The Danish Social Democratic Party
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PES Report of Activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004)
PES • PSE • SPE European Parliament rue Wiertz B 1047 Brussels PES report of activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004) Introduction During the period between the 2001 Berlin Congress and 2004 Brussels Congress the Party of European Socialists has faced challenges both in political and organisational terms. After a period of extraordinary electoral success in the second half of the nineties, governmental participation of PES parties has gone down. Within the EU PES parties are in government in 6 out of 15 Member states, in the new Member States PES parties are in 5 out of 10 governments. There is however no reason to conclude that European Social Democracy is facing an electoral crisis. The vast majority of EU citizens from May 1 st onwards are governed at national level led by a PES party (Germany, United Kingdom, Sweden, Spain, Poland, Czech republic, Hungary and Lithuania) or by a government with PES party participation (Belgium, Finland and Slovenia.). Fact remains that during the period 2001-2004, President Robin Cook and the Presidency had to adapt the activities to the fact that less than before PES parties were governmental parties. The role of PES ministerial co-operation has decreased and more than before the PES has undertaken major policy co- ordination projects of its own. Two major policy co-ordination projects The co-ordination of the Social Democrat and Socialist members of the European Convention under the leadership of Giuliano Amato and later the globalisation project under the leadership of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen have been project of a magnitude and an impact the PES has never seen before. -
Watchdog for the Future
Global Challenges Foundation Global Challenges Quarterly Report Watchdog for the future: the journalist as pioneer of a new global narrative GLOBAL CHALLENGES QUARTERLY REPORT WATCHDOG FOR THE FUTURE: THE JOURNALIST AS PIONEER OF A NEW GLOBAL NARRATIVE Quarterly report team Project leader: Carin Ism Editor in chief: Julien Leyre Researcher and project coordinator: Waldemar Ingdahl Art director: Elinor Hägg Graphic design: Erik Johansson Contributors Netta Ahituv Katie G. Nelson Journalist, Haaretz Newspaper. Journalist and photographer. Kristine Angeli Sabillo Dina Samak Journalist. Journalist, Al Ahram. Peter Berglez Amanda Siddharta Professor, Media and Communication Journalist. Studies, Jönköping University. Lynn Walsh Janine di Giovanni Journalist. Edward Murrow Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations. Amy Wilentz Writer and professor, Literary Journalism Katharina Kloss program, University of California. Editor in chief, Cafébabel. Cristina Manzano Director, esglobal. THE GLOBAL CHALLENGES FOUNDATION works to incite deeper under- standing of the global risks that threaten humanity and catalyse ideas to tackle them. Rooted in a scientific analysis of risk, the Foundation brings together the brightest minds from academia, politics, business and civil society to forge transformative approaches to secure a better future for all. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors. Their statements are not necessarily endorsed by the affiliated organisations or the Global Challenges Foundation. 2 Global Challenges Quarterly Report 2018 Contents Preface 7 Executive Summary 8 Part 1. Watchdog for the future 12 1.1 A front row seat to history – Lynn Walsh 15 1.2 The journalist and the UN – Janine di Giovanni 21 1.3 Keeping powers in check – Amanda Siddharta 27 1.4 Reshaping climate reporting: four challenges and one sign of hope – Kristine Angeli Sabillo 33 Part 2. -
Flexicurity – an Open Method of Coordination at the National Level ? Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen
Flexicurity – an open method of coordination at the national level ? Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen To cite this version: Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen. Flexicurity – an open method of coor- dination at the national level ?. 2009. halshs-00407394 HAL Id: halshs-00407394 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00407394 Submitted on 28 Jul 2009 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Documents de Travail du Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne Flexicurity – an open method of coordination, at the national level ? Jean-Claude BARBIER, Fabrice COLOMB, Per KongshØj MADSEN 2009.46 Maison des Sciences Économiques, 106-112 boulevard de L'Hôpital, 75647 Paris Cedex 13 http://ces.univ-paris1.fr/cesdp/CES-docs.htm ISSN : 1955-611X Flexicurity – an open method of coordination, at the national level? Jean-Claude Barbier Fabrice Colomb CNRS Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne Centre d’économie de la Sorbonne (CES) 106/112 Bd de l’Hôpital 75647 Paris Cedex 13, France Per Kongshøj Madsen Centre for Labour Market Research (CARMA) Aalborg University Fibigerstræde 1, DK-9220 Aalborg Ø., Denmark Document de Travail du Centre d'Economie1 de la Sorbonne - 2009.46 Résumé La flexicurité (ou flexisécurité) est une notion qui s’est répandue depuis le début des années 2000, à la suite de l’usage du terme aux Pays-Bas et au Danemark. -
Bilag 1: Kodning
