. Korea off export whitelist: ministry Rezumat: Japonia va adopta un proiect de lege săptămâna aceasta pentru a elimina Coreea din „lista sa albă” de parteneri comerciali de încredere. Este de asteptat ca proiectul de lege să fie aprobat în cadrul unei ședințe a Cabinetului și va fi supus procedurilor de rigoare înainte de a intra în vigoare la sfârșitul lunii august. Ministerul de externe a declarat că intenționează să transmită un mesaj către Tokyo subliniind nedreptatea mișcării sale de a exclude Seoulul din lista albă și de a-și exprima regretul profund, dacă aprobă proiectul de lege. Kang a mai spus că echipa ei lucrează pentru a organiza discuții bilaterale separate cu omologii săi din SUA și Japonia - Mike Pompeo și Taro Kono - pe marginea Forumului regional ASEAN care va avea loc în Thailanda la sfârșitul acestei săptămâni, și este foarte probabil ca întâlnirile să aibă loc. 2. Yonhap News Agency (online): Titlu: Gov't seeks labor law revisions for parliamentary ratification of key ILO conventions Rezumat: Guvernul a declarat marți, 30 iulie 2019, că intenționează să efectueze o revizuire a legilor muncii într-un mod care să consolideze dreptul sindical al lucrătorilor, urmărind ratificarea parlamentară a standardelor internaționale în domeniu. Ministerul Muncii a declarat anterior că va prezenta parlamentului o moțiune pentru a solicita aprobarea parlamentară a trei din cele patru convenții cheie ale Organizației Internaționale a Muncii (OIM), împreună cu eforturile de revizuire a legilor conexe.
  • 2020 Denmark Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators

    2020 Denmark Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators

    Denmark Report Finn Laursen, Torben M. Andersen, Detlef Jahn (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Denmark Report Executive Summary Democracy functions well, and governance is credible and transparent in Denmark. Public trust in government and public administration is high. Comparatively, Denmark is extraordinary for its relatively strong economic performance (e.g., as measured by per capita income), but also for its relatively equal distribution of income and low poverty rates. The Danish welfare state is extensive both in terms of service provision and the social safety net. Though this translates into a high tax share. Overall, Denmark has shown that it is possible to combine an extensive welfare state with a well- functioning economy. The economy has performed well in recent years with activity and employment close to capacity. The recent debate on labor shortages and overheating has faded, and current projections predict a steadying of development with moderate growth rates and unemployment close to its structural level. Key macroeconomic indicators are favorable and performing comparatively well. The labor market integration of immigrants and the provision of welfare services (e.g., education, social care and healthcare) remain crucial challenges, and the implications of more ambitious climate policies are widely discussed. In an attempt to strengthen the incentive structure, and boost labor supply and employment, previous governments have had strong reform agendas. These agendas aimed to overhaul the structure and design of the social safety net (e.g., pensions, early retirement, social assistance and disability pensions), labor market policies and the tax system.
  • Dangerous Brinkmanship: Close Military Encounters Between Russia and the West in 2014

    Dangerous Brinkmanship: Close Military Encounters Between Russia and the West in 2014

    November 2014 Policy brief Dangerous Brinkmanship: Close Military Encounters Between Russia and the West in 2014 Thomas Frear Łukasz Kulesa Ian Kearns EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since the Russian annexation of Crimea, the intensity and gravity of incidents involving Rus- sian and Western militaries and security agencies has visibly increased. This ELN Policy Brief provides details of almost 40 specific incidents that have occurred over the last eight months (an interactive map is available here). These events add up to a highly disturbing picture of violations of national airspace, emergency scrambles, narrowly avoided mid-air collisions, close encounters at sea, simulated attack runs and other dangerous actions hap- pening on a regular basis over a very wide geographical area. Apart from routine or near-routine encounters, the Brief identifies 11 serious incidents of a more aggressive or unusually provocative nature, bringing a higher level risk of escalation. These include harassment of reconnaissance planes, close overflights over warships, and Russian ‘mock bombing raid’ missions. It also singles out 3 high risk incidents which in our view carried a high probability of causing casualties or a direct military confrontation: a nar- rowly avoided collision between a civilian airliner and Russian surveillance plane, abduction of an Estonian intelligence officer, and a large-scale Swedish ‘submarine hunt’. Even though direct military confrontation has been avoided so far, the mix of more aggres- sive Russian posturing and the readiness of Western forces to show resolve increases the risk of unintended escalation and the danger of losing control over events. This Brief there- fore makes three main recommendations: 1.
  • Communication of COVID-19 Consequences in the Baltic States Inforsphere Zabotkina, Vera I.; Pavlenko, Olga V.; Boyarskaya, Elena L.; Moiseeva, Ekaterina Yu