Bilag 1: Kodning Artikel Forfatter Medie Dato Gruppe Udtaler sig Professorer: Lavere kontanthjælp vil sende unge i uddannelse Casper Dall Information 07.08.12 Incitament Lars Barfoed (K) Morten Skjoldager, Kenneth Lund, Oliver Bærentsen, Flere unge ryger på kontanthjælp Jesper Hvass Politiken 18.01.13 pastoral Mette Frederiksen (S) Minister vil skrue bissen på over for Henrik unge på kontanthjælp Dannemand Berlingske 16.01.12 pastoral Mette Frederiksen (S) Morten Skjoldager, Kenneth Lund, Regeringen: Flere unge skal fra Oliver Bærentsen, Nadeem Faroq (R), kontanthjælp til SU Jesper Hvass Politiken 18.01.13 X Jesper Jespersen (SF) Annette Bonde, Magrethe Vestager (R), Unge skal glemme alt om kontanthjælp Peter Burhøi Berlingske 25.02.13 X Mette Frederiksen (S) Mie Raatz, Interview: Det er blevet et livsvilkår, at Tanja Astrup man er på kontanthjælp Parker Politiken 15.12.13 Pastoral Mette Frederiksen (S) Chris Kjær Jessen, Ulla Tørnæs (V), Unge får råd til mere på kontanthjælp Carl Emil Arnfred Berlingske 30.08.12 X Mette Frederiksen (S) Tusindvis af unge barberes i Sanne Rubinke (SF), kontanthjælp Jesper Vangkilde Politiken 24.02.13 X Sofie Carlsen Nielsen (R) mfl. Chris Kjær Jessen, Jesper Thobo- Ulla Tørnæs (V), Vil halvere dagpenge for unge Carlsen BT 16.02.12 Incitament Leif Lahn Jensen (S) Unge på kontanthjælp: Danskerne vil Mette Frederiksen (S) tvinge unge i arbejdstøjet Ritzau Information 18.02.12 X Bent Bøgsted (DF) mfl. Minister: Usundt at tjene på Carl Emil Arnfred, Berlingske 30.08.12 Disciplin, Nadeem Faroq (R), kontanthjælp Chris Kjær Jessen incitament Ulla Tørnæs (V) mfl. Rekordmange uuddannede unge på Rasmus Bøttcher Ulla Tørnæs (V), kontanthjælp Christensen Politiken 21.12.11 X Mai Henriksen (K) mfl. -
Ms Mette Frederiksen Ms Joy Mogensen Prime Minister Minister for Church Affairs [email protected] [email protected]
GENSEC-2021-008 Ms Mette Frederiksen Ms Joy Mogensen Prime Minister Minister for Church Affairs [email protected] [email protected] European concerns regarding the suggested legislation on compulsory translation of non-Danish-lan- guage sermons. Brussels, 26 January 2021 Excellencies, With this letter The Conference of European Churches (CEC) would like to express concerns regarding the suggested legislation on compulsory translation of non-Danish-language sermons into Danish. Below we argue our case from a European integration, church and rights perspective. CEC was founded in Nyborg in 1959 with the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Denmark (Folkekirken) as one of the initiators. CEC is a fellowship bringing together 114 churches from Orthodox, Protestant, and Angli- can traditions from all over Europe for dialogue, advocacy, and joint action. CEC indeed recognises challenges adhering to integration in Denmark and throughout European societies. However, CEC’s Member Churches also possess extensive experience of the positive role that religious communities can play encountering such challenges successfully. Hence, it is with concern that CEC is taking note of the suggested Danish legislation re translation of ser- mons into Danish from their original language. In particular CEC wishes to highlight three items: • Historically, there are numerous examples within CEC's Member Churches of the positive effect and unproblematic use of mother tongue in religious contexts. Examples come from the many churches across Europe that preach in the mother tongue of local Christian minorities: German Lutheran churches in Hungary, Romanian Orthodox churches in France, Anglican churches in Swe- den, or Danish Lutheran churches in Spain. In all of these places, churches have assisted migrants to join and form communities that support and help them navigate the societal context of which they are now part. -
Forenet I Mangfoldighed
FORENET I MANGFOLDIGHED EUROPA 28 AF YLVA NILSSON EUROPA-PARLAMENTET Luxembourg: Kontoret for De Europæiske Fællesskabers Officielle Publikationer, 2010 ISBN 978-92-823-3212-2 © De Europæiske Fællesskaber, 2010 Eftertryk tilladt med kildeangivelse Printed in Denmark Forord ar Den europæiske Union med Lissabon-traktaten fået et solidt og lang- tidsholdbart fundament for sin videre udvikling i de europæiske folks tje- Hneste? Udfordringer skorter det ikke på. Vi nævner i flæng den finansielle og økonomiske krise, euroens stabilitet, klimaændringer, energiforsyning og -sikkerhed, en fælles udenrigstjeneste til varetagelse bl.a. af fredsbevarende operationer og udviklings- bistand, udvidelser, reform af Den fælles Landbrugspolitik og diskussion om de langsigtede budgetprioriteter, Lissabon-traktaten, som trådte i kraft 1. december 2009, giver rammerne og værk- tøjerne. Det er op til institutionerne og det politiske lederskab at levere varen. Og EU skal definere og finde sin rolle på den globale scene. Der er jo rent faktisk opnået en hel del, siden det egentlige samarbejde startede i slutningen af 1950'erne. Den institutionelle balance ser ud til at fungere - det er i hvert fald svært at forestille sig et alternativ, som kan skabe bedre resultater. Ideen om en uafhængig Kommission, et demokratisk valgt Parlament og et Ministerråd med ansvar over for de nationale parlamenter har vist sig at være langtidsholdbar. Når man kigger på udviklingen i samarbejdet siden Rom-traktatens ikrafttræden i 1958 kan man godt blive lidt overvældet og imponeret af resultaterne. De oprinde- lige seks medlemslande er blevet til 27 og bliver formentlig snart endnu flere. Det splittede, sønderbombede og forarmede Europa efter 2. verdenskrig og den kolde krig er blevet et demokratisk, fredeligt og socialt Europa med næsten en halv mil- liard indbyggere. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
Danish Cold War Historiography
SURVEY ARTICLE Danish Cold War Historiography ✣ Rasmus Mariager This article reviews the scholarly debate that has developed since the 1970s on Denmark and the Cold War. Over the past three decades, Danish Cold War historiography has reached a volume and standard that merits international attention. Until the 1970s, almost no archive-based research had been con- ducted on Denmark and the Cold War. Beginning in the late 1970s, however, historians and political scientists began to assess Danish Cold War history. By the time an encyclopedia on Denmark and the Cold War was published in 2011, it included some 400 entries written by 70 researchers, the majority of them established scholars.1 The expanding body of literature has shown that Danish Cold War pol- icy possessed characteristics that were generally applicable, particularly with regard to alliance policy. As a small frontline state that shared naval borders with East Germany and Poland, Denmark found itself in a difficult situation in relation to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as well as the Soviet Union. With regard to NATO, Danish policymakers balanced policies of integration and screening. The Danish government had to assure the Soviet Union of Denmark’s and NATO’s peaceful intentions even as Denmark and NATO concurrently rearmed. The balancing act was not easily managed. A review of Danish Cold War historiography also has relevance for con- temporary developments within Danish politics and research. Over the past quarter century, Danish Cold War history has been remarkably politicized.2 The end of the Cold War has seen the successive publication of reports and white books on Danish Cold War history commissioned by the Dan- ish government. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Sørmarka Declaration We Build the Nordics
THE SØRMARKA DECLARATION WE BUILD THE NORDICS SAMAK WE BUILD THE NORDICS INTRODUCTION 3 SOLIDARITY CREATES FREEDOM 4 POLITICAL CHALLENGES AND POSSIBILITIES IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES TOWARDS 2030 8 POLITICAL CAPACITY AND LEADERSHIP 35 A GREENER LABOUR MOVEMENT 37 This political declaration was adopted by the congress held by the co-operation committee of the Nordic Social Democratic parties and trade union LOs – SAMAK – 12 November 2014 at Sørmarka, outside Oslo, Norway. The declaration is based on a unique research project for the future of the Nordic model, NordMod2030. The first Workers’ Congress was held in Gothenburg, Sweden, in 1886. SAMAK member organizations: The Social Democratic Party, Sweden LO, Sweden The Labour Party, Norway LO, Norway The Social Democratic Party of Finland SAK/FFC, Finland The Social Democrats, Denmark LO, Denmark The Social Democratic Alliance Samfylkingin, Iceland ASI, Iceland Føroya Javnadarflokkurin, The Faroe Islands Siumut, Greenland Åland Social Democrats 2 INTRODUCTION It is time to look ahead. During the last century, the Social Democrats, together with the trade union movements, were the first to introduce radical social developments in the Nordic countries, which made it possible to achieve living conditions at a level previously unknown in the history of humanity. There is still, however, so much to be achieved. The various challenges of the twenty-first century are easily identified but difficult to overcome. The threat of climate change, for example, an ageing population and ever-increasing competition are no longer future threats - they are with us now. I am firmly convinced, however, that the broad based labour movement, with its values and its approach to difficulties, has the necessary tools to convert these challenges into opportunities. -
Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek
www.ssoar.info Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Rybář, M. (2006). Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia. Politics in Central Europe, 2(1), 84-98. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-64427 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie -
Danish Law, Part II
University of Miami Law Review Volume 5 Number 2 Article 3 2-1-1951 Danish Law, Part II Lester B. Orfield Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umlr Recommended Citation Lester B. Orfield, Danish Law, Part II, 5 U. Miami L. Rev. 197 (1951) Available at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umlr/vol5/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DANISH LAW DANISH LAW LESTER B. ORFIELD PART II* LOCAL GOVERNMENT In 1841 local government was reformed by introducing parish councils to which the peasants elected some representatives. 233 In turn the parish councils elected members of the county councils. The pastors were no longer to be chairmen of the parish councils, but continued to be members ex officio. The right to vote was extended to owners of but 1.4 acres. The councils were created to deal with school matters and poor relief; but road maintenance, public health, business and industrial licenses, and liquor licenses were also within their province. The right to vote in local elections was long narrowly restricted. Under legislation of 1837 the six largest cities other than Copenhagen chose coun- cilmen on a property basis permitting only seven per cent of the population to vote. Early in the nineteenth century rural communities began to vote for poor law and school officials.