    Communication of COVID-19 Consequences in the Baltic States Inforsphere Zabotkina, Vera I.; Pavlenko, Olga V.; Boyarskaya, Elena L.; Moiseeva, Ekaterina Yu

    www.ssoar.info Communication of COVID-19 consequences in the Baltic States inforsphere Zabotkina, Vera I.; Pavlenko, Olga V.; Boyarskaya, Elena L.; Moiseeva, Ekaterina Yu. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Zabotkina, V. I., Pavlenko, O. V., Boyarskaya, E. L., & Moiseeva, E. Y. (2020). Communication of COVID-19 consequences in the Baltic States inforsphere. Baltic Region, 12(4), 147-164. https:// doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-4-8 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-72229-0 COMMUNICATION OF COVID-19 CONSEQUENCES IN THE BALTIC STATES INFORSPHERE V. I. Zabotkina 1 O. V. Pavlenko 1 E. L. Boyarskaya 1, 2 E. Yu. Moiseeva 1, 3 ¹ Russian State University for the Humanities Received 01 August 2020 6 Miusskaya square, Moscow, 125993, Russia doi: 10.5922/2079-8555-2020-4-8 ² Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University © Zabotkina, V. I., Pavlenko, O. V., 14 A. Nevskogo St, Kaliningrad, 236016, Russia Boyarskaya, E. L., Moiseeva, E. Yu., 2020 ³ Maxim Gorky Literature Institute 25a Povarskaya St, Moscow, 121069, Russia This article seeks to describe the dynamics of COVID-19 in the Baltic States and to analyse the ways of communicating the threat and its consequences.
  • European Cooperation During the Coronavirus Crisis

    European Cooperation During the Coronavirus Crisis

    POLICY BRIEF IN SICKNESS AND IN HEALTH: EUROPEAN COOPERATION DURING THE CORONAVIRUS CRISIS Pawel Zerka July 2020 SUMMARY ECFR research into how EU member states and institutions worked together – or failed to – at the height of covid-19 confirms Germany was the bloc’s undisputed crisis leader. Germany made a shaky start in showing solidarity on the pandemic, but regained other member states’ trust on the health and economy fronts. The Netherlands, however, paid a reputational price as the leading ‘frugal’ state opposing greater financial burden-sharing. EU institutions won few plaudits but policymakers still look to it for post-crisis economic leadership. France emerged at the head of a strengthened ‘southern’ grouping of member states, while the Visegrad platform was invisible during this crisis. It will fall to Germany and France to close the north-south divide, building coalitions on major policies. But they should not forget that closing the east-west divide remains an important goal. Introduction This strange summer will start late. Europe’s policymakers cannot yet hit ‘out of office’ and close their laptops – they still need to attend at least one more European Union summit on the post-covid-19 recovery fund. As they prepare, they should take a long breath and reflect on what has worked well, and what has not, over the past couple of months. This will help them understand what they are in for. They already know that the coronavirus crisis has been a moment of profound trauma for European citizens, as the European Council on Foreign Relations documents in a recent report drawing on a specially commissioned public opinion survey in nine EU countries.
  • Download Article

    Download Article

    European Research Studies Journal Volume XXIII, Issue 4, 2020 pp. 107-122 Mitigating Risk of the Tourism Sector in the European Union Member States During the COVID-19 Pandemic Submitted 21/08/20, 1st revision 19/09/20, 2nd revision 10/10/20 accepted 30/10/20 Anna Bera1, Karolina Drela2, Agnieszka Malkowska3, Anna Tokarz-Kocik4 Abstract: Purpose: The article presents, in a multidimensional perspective, the instruments applied in EU member states to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the tourism sector. Design/Methodology/Approach: Research conducted in the article was based on secondary data. Research methods applied in the paper include critical review of literature, method of comparative analysis and secondary data analysis. Findings: The outcome of the article is the identification of actions undertaken in EU member states to support the tourism sector and original elaboration on the scheme of instruments used by EU authorities and countries in order to limit the epidemic risk in tourism. Practical Implications: The analysis and evaluation carried out in the article demonstrated that risk management in EU member states’ tourist sectors at the time of pandemic requires integrated protective measures. The results may be used to develop a long-term strategy for the EU’s tourism sector and programmes for prevention of crisis outcomes in other sectors of the economy as well. Originality/value: In the perspective presented herein, issues related to the epidemic risk in the tourism sector, discussed in the article, have not been the subject of scientific analyses in domestic or foreign literature. Keywords: Risk, risk management, tourism, financial instruments, operational instruments, pandemic, COVID-19, European Union